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Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida;

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Mostrando postagens com marcador Emanuel Macron. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador Emanuel Macron. Mostrar todas as postagens

sábado, 23 de abril de 2022

Eleições na França: debate após os resultados oficiais

 No canal You Tube do MyNews, sendo que os resultados definitivos deverão confirmar a vitória de Macron. Esta não é a grande novidade e sim a progressão da nova esquerda e da extrema-direita.


quarta-feira, 26 de agosto de 2020

A morte silenciosa do acordo Mercosul- UE (Deutsche Welle)

A morte silenciosa do acordo UE-Mercosul



Merkel pôs em xeque o pacto comercial devido às queimadas na Amazônia. Ao ignorarem o alerta, governos sul-americanos deixam claro seu desinteresse na implementação do tratado. Também na Europa o silêncio predominou.

Faz exatamente um ano desde que o presidente francês, Emmanuel Macron, atacou o Brasil pela primeira vez por causa dos incêndios na Amazônia, durante a cúpula do G7 na França. A chanceler federal alemã, Angela Merkel, disse agora que tem dúvidassobre se o acordo comercial da União Europeia (UE) com o Mercosul ainda pode ser implementado. O motivo são as queimadas na região amazônica.
As "sérias dúvidas" de Merkel se encaixam na corrente de muitos outros críticos que há um ano vêm exigindo cada vez mais veementemente que o governo brasileiro tome medidas contra o desmatamento. Primeiro foram as organizações ambientais, depois os embaixadores da Noruega e da Alemanha e, finalmente, agora fundos, bancos e empresas que pediram ao governo de Jair Bolsonaro que tome uma atitude.
Mas as reações do governo até hoje são as mesmas: afirma que faz o suficiente para proteger a Amazônia; responde que a Europa e os Estados Unidos já desmataram tudo o que tinham; quer oferecer parques nacionais a empresas privadas estrangeiras, para que elas possam proteger o meio ambiente. Afinal, o que o mundo estaria disposto a pagar pela proteção da floresta tropical?
Os militares, segundo o governo, protegerão a floresta de maneira mais eficaz do que as autoridades responsáveis. É preciso poder garantir aos pobres, como os indígenas da Amazônia, uma vida digna, algo que só seria possível com empresas e através de atividades econômicas. Assim soam os argumentos dos ministros quando comentam o tema.

quinta-feira, 4 de julho de 2019

Controversias de cupula no meio ambiente: Bolsonaro rejeita interferencia de Merkel e Macron

Bolsonaro diz que Merkel e Macron não têm autoridade para discutir questão ambiental

Da IstoÉ, 4/07/2019
Marcos Corrêa/PR
O presidente Jair Bolsonaro voltou a criticar a pressão dos governos francês e alemão sobre a política ambiental brasileira na manhã desta quinta-feira, 4, durante café da manhã com deputados da Frente Parlamentar da Agropecuária (FPA). “Em Osaka, no G-20, convidei Emmanuel Macron e Angela Merkel para sobrevoar a Amazônia. Se eles encontrarem um km² de desmatamento entre Boa Vista e Manaus concordaria com eles na questão ambiental. Sobrevoei a Europa, já por duas vezes, e não encontrei um km² de floresta. Diante disso, Merkel e Macron não têm autoridade para discutir questão ambiental com Brasil”, disse o presidente, sendo aplaudido pela bancada ruralista presente no encontro.
Ao falar sobre a ausência de autoridades dos países europeus na questão ambiental, o presidente citou que a Alemanha não vai cumprir o acordo de Paris no tocante à energia fóssil e garantiu que o Brasil tem “quase tudo para cumprir o Acordo”. “Faremos o que for possível”, prometeu.
Bolsonaro disse que a maneira do Brasil se portar durante o mundo mudou. “Durante décadas, com conivência de chefes de Estado, tivemos um péssimo conceito ambiental no exterior. Agora, isso não vai continuar”, defendeu, citando que os chefes de Estado da Alemanha e da França “achavam” que estavam tratando com governos anteriores em Osaka.
“Esses chefes de Estado, achavam que iam chegar no Brasil demarcando dezenas de áreas indígenas, quilombolas e de proteção após a reunião. Macron, por exemplo, queria que anunciasse junto com Raoni (Metuktire, líder indígena) decisões para questões ambiental. Dei um rotundo não ao Macron sobre reunião com Raoni”, relatou o presidente.

terça-feira, 13 de novembro de 2018

Grande Guerra (1914-18) e as pequenas guerras contra Trump (2017-18)

Macron’s pyrrhic victory over Trump

The Washington Post, November 12, 2018


It was another embarrassing European visit for President Trump, who traveled to Paris on Friday for ceremonies marking the 100th anniversary of the end of World War I. It might have been an easy opportunity to mend fences and honor the sacrifices of Washington’s traditional allies. Instead, Trump only underscored the widening gulf between the United States and its European partners.
Before he even landed, Trump provoked controversy by attacking French President Emmanuel Macron over comments Macron made on international security.
Then, on Saturday, Trump skipped a planned visit to the Aisne-Marne American Cemetery, which honors U.S. soldiers killed in the Battle of Belleau Wood — because of rain in Paris. The decision sparked a furious reaction from American commentators and observers elsewhere, who believed the inclement weather should not have stopped Trump from doing his duty. A host of other leaders and dignitaries, including Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, braved the elements to pay their respects.
“Rain was a regular feature on the Western Front,” quipped Tobias Ellwood, a conservative British parliamentarian and the country’s minister for veterans, in a tweet. “Thankfully it did not prevent our brave heroes from doing their job.”
On Sunday, Trump — as well as Russian President Vladimir Putin — skipped a procession of dozens of world leaders, who walked together down the Champs-Elysees toward the Arc de Triomphe. The symbolism was not lost on the watching press. Then, by that famous monument, Macron delivered a pointed rebuke of Trump’s “America First” agenda.
“Nationalism is a betrayal of patriotism,” Macron said. “By putting our own interests first, with no regard for others, we erase the very thing that a nation holds dearest, and the thing that keeps it alive: its moral values.”
Whatever “bromance” once existed between Trump and his French counterpart has long faded, no matter a few polite tweets shared this weekend. Trump withdrew from both the Paris climate accord and the Iranian nuclear deal, ignoring Macron’s efforts to persuade him otherwise. He has cheered the rise of right-wing populists throughout Europe, including domestic rivals of Macron. Meanwhile, the French president has consciously styled himself in opposition to Trump.
“I think [Macron] has shed any illusion about Trump that flattering him will be a way of getting concessions,” said Thomas Wright of the Brookings Institution to The Post. “But he is hesitant to push back hard because he’s not sure what that will get him. It’s cautious realism.”
In an interview with CNN’s Fareed Zakaria, Macron insisted that his beliefs are not those of the jet-setting “globalist” caricature evoked by Trump and his far-right counterparts in Europe, but are instead those of a pragmatic internationalist aware of the shared challenges facing world leaders.
“I would say I’m a patriot. I do believe in the fact that our people are very important and having French people is different from German people. ... But I’m not a nationalist,” Macron said. “I’m a strong believer in cooperation between the different peoples, and I’m a strong believer of the fact that this cooperation is good for everybody, where the nationalists are sometimes much more based on a unilateral approach and the law of the strongest, which is not my case. That’s probably our difference.”
In that belief, Macron is joined by German Chancellor Angela Merkel — arguably the most important establishment figure in Europe but a diminished leader now clearly in the twilight of her career. “It’s easy to destroy institutions, but it’s incredibly difficult to build them,” Merkel said on Sunday, once more defending the post-World War II international order that has guaranteed much of Europe decades of peace and prosperity.
On Saturday, Macron and Merkel went to Compiègne, where the armistice that ended World War I was signed — and where Hitler compelled France’s surrender in 1940. At a site of national victory and defeat for both countries, they rallied for unity.
But such an emotional scene may not quite reflect the spirit of the present. Like Macron, Merkel has warned of Europe’s need to strengthen itself collectively in the face of an unreliable America. Yet both leaders face stiff political tests at home.
Macron’s approval ratings slumped to record lows in recent months. A poll last week placed Macron’s centrist ruling party behind the French far-right ahead of next year’s elections for the European Parliament. And Merkel’s announcement that she will not seek reelection as German chancellor was seen as a mark of the waning clout of liberal centrism on the continent.
As both the far-right and the left gather strength, European leaders are struggling to find common ground on issues ranging from monetary policy to immigration and how to confront the Kremlin.
“Europeans are too deeply divided among themselves — and on the fundamentals,” said Dominique Moïsi, a foreign policy analyst at the Institut Montaigne in Paris and former Macron campaign adviser, to my colleague James McAuley. “He’s weakened by the fact that he’s orphaned by Merkel and he’s weakened inside by the spectacular fall of his popularity.”
These divides — and his own domestic travails — hobble Macron’s attempts at global leadership, analysts suggest. “There is a clear north-south division over the euro crisis and an east-west division over migration and Russia,” said Mark Leonard of the European Council on Foreign Relations to The Post. “You also have highly polarized societies in most member states, and that does mean that having a single leader of Europe is kind of utopian at the moment.”
As part of the pleasantries of the visit, Macron declared his “great solidarity” with Trump. But the true bond they share may simply be that of presidents fighting uphill battles.

terça-feira, 24 de abril de 2018

Macron's rise, Merkel's decline - Der Spiegel

Este editorial da principal revista alemã, informativa e de opinião, é cruel com a sua chefe de governo. De fato, Macron parece caminhar sobre as águas, ao passo que Merkel estacionou no pântano da política doméstica.
Sic transit...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Sidelined: A Shrinking International Role for Angela Merkel and Germany

Emmanuel Macron's En Marche party doesn't yet have a single seat in the European Parliament, but when the French president appeared in the body's plenary hall in Strasbourg last Tuesday, it already seemed as though he was in control. Macron shook hands with Federica Mogherini, the European Union's chief diplomat, and Jean-Claude Juncker, the enthusiastic European Commission president while a number of parliamentarians gave him a standing ovation. Others, meanwhile, hid behind signs castigating the French president for participating in the missile attacks in Syria. Macron stepped up to the lectern, where his speech, laid there by an aide, was already waiting.
Macron seemed to breathe new life and courage into the Continent after Brexit and the string of strong right-wing populist election showings. And in his Tuesday speech, he left no doubt about what is at stake. "Fascination with illiberalism is growing by the day," he warned. "The answer must not be authoritarian democracy but the authority of democracy."
Macron's focus was astonishing in its breadth as he cited philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville, who wrote the grand narrative of American democracy. Meanwhile, at almost exactly the same moment, the German chancellor was having to seek approval for her vastly more modest policy proposals. 
Specifically, it was Ralph Brinkhaus and Katja Leikert, two deputy parliamentary group leaders, who were reciting their concerns on Tuesday with Macron's EU reform plans. Merkel did what she could to counter them, invoking in her comments to conservative parliamentarians gathered in Berlin everything from the 1555 Peace of Augsburg to the crises of the present, but she was unable to generate much in the way of enthusiasm. In the end, she was so accommodating to her party's parliamentary group that it appeared that it was not Merkel herself who is determining the guidelines of Germany's EU policies, but rather a handful of parliamentarians Macron has probably never heard of.
Has the 'Queen of Europe' Been Dethroned?
Not even five years have passed since the spate of essays and opinion pieces about Germany's hegemonic power over the Continent. The cold reality, the Economistwrote, is that "Germany is the power in Europe that counts the most. Top brass in Brussels, or Paris, can talk as much as they like. But until Ms. Merkel agrees, nothing happens." The danger, it added, is not that Germany will grow too strong, but that it could refuse to take on the leadership role.
And today? The world has become a dangerous place, with a leader in the Kremlin dreaming of former Soviet power and an American president who doesn't appear to be able to tell the difference between politics and a video game ("missiles, nice and smart"). The U.S. missile strike in Syria a week ago Saturday was not nearly as explosive as it could have been -- but that certainly was no thanks to Merkel, who stood on the sidelines as the major powers decided what course of action the West would take.

sexta-feira, 2 de março de 2018

O Meteoro Macron: poderia ocorrer no Brasil? - Sciences Po

A pergunta que fiz no título não faz nenhum sentido, obviamente, pois não se pode simplesmente reproduzir fenômenos políticos ocorridos numa determinada formação – a França atual – em outro sistema, qualquer que seja o seu grau de funcionalidade ou disfuncionalidade.
Mas eu estava apenas especulando não sobre o que é incidental, ou conjuntura, mas sobre o que pode ser uma manifestação do "cansaço do eleitorado" com os políticos tradicionais, e a busca por novos valores, o que pode ocorrer aqui também.
Não quero dizer que VAMOS TER um novo Macron, mas a sociedade brasileira certamente QUER TER, ou GOSTARIA DE TER um fenômeno similar, ou seja, alguém, não saído das forças políticas tradicionais, e que saiba empreender as reformas de que a sociedade, o país necessitam para retomar crescimento, competitividade, inserção internacional, modernidade.


LE “MÉTÉORE” MACRON : ANALYSE D’UNE DISRUPTION POLITIQUE

Penelope Gate, abstention record, contre-performance de Marine Le Pen… Dans l’ouvrage Le vote disruptif, plusieurs auteurs reviennent sur les incroyables élections présidentielle et législative de 2017 et analysent la manière dont le “météore Macron” a contribué à faire s’évanouir le système traditionnel des partis. Interview vidéo du Pascal Perrineau, professeur des universités à Sciences Po et directeur de l’ouvrage.
Avec : Pierre Bréchon, Samantha Call, Frédérik Cassor, Bruno Cautrès, Flora Chanvril-Ligneel, Jean Chiche, Thomas Ehrhard, Martial Foucault, Jérôme Fourquet, Odile Gaultier-Voituriez, Gérard Grunberg, Jérôme Jaffré, Carine Marcé, Vincent Martigny, Damon Mayaffre, Arnaud Mercier, Anne Muxel, Christophe Piar, Luc Rouban, Sylvie Strudel, Brice Teinturier, Thierry Vedel
À lire
Pascal Perrineau (dir.), Le vote disruptif, Les Presses de Sciences Po, 2017. À retrouver à la librairie de Sciences Po et en prêt à la bibliothèque
En savoir plus
Abonnez-vous à "Une semaine à Sciences Po", et recevez chaque vendredi le meilleur de Sciences Po
Abonnez-vous à Cogito, la lettre de la recherche à Sciences Po

quinta-feira, 26 de outubro de 2017

Macron acabou com o populismo na Franca? - Palestra no IPRI (31/10)


A Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão – FUNAG e o seu Instituto de Pesquisa de Relações Internacionais – IPRI – têm o prazer de convidar para a palestra-debate “Does Emmanuel Macron’s Election mean the end of populists in France?”, a ser proferida pelos professores da Science Pos, Marc Lazar e Dominique Reynié. A palestra será realizada no Auditório Embaixador Paulo Nogueira Batista, no anexo II do MRE, no dia 31 de outubro de 2017, às 09h.

Confira a programação. Será disponibilizado certificado de participação. 
Palestra: “Does Emmanuel Macron’s Election Mean The End of Populists in France?”.