O que é este blog?

Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida;

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quarta-feira, 21 de agosto de 2019

I promessi sposi (Manzoni), mas aplicado a um Bolsokid: embaixada em Washington

O presidente boquirroto não consegue se conter no seu esporte habitual de falar bobagens, inclusive ridicularizando seu próprio filho, a quem prometeu, ou se dobrou à demanda de nomeação como embaixador em Washington, primeiro dizendo que não queria vê-lo derrotado, depois que era uma espécie de casamento com uma virgem, que na verdade se revela grávida antes da cerimônia.
Lembrei-me imediatamente do famoso romance de Alessandro Manzoni, I Promessi Sposi (Os Noivos), publicado pela primeira vez em 1827, quando a Itália ainda se encontrava ocupada por potências estrangeiras.
Ainda vamos ter novas declarações absurdas a respeito desse patético projeto de enviar um patético representante junto a um patético presidente, o mesmo homem que atua contra os interesses do Brasil, não apenas na questão dos imigrantes, mas sobretudo no plano do comércio internacional.
O patético presidente americano está desmantelando, destruindo todas as instituições multilaterais criadas pelos Estados Unidos desde Bretton Woods. O futuro patético (se for) embaixador bolsonarista junto à corte trumpista já fez declarações inaceitáveis contra os honestos trabalhadores imigrantes brasileiros nos EUA, dizendo que eles seriam uma "vergonha para o Brasil". Vergonha é o dito deputado, que não defende os interesses de seus concidadãos, para apoiar, vergonhosamente, a construção do muro trumpista na fronteira com o México.
Nunca antes na diplomacia brasileira tivemos seres tão patéticos no comando da política externa brasileira.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida


Placar da indicação de Eduardo Bolsonaro à embaixada nos EUA

Senado poderá aprovar ou rejeitar a indicação do filho do presidente ao cargo em Washington; para que Eduardo seja confirmado como embaixador, são necessários 41 votos dos 80 senadores que votam (maioria simples); o presidente da Casa não vai votar

O Estado de S. Paulo, 21/08/2019

Caso seja indicado, o deputado federal Eduardo Bolsonaro (PSL-SP) será sabatinado na Comissão de Relações Exteriores. Independentemente do resultado na comissão, o nome segue para o plenário do Senado, que fará uma votação. Caso seja nomeado para a embaixada em Washington, Eduardo se tornará a primeira pessoa sem carreira na diplomacia a assumir o posto desde o fim da ditadura militar (veja quem foram os embaixadores desde 1986). A indicação do filho presidente tem sido criticada por ex-embaixadores. 

O Estado procurou todos os 81 senadores e perguntou como eles votariam em relação à indicação do filho do presidente ao cargo. Ao Estado, a assessoria de Davi Alcolumbre, presidente do Senado, informou que o senador não votaria, ainda que o regimento da Casa permita.





15 A FAVOR



  1. PSDRJ
    Arolde de Oliveira


  2. DEMRR
    Chico Rodrigues


  3. MDBTO
    Eduardo Gomes


  4. PODEPI
    Elmano Férrer


  5. MDBPE
    Fernando Bezerra Coelho


  6. PSLRJ
    Flávio Bolsonaro


  7. PSDBDF
    Izalci Lucas


  8. PSBGO
    Jorge Kajuru


  9. PPRS
    Luis Carlos Heinze


  10. PPAC
    Mailza Gomes


  11. PSLSP
    Major Olimpio


  12. MDBAC
    Marcio Bittar


  13. PSLMS
    Soraya Thronicke


  14. PPGO
    Vanderlan Cardoso


  15. PSCPA
    Zequinha Marinho

29 CONTRA



  1. CIDASE
    Alessandro Vieira


  2. PODEPR
    Alvaro Dias


  3. PSDBA
    Angelo Coronel


  4. PSDMG
    Carlos Viana


  5. PDTCE
    Cid Gomes


  6. MDBRO
    Confúcio Moura


  7. MDBAM
    Eduardo Braga


  8. PODECE
    Eduardo Girão


  9. CIDAMA
    Eliziane Gama


  10. REDEES
    Fabiano Contarato


  11. PTPE
    Humberto Costa


  12. PTBA
    Jaques Wagner


  13. MDBPE
    Jarbas Vasconcelos


  14. PTRN
    Jean Paul Prates


  15. PODERS
    Lasier Martins


  16. PSDBSP
    Mara Gabrilli


  17. CIDAES
    Marcos do Val


  18. PTRS
    Paulo Paim


  19. PTPA
    Paulo Rocha


  20. PSDBAM
    Plínio Valério


  21. REDEAP
    Randolfe Rodrigues


  22. Sem partidoDF
    Reguffe


  23. MDBAL
    Renan Calheiros


  24. PSDBAL
    Rodrigo Cunha


  25. PTSE
    Rogério Carvalho


  26. MDBMS
    Simone Tebet


  27. PODERN
    Styvenson Valentim


  28. PSBPB
    Veneziano Vital do Rêgo


  29. PDTMA
    Weverton

29 NÃO QUISERAM RESPONDER



  1. PDTRO
    Acir Gurgacz


  2. PSDBMG
    Antonio Anastasia


  3. PPPB
    Daniella Ribeiro


  4. MDBSC
    Dário Berger


  5. PPSC
    Esperidião Amin


  6. PROSAL
    Fernando Collor


  7. REDEPR
    Flávio Arns


  8. PSDTO
    Irajá


  9. MDBPA
    Jader Barbalho


  10. DEMMT
    Jayme Campos


  11. PLSC
    Jorginho Mello


  12. MDBPB
    José Maranhão


  13. PSDBSP
    José Serra


  14. PSLMT
    Juíza Selma


  15. PSBDF
    Leila Barros


  16. PSDAP
    Lucas Barreto


  17. MDBPI
    Marcelo Castro


  18. DEMRO
    Marcos Rogério


  19. DEMSE
    Maria do Carmo Alves


  20. PSDMS
    Nelsinho Trad


  21. PODEPR
    Oriovisto Guimarães


  22. PSDBA
    Otto Alencar


  23. PSDBMA
    Roberto Rocha


  24. DEMMG
    Rodrigo Pacheco


  25. PODERJ
    Romário


  26. PODEES
    Rose de Freitas


  27. PSDBCE
    Tasso Jereissati


  28. PLMT
    Wellington Fagundes


  29. PROSRN
    Zenaide Maia

7 INDECISOS



  1. PPPI
    Ciro Nogueira


  2. PDTTO
    Kátia Abreu


  3. MDBGO
    Luiz do Carmo


  4. PRBRR
    Mecias de Jesus


  5. PSDAM
    Omar Aziz


  6. PSDAC
    Sérgio Petecão


  7. PROSRR
    Telmário Mota

1 NÃO VOTAM



  1. DEMAP
    Davi Alcolumbre

Brazil: From Global Leader to U.S. Follower - Helder do Vale

Brazil: From Global Leader to U.S. Follower

Under the far-right Bolsonaro, Brazil is abandoning its regional leadership to align with U.S. interests in Latin America.

jair-bolsonaro-brazil-far-right-trump
Supporters of far-right Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro wave Brazilian, U.S., and Israeli flags. (Shutterstock)
Brazil recently gained the vaunted status of “Major Non-NATO Ally.” 
This title symbolizes the new, preferential relationship that Brazil has been pursuing with the U.S. as a result of the continued efforts by far-right President Jair Bolsonaro to inaugurate a new phase in Brazil’s global role.
Bolsonaro’s presidency has initiated deep changes in Brazilian foreign policy, which was traditionally based on multilateralism, non-interventionism, and a commitment to universal human rights. Bolsonaro’s abandonment of that traditional foreign policy is driven by his belief that despite changes in the world order, the future will remain U.S.-led — and, as such, a partnership with Washington is essential. 
With this partnership, however, Brazil is relinquishing its position as a global leader to become a junior follower of Donald Trump’s foreign policy.
Ideological affinity is a major component of Bolsonaro’s foreign policy, which has had practical and immediate consequences for Brazil. For example, due to Trump’s trade war with China, Beijing has been downgraded in the priorities of Bolsonaro’s government despite being Brazil’s main trading partner, and opportunities to increase trade in Asia are now willfully overlooked. 
Brazil’s prominent leadership role in Latin America is also being sacrificed as a result of its enthusiastic promotion of U.S. interests in the region.

Ideological Crusade and the U.S.
The new vision guiding Brazilian foreign policy is centered around anti-globalism and presumptions of Western cultural superiority. 
According to this worldview, Bolsonaro’s rise to power represents a unique opportunity to restore traditional moral values that will somehow help Brazil in its mission to save “Western Civilization” from decline. As such, a partnership with the like-minded Trump is imagined as a means by which to reaffirm the supremacy of the West.
These ideas form part of the broader ideological agenda which the current Brazilian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ernesto Araújo, has put forward in various articles. In one of his most notorious pieces, a journal article entitled “Trump and the West,” Araújo lays bare the version of Brazilian nationalism he aims to pursue: a national mission to, in essence, recover Brazil’s “Western soul.” 
The traditional nuclear family and Christian values — perceived as the hallmarks of “Western civilization” — are the central pillars of Araújo’s moral nationalism and, as such, should be seen as the foundation of Brazil’s new foreign policy orientation.

Consequences of Brazil’s Foreign Policy Shift
If Brazil’s new ideological position represents a stark renunciation of its previously active role in the building of a liberal world order, it is also becoming increasingly clear that the country will now abandon its previously progressive contributions to solving major global problems. 
As a consequence, Brazil will no longer be seen as a leader among developing countries — a widely-respected role that the country has played since 2003, when Brazilian governments prioritized South-South cooperation. 
Brazil’s radical shift in foreign policy orientation is already causing shockwaves at home and abroad. Bolsonaro often flirts with the idea of potentially withdrawing from the Paris Environmental Accord, having already abandoned the Marrakesh Migration Pact. Additional uproar emerged in Brazil due to Bolsonaro’s close ties to Israel and his promise to recognize Jerusalem as its capital and to close Brazil’s embassy in Palestine. In the past, Brazil has systematically defended the creation of a Palestinian state, and was among the first countries to open an embassy in Palestine. 
Being averse to both multilateralism and cooperation with developing countries, Bolsonaro seeks to keep his distance from the United Nations and the BRICS. More concretely, Bolsonaro considers the deepening or even the maintenance of established diplomatic ties with the BRICS group as detrimental to the new Brazil’s alliance with the U.S. Indeed, under Brazil’s new foreign policy priorities, China and Russia are now perceived as potential adversaries
In attempting to recover Brazil’s “Western soul,” Bolsonaro’s government hopes to receive U.S. support in its efforts to become a permanent member of the OECD. The Trump administration has indicated that the U.S. will support Brazil’s bid to gain admission to the OECD.
In Bolsonaro’s evolving geopolitical map, Brazil is slowly abandoning its regional leadership to align with the U.S.’s interests in Latin America. In this context, Brazil’s engagement with other Latin American countries is mainly based on ideological affinity. Hence Brazil is showing interest in strengthening bilateral relations with Chile, a country that Bolsonaro admires principally due to his admiration for Pinochet’s brutal dictatorship (1973-1989), and with Argentina, with which bilateral relations remain warm as long as the conservative-minded President Macri remains in power
Venezuela is, for quite different reasons, another important country for Bolsonaro. He uses Venezuela’s unrest to escalate the intensity of his rhetorical confrontation against the Venezuelan regime, which resonates powerfully with Bolsonaro’s supporters at home and abroad.

Opposition from within
The rationale for and discourse surrounding Brazil’s blind alignment to the U.S. is facing heavy criticism from parts of Bolsonaro’s own government. These dissident voices can be heard in the agribusiness sector, the military, and the Brazilian diplomatic corps.
Operating as they do within a clear set of international interests, agribusiness is a pragmatic group of actors who understand that Bolsonaro’s rhetorical tactics are harming their international interests. Those who consider China a pivotal player in the expansion of Brazilian agricultural exports are understandably disturbed by Brazil’s increasing distance from the BRICS. 
Parts of the Brazilian military also appear skeptical about Brazil actively positioning itself within the U.S. sphere of influence, believing this to be a blind alignment that could easily compromise the image of Brazil as a strong, autonomous country. 
Bolsonaro’s foreign policy also faces opposition from within Brazil’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where career diplomats are increasingly voicing their concerns over the president’s wanton abandonment of the multilateralism that Brazil has historically and effectively used to engage with the rest of the world.
In an increasingly dog-eat-dog world, Bolsonaro hopes that Brazil can establish itself as a privileged U.S. partner. However, given the waning support for Bolsonaro’s foreign policy at home, as well as its fundamental lack of pragmatism, these radical shifts in Brazil’s international affairs may ultimately prove to be ephemeral.

Helder F. do Vale is an Associate Professor at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in South Korea.