O que é este blog?

Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida.

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Mostrando postagens com marcador Wikipedia. Mostrar todas as postagens

domingo, 2 de março de 2025

Revisitando a frustrada Comunidade Europeia de Defesa, de 1952

Seria este o momento de retomar a iniciativa sabotada pela Assembleia Francesa em 1954?

Comunidade Europeia de Defesa  (1952)
(segundo fontes compiladas via Google search e Wikipedia)
The "Accord Européen de Défense" of 1952 refers to the Treaty establishing the European Defence Community (EDC), which was signed on May 27, 1952 by six European countries: Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands; this treaty aimed to create a unified European military force, essentially a "European Army", but it was never ratified by the French parliament and ultimately failed to come into effect. 
Key points about the EDC: 
  • Objective:
    To integrate European military forces under a single command, acting as a unified pillar within NATO. 
  • Failure due to French opposition:
    The French National Assembly refused to ratify the treaty, effectively halting the project. 
  • Significance:
    Considered a crucial early attempt at European integration, although it ultimately failed. 

    The Treaty establishing the European Defence Community, also known as the Treaty of Paris,[1] is an unratified treaty signed on 27 May 1952 by the six 'inner' countries of European integrationBelgiumLuxemburg, the NetherlandsFranceItaly, and West Germany. The treaty would have created a European Defence Community (EDC), with a unified defence force acting as an autonomous European pillar within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The ratification process was completed in the Benelux countries and West Germany, but stranded after the treaty was rejected in the French National Assembly. Instead, the London and Paris Conferences provided for West Germany's accession to NATO and the Western European Union (WEU), the latter of which was a transformed version of the pre-existing Western Union
    The treaty was initiated by the Pleven plan, proposed in 1950 by then French Prime Minister René Pleven in response to the American call for the rearmament of West Germany. The formation of a pan-European defence architecture, as an alternative to West Germany's proposed accession to NATO, was meant to harness the German military potential in case of conflict with the Soviet bloc. Just as the Schuman Planwas designed to end the risk of Germany having the economic power on its own to make war again, the Pleven Plan and EDC were meant to prevent the military possibility of Germany's making war again.
    The European Defence Community would have entailed a pan-European military, divided into national components, and had a common budget, common arms, centralized military procurement, and institutions.

    The main contributions to the proposed 43-division force:[3]

    • France: 14 divisions, 750 planes
    • West Germany: 12 divisions*
    • Italy: 12 divisions, 450 planes
    • Benelux: 5 divisions, 600 planes

    *West Germany would have had an air force, but a clause in the EDC treaty would have forbidden it to build war-planes, atomic weapons, guided missiles and battleships.

    In this military, the French, Italian, Belgian, Dutch, and Luxembourgish components would report to their national governments, whereas the West German component would report to the EDC. This was due to the fear of a return of German militarism, so it was desired that the West German government would not have control over its military. However, in the event of its rejection, it was agreed to let the West German government control its own military in any case (something which the treaty would not have provided).

    A European Political Community (EPC) was proposed in 1952 as a combination of the existing European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the proposed European Defence Community (EDC). A draft EPC treaty, as drawn up by the ECSC assembly (now the European Parliament), would have seen a directly elected assembly ("the Peoples’ Chamber"), a senate appointed by national parliaments and a supranational executive accountable to the parliament.

    The European Political Community project failed in 1954 when it became clear that the European Defence Community would not be ratified by the French national assembly, which feared that the project entailed an unacceptable loss of national sovereignty. As a result, the European Political Community idea had to be abandoned.[4][5]

    Following the collapse of the EPC, European leaders met in the Messina Conference in 1955 and established the Spaak Committee which would pave the way for the creation of the European Economic Community (EEC).

    History:

    During the late 1940s, the divisions created by the Cold War were becoming evident. The United States looked with suspicion at the growing power of the USSR and European states felt vulnerable, fearing a possible Soviet occupation. In this climate of mistrust and suspicion, the United States considered the rearmament of West Germany as a possible solution to enhance the security of Europe and of the whole Western bloc.[6]

    In August 1950, Winston Churchillproposed the creation of a common European army, including German soldiers, in front of the Council of Europe:

    “We should make a gesture of practical and constructive guidance by declaring ourselves in favour of the immediate creation of a European Army under a unified command, and in which we should all bear a worthy and honourable part.”

    — Winston Churchill, speech at the Council of Europe 1950[7]

    The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe subsequently adopted the resolution put forward by the United Kingdom and officially endorsed the idea:

    “The Assembly, in order to express its devotion to the maintenance of peace and its resolve to sustain the action of the Security Council of the United Nations in defence of peaceful peoples against aggression, calls for the immediate creation of a unified European Army subject to proper European democratic control and acting in full co-operation with the United States and Canada.”

    — Resolution of the Council of Europe 1950[7]

    In September 1950, Dean Acheson, under a cable submitted by High Commissioner John J. McCloy, proposed a new plan to the European states; the American plan, called package, sought to enhance NATO's defense structure, creating 12 West German divisions. However, after the destruction that Germany had caused during World War II, European countries, in particular France, were not ready to see the reconstruction of the German military.[8] Finding themselves in the midst of the two superpowers, they looked at this situation as a possibility to enhance the process of integrating Europe, trying to obviate the loss of military influence caused by the new bipolar order and thus supported a common army.[9]

    On 24 October 1950, France's Prime Minister René Pleven proposed a new plan, which took his name although it was drafted mainly by Jean Monnet, that aimed to create a supranational European army. With this project, France tried to satisfy America's demands, avoiding, at the same time, the creation of German divisions, and thus the rearmament of Germany.[10][11]

    “Confident as it is that Europe’s destiny lies in peace and convinced that all the peoples of Europe need a sense of collective security, the French Government proposes […] the creation, for the purposes of common defence, of a European army tied to the political institutions of a united Europe.”

    — René Pleven, speech at the French Parliament 1950[12]

    The EDC was to include West Germany, France, Italy, and the Benelux countries. The United States would be excluded. It was a competitor to NATO (in which the US played the dominant role), with France playing the dominant role. Just as the Schuman Plan was designed to end the risk of Germany having the economic power to make war again, the Pleven Plan and EDC were meant to prevent the same possibility. Britain approved of the plan in principle, but agreed to join only if the supranational element was decreased.[13]

    According to the Pleven Plan, the European Army was supposed to be composed of military units from the member states, and directed by a council of the member states’ ministers. Although with some doubts and hesitation, the United States and the six members of the ECSC approved the Pleven Plan in principle.

    The initial approval of the Pleven Plan led the way to the Paris Conference, launched in February 1951, where it was negotiated the structure of the supranational army.

    France feared the loss of national sovereignty in security and defense, and thus a truly supranational European Army could not be tolerated by Paris.[14]However, because of the strong American interest in a West German army, a draft agreement for a modified Pleven Plan, renamed the European Defense Community (EDC), was ready in May 1952, with French support.

    Among compromises and differences, on 27 May 1952 the six foreign ministers signed the Treaty of Paris establishing the European Defence Community (EDC).

    All signatories except France and Italy ratified the treaty. The Italian parliament aborted its ratification process due to France's failed ratification.

    The EDC went for ratification in the French National Assembly on 30 August 1954, and failed by a vote of 319 against 264.

    By the time of the vote, concerns about a future conflict faded with the death of Joseph Stalin and the end of the Korean War. Concomitant to these fears were a severe disjuncture between the original Pleven Plan of 1950 and the one defeated in 1954. Divergences included military integration at the division rather than battalion level and a change in the command structure putting NATO's Supreme Allied Commander Europe(SACEUR) in charge of EDC operational capabilities. The reasons that led to the failed ratification of the Treaty were twofold, concerning major changes in the international scene, as well as domestic problems of the French Fourth Republic.[24] There were Gaullistfears that the EDC threatened France's national sovereignty, constitutional concerns about the indivisibility of the French Republic, and fears about West Germany's remilitarization. French Communists opposed a plan tying France to the capitalist United Statesand setting it in opposition to the Communist bloc. Other legislators worried about the absence of the United Kingdom.

    The Prime Minister, Pierre Mendès-France, tried to placate the treaty's detractors by attempting to ratify additional protocols with the other signatory states. These included the sole integration of covering forces, or in other words, those deployed within West Germany, as well as the implementation of greater national autonomy in regard to budgetary and other administrative questions. Despite the central role for France, the EDC plan collapsed when it failed to obtain ratification in the French Parliament.

    The treaty never went into effect. Instead, after the failed ratification in the French National Assembly, West Germany was admitted into NATO[25]and the EEC member states tried to create foreign policy cooperation in the De Gaulle-sponsored Fouchet Plan(1959–1962). European foreign policy was finally established during the third attempt with European Political Cooperation (EPC) (1970). This became the predecessor of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).

    Today the European Union and NATO, and formerly also the Western European Union, all carry out some of the functions which was envisaged for the EDC, although none approach the degree of supranational military control that the EDC would have provided for.

    Since the end of World War IIsovereignEuropean countries have entered into treaties and thereby co-operated and harmonised policies (or pooled sovereignty) in an increasing number of areas, in the European integration project or the construction of Europe(Frenchla construction européenne). The following timeline outlines the legal inception of the European Union (EU)—the principal framework for this unification. The EU inherited many of its present responsibilities from the European Communities (EC), which were founded in the 1950s in the spirit of the Schuman Declaration.


sábado, 29 de junho de 2024

Livros de Paulo Roberto de Almeida no Instituto Ibero-americano do Berlim

Livros de Paulo Roberto de Almeida no Instituto Ibero-americano do Berlim

 Descobri por acaso que alguma inteligência artificial muito chinfrim, na Alemanha, traduziu meus títulos de livros em algo quase incompreensível no que parece ser inglês. A Wikipedia alemã traduziu os títulos dos meus livros para um "ingreis" macarrônico: ficou bizarro

Está neste link, e suponho que os ISBNs estejam corretos, ou seja, pegaram os títulos em português, transpuseram para o alemão e daí para o inglês ou algo que parece essa língua. O resultado pode ser hilariante. Vejam vocês mesmos: 

https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paulo_Roberto_de_Almeida

Fonts (selection)

Edit | Edit source ]
  • Now before diplomacy: Brazilian foreign policy at an unconventional time. Curitiba: Appris Editors, 2014. ISBN 978-85-8192-429-8
O título original do livro é: Nunca Antes na diplomacia: a política externa brasileira em tempos não convencionais.

  • The man who thinks of Brazil: an intellectual journey by Roberto Campos. Curitiba: Appris Editora, 2017. ISBN 978-85-473-0485-0
Título original: O Homem que Pensou o Brasil: itinerário intelectual de Roberto Campos.

Este ficou mais próximo: Oliveira Lima: historiador das Américas.

  • Against the current: contrarian studies on Brazil’s international relations 2014-2018. Curitiba: Appris, 2019. ISBN 978-85-473-2798-9
Vamos lá: Contra a corrente: ensaios contrarianistas sobre as relações internacionais do Brasil, 2014-2018.

  • Strengthening and demolition of external politics: Brazilian diplomatic routes. Curitiba: Editora Appris, 2021. ISBN 978-65-250-1634-4

Esse é mais gozado, pois o título original é: Apogeu e demolição da política externa: itinerários da diplomacia brasileira.

Bem, pelo menos estou num catálogo de uma instituição de pesquisa acadêmica alemã: 

Meu livro editado em alemão: 

Die brasilianische Diplomatie aus historischer Sicht: Essays über die Auslandsbeziehungen und Außenpolitik Brasiliens (Saarbrücken: Akademiker Verlag, 2015, 204 p.; Übersetzung aus dem Portugiesischen ins Deutsche: Ulrich Dressel; ISBN: 978-3-639-86648-3). Divulgado na plataforma Academia.edu.

O catálogo dessa instituição alemã  - Ibero-American Institute - tem 43 resultados: obras minhas publicadas, disponíveis em Berlim. Só não tem o único livro em alemão, publicado na própria Alemanha, em 2014: 

https://lhiai.gbv.de/DB=1/SET=1/TTL=1/MAT=/NOMAT=T/REL?PPN=698594207

 

1

A imprensa no processo de Independência do Brasil: Hipólito José da Costa, o Correio Braziliense e as Cortes de Lisboa de 1821: obra comemorativa dos 200 anos da imprensa brasileira e de sua contribuição ao processo da Independência do Brasil - Menck, José Theodoro Mascarenhas. - Brasília: Câmara dos Deputados, 2022

2.

Debates económicos en tiempos de crisis: la Conferencia Monetaria de Londres y América Latina - Soto, Ángel *1969-*. - Madrid: Unión editorial, 2021

3.

Apogeu e demolição da política externa: itinerários da diplomacia brasileira - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - 1a edição. - Curitiba: Editora Appris, [2021]

4.

Contra a corrente: ensaios contrarianistas sobre as relaçoes internacionais do Brasil 2014-2018 - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - 1.a Edição. - Curitiba: Appris, 2019

5.

Oswaldo Aranha ; Volume 2 - Lima, Sérgio Eduardo Moreira *1949-*. – 2017

6.

Oswaldo Aranha ; Volume 1 - Lima, Sérgio Eduardo Moreira *1949-*. – 2017

7.

Oswaldo Aranha: um estadista brasileiro - Lima, Sérgio Eduardo Moreira *1949-*. - Brasília: Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão, 2017

8.

Oliveira Lima: um historiador das Américas - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Recife, PE: CEPE Editora, 2017

9.

O homem que pensou o Brasil: trajetória intelectual de Roberto Campos - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - 1. ed. - Curitiba, PR: Appris Editora, 2017

10.

Nunca antes na diplomacia: a política externa brasileira em tempos não convencionais - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - 1. ed. - Curitiba, PR: Editora Appris, 2014

11.

Brazil-United States relations: XX and XXI centuries - Munhoz, Sidnei J.. - Maringá: Universidade Estadual de Maringá, 2013

 

12. 

Growth and responsibility: the positioning of emerging powers in the global governance systemVogt, Susanna. - Sankt Augustin: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, 2009

13. 

Oestudo das relações internacionais do Brasil: um diálogo entre diplomacia e a academia
 Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Brasília: L.G.E. Ed, 2006

14. 

Relações internacionais e política externa do Brasil: história e sociologia da diplomacia brasileira- Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Segunda edição, revista, ampliada e atualizada. - Porto Alegre, RS: UFRGS Editora, 2004

15. 

Pour comprendre le Brésil de Lula - Rolland, Denis *1958-*. - Paris [u.a.]: Harmattan [u.a], 2004

16. 

Mercosul em sua primeira década (1991 - 2001): uma avaliação política a partir do Brasil - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Buenos Aires: Intal-ITD-STA, 2002

17. 

Mercosul: antecedentes, desenvolvimento e crise - uma avaliação analítico-descritiva de período 1986 - 2002 - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. -

18. 

Os primeiros anos do século XXI: o Brasil e as relações internacionais contemporâneas
 Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - São Paulo: Ed. Paz e Terra, 2002

19. 

O Brasil dos brasilianistas: um guia dos estudos sobre o Brasil nos Estados Unidos, 1945 - 2000
 Barbosa, Rubens Antonio *1938-*. - São Paulo, SP: Ed. Paz e Terra, 2002

20. 

Mercosul em sua primeira década (1991 - 2001): uma avaliação política a partir do Brasil
 Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Buenos Aires [u.a.]: Intal [u.a.], 2002

21.

 A history of Brazil: to understand contemporary Brazil - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Paris: L'Harmattan, 2002

22. 

The place of South America in the new world order - Lima, Marcos Costa. - 1. ed. - São Paulo, SP: Cortéz, 2001

23. 

Economic diplomacy in Brazil: international economic relations with the Empire - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Sao Paulo: Ed. SENAC, 2001

24. 

Working Seminar The study of Brazil in the United States: Trends and Perspectives 1945 - 2000, Washington, 2 - 3 December 2000
 Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Washington, DC: Brazilian Embassy, 2000

25. 

Mercosul: a common market for Southern America - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Paris [et al.]: L'Harmattan, 2000

26. 

The Mercosul does not end in the 21st century - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Sao Paulo, SP: Cortez, 2000

27. 

Brazil and the international financial crises, 1929-1999 - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. -

28. 

The training of Brazilian economic diplomacy - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. -

29. 

The study of international relations in Brazil - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Sao Paulo: Unimarco Ed., 1999

30. 

Mercosul: foundations and perspectives - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Brasilia: Great Orient of Brazil, 1998

31.

Synoptic and chronological guide to fishing subsidies, 1954-1998 - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. RBPI: Brazilian international politics magazine. Year 41, No. esp.: 40 years of RBPI, 1958-1998. - Rio de Janeiro, Ano 41, No. esp. [40 years], pp. 55-65 [TITULO BIZARRO: não é to fishing, e sim de subsídios à pesquisa] O título correto é: 

Guia sinóptica e cronológico de subsídios à pesquisa, 1954-1998

32. 

Brazil and the future of MERCOSUR: dilemmas and options - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. -

33. 

International relations and external politics of Brazil: two discoveries towards globalization
 Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - 1. ed. - Porto Alegre: Ed. da Univ., Univ. 
Federal District of Rio Grande do Sul, 1998

34. 

The democratization of international society in Brazil: research on a long-term historical transformation (1815-1997) - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. -

35. 

Institutional structure of international economic relations in Brazil: multilateral agreements and organizations from 1815 to 1997 - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. -

36. 

Mercosur and the European Union: from cooperation to association
 Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - In: The integration processes in Latin America (1996)

37. 

The legacy of Barão: Rio Branco is modern Brazilian diplomacy - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. -

38. 

Mercosul: basic texts - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. - Brasilia: Alexandre de Gusmão Foundation, 1992

39. 

The political parties in the international relations of Brazil, 1930 - 90 - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. -

40. 

Proletarian internationalism in the South Cone: an international experience of Brazilian socialism in the principles of the century - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. -

41.

The constitutional structure of international relations and the Brazilian political system - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*.

42. 

An economic interpretation of the Brazilian Constitution: the representation of social interests in 1946 and 1986 - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. -

43. 

Political parties and external politics - Almeida, Paulo Roberto de *1949-*. -