Venezuela: socialismo bolivariano, um grande negocio para o imperialismo

Ironias da História, ou consequência lógica da estupidez econômica dos chavistas...

PRA

• The Wall Street Journal, August 20, 2013, 12:03 a.m. ET

Agricultura dos EUA lucra com socialismo venezuelano

Por 
• SARA SCHAEFER MUÑOZ
, de Stuttgart, Arkansas

Steve Orlicek, produtor de arroz dessa pequena cidade no interior dos Estados Unidos, está vivendo o sonho americano. Ele é dono de um próspero negócio e tira férias nas Bahamas.

Sua sorte tem muitas explicações, inclusive uma bastante improvável: ele é um grande beneficiário das políticas econômicas socialistas de Hugo Chávez, falecido presidente da Venezuela e crítico voraz do que chamava de "imperialismo americano".

Associated Press

Produtores de arroz de fazendas como esta, no Arkansas, exportam toda sua safra para a Venezuela

É um legado paradoxal da revolução socialista de Chávez que suas políticas tenham se tornado uma máquina de fazer dinheiro para o sistema capitalista que deplorava. Durante seus 14 anos no poder, ele nacionalizou propriedades agrícolas, redistribuiu terras e impôs controles de preços de alimentos como parte de uma estratégia para ajudar os pobres.

Mas essas políticas fizeram a Venezuela passar de exportador líquido para importador líquido do arroz produzido por agricultores como Orlicek. "A indústria de arroz tem sido muito boa para nós", diz Orlicek, em sua casa recém-reformada, que tem até um piano de cauda.

Não se trata apenas de arroz. A produção de aço, açúcar e muitos outros bens foi drasticamente reduzida na Venezuela, levando a crises ocasionais de escassez. Até recentemente, a Venezuela era praticamente autossuficiente na produção de carne e café. Agora ela importa ambos.

No primeiro semestre, os EUA exportaram US$ 94 milhões de arroz para a Venezuela, um salto de 62% ante o mesmo período de 2012, tornando o país o quarto maior mercado para o arroz americano, de acordo com o Departamento de Agricultura dos EUA.

No geral, as importações da Venezuela quadruplicaram desde que Chávez assumiu o poder, de US$ 14,5 bilhões em 1999 para US$ 59,3 bilhões em 2012, segundo o governo venezuelano e economistas do Barclays PLC. As exportações dos EUA para a Venezuela atingiram US$ 12 bilhões em 2011, 16% acima do volume do ano anterior, mostram os dados mais recentes divulgados pelo governo americano.

Entre os vencedores está a siderúrgica americana Alcoa Inc., a mineradora anglo-suíça Glencore Xstrata PLC e empresas brasileiras como a construtora Odebrecht SA. Em maio, as autoridades venezuelanas anunciaram que importariam 50 milhões de rolos de papel higiênico. Um dos fornecedores escolhidos foi a americana Kimberly Clark .

"Chávez disse: 'Somos contra capitalistas e somos contra grandes oligarcas'", diz Moisés Naím, do centro Carnegie para a Paz Internacional, em Washington. "Mas ele deixou o país mais dependente do exterior e de firmas estrangeiras do que nunca."

Partidários de Chávez dizem que seu populismo obstinado deu poderes aos pobres e enfrentou a fome e a pobreza, fornecendo alimentos, habitação e clínicas médicas subsidiadas. No entanto, as perspectivas de emprego e salariais foram reduzidas. Um relatório recente do Banco Mundial afirma que 30% das pessoas que eram originalmente consideradas "não pobres" na Venezuela caíram na pobreza entre 1992 e 2006. Na maioria dos outros países latino-americanos, a classe média cresceu nesse período.

A dependência da Venezuela dos bens importados será uma grande dor de cabeça para o presidente Nicolás Maduro, o sucessor de Chávez. Os cofres do Estado estão no limite. O déficit orçamentário chegou a 12% do PIB em 2012, segundo analistas, proporção maior que a de economias em crise da zona do euro, como a Grécia ou a Espanha. A inflação subiu para uma taxa anualizada de 42,6% em julho.

Maduro, como Chávez, culpa as empresas privadas pela escassez de alimentos, acusando-as de estocar mercadoria e promover uma "guerra econômica" contra o governo, o que as poucas empresas privadas remanescentes negam.

Maduro agiu para tornar mais dólares disponíveis para os importadores — o que poderia ajudar agricultores a se abastecerem no exterior. Em maio, em um movimento extremamente simbólico, ele estendeu a mão para o principal executivo da maior empresa privada de alimentos da Venezuela, propondo uma parceria em questões alimentares.

O petróleo, o único produto de exportação forte que a Venezuela tem, responde por cerca de metade da receita do governo. Se o preço do petróleo cair dos atuais US$ 105 para US$ 90 o barril por um ano, o governo teria de reduzir as importações, diz David Rees, especialista em mercados emergentes da Capital Economics, em Londres. "Isso teria consequências terríveis em relação a tudo, especialmente alimentos."

Além da agricultura, a produção industrial da Venezuela vem titubeando desde 2006, quando a Venezuela informou que iria adotar um modelo de desenvolvimento autossuficiente, desinteressado dos lucros e com foco em cooperativas. O governo assumiu o controle de uma parte significativa de indústrias importantes, incluindo a do aço e do cimento.

"Perdemos nossa soberania nacional no aço, alumínio e bauxita. É uma vergonha", diz Damian Prat, autor de um livro sobre a indústria venezuelana. A produção de bauxita, um ingrediente-chave do alumínio, caiu 70% entre 2007 e 2012, calcula. Essa perda tem representado ganhos para outros. As exportações do Brasil para a Venezuela subiram para US$ 5,1 bilhões em 2012, ante US$ 800 milhões dez anos atrás, segundo a Associação de Comércio Exterior do Brasil. "Neste momento, temos muito pouca concorrência" dentro da Venezuela, diz José Augusto de Castro, presidente da associação.

Entre os grandes beneficiários das políticas de Chávez está Orlicek e outros produtores dos EUA. Orlicek, que cresceu numa família de agricultores, foi trabalhar na fazenda do sogro depois que se casou. Graças às fortes exportações e à alta de preços, a propriedade de Orlicek conta hoje com a mais alta tecnologia. Seus tratores, que custam em torno de US$ 230.000 cada, têm sistemas de GPS de US$ 15.000 que podem até dirigir as máquinas.

Há alguns anos, à medida que subiam os lucros de exportação, ele começou a nivelar seus 325 hectares de campos de arroz utilizando a tecnologia laser. O processo custa quase US$ 800 por hectare, mas promete economizar água de irrigação e elevar a produção em cerca de 20%.

"Quero cuidar dessa terra para que as gerações futuras possam produzir arroz nela", diz Orlicek.

O agricultor reconhece que se beneficiou de políticas socialistas da Venezuela. Mas é solidário com os agricultores venezuelanos.

Chávez "realmente destruiu" a agricultura do país, diz. "Gostaria de vê-la voltar e tenho certeza que os agricultores de lá também."

This day in History: 1968, Uniao Sovietica invade a Tchecoslovaquia

On This Day: August 20

The New York Times, August 19, 2013

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On Aug. 20, 1968, the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact nations invaded Czechoslovakia to crush the ''Prague Spring'' liberalization drive of Alexander Dubcek's regime.

Czechoslovakia Invaded by Russians and Four Other Warsaw Pact Forces

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They Open Fire on Crowd in Prague

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PROTOCOL IS NOW IN FORCE

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Tanks Enter City

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Deaths Are Reported-- Troops Surround Offices of Party

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By TAD SZULC

Special to THE NEW YORK TIMES

RELATED HEADLINES Soviet Explains: Says Its Troops Moved at the Request of Czechoslovaks Johnson Summons Security Council: Calls Emergency Session After Seeing Soviet Envoy Versions of the Two Sides Soviet Turns Back Clock OTHER HEADLINES13 Indicted Here in Rigging of Bids on Utility Work: Contracts Worth 49-Million Involved- 14 Construction Companies Also Named Outlook Guarded for Eisenhower: His Condition Still Critical Despite 'Favorable Trend' Nixon Increases Gallup Poll Lead: Tops Humphrey, 45% to 29, and Maintains His Margin Over McCarthy, 42 to 37 Guard Is Called up to Protect Chicago During Convention Democrats to Seat Mississippi Rebels Kennedy-Backers Offer War Plank: But McCarthy Group Balks at Compromise -- Rusk Is for General Statement 13 Points in Delta Are Shelled by Foe

Prague, Wednesday, Aug.21 -- Czechoslovakia was occupied early today by troops of the Soviet Union and four of its Warsaw Pact allies in a series of swift land and air movements.

Airborne Soviet troops and paratroopers surrounded the building of the Communist party Central Committee, along with five tanks. At least 25 tanks were seen in the city.

Several persons were reported killed early this morning. Unconfirmed reports said that two Czechoslovak soldiers and a woman were killed by Bulgarian tank fire in front of the Prague radio building shortly before the station was captured and went off the air.

[Soviet troops began shooting at Czechoslovak demonstrators outside the Prague radio building at 7:25 A.M., Reuters reported. C.T.K., the Czechoslovak press agency, was quoted by United Press International as having said that citizens were throwing themselves in front of the tanks in an attempt to block the seizure of the city.]

Move a Surprise

The Soviet move caught Czechoslovaks by surprise, although all day yesterday there were indications of new tensions.

Confusion was caused in the capital by leaflets dropped from unidentified aircraft asserting that Antonin Novotny, the President of Czechoslovakia who was deposed in March by the Communist liberals, had been pushed out by a "clique." The leaflets said that Mr. Novotny remained the country's legal President.

At 5 A. M. the Prague radio, still in the hands of adherents of the Communist liberals, broadcast a dramatic appeal to the population in the name of Alexander Dubcek, the party First Secretary to go to work as usual this morning.

The radio station said: "These may be the last reports you will hear because the technical facilities in our hands are insufficient."

The announcer said that Czechoslovaks must heed the orders of in a Presidium of the Central Committee, "which is in continuing session even though the building is surrounded by foreign units."

The radio said that it remained loyal to President Ludvik Svoboda and Mr. Dubcek.

While earlier this morning the radio appealed to the population not to resist invading troops from the Soviet Union, Poland, East Germany, Hungary and Bulgaria, small-arms fire was heard shortly after 5 A. M. in the Maala Strana district of Prague.

At 2:45 A. M., as part of this dispatch was being filed by telex, the city appeared calm, though the roar of aircraft and the broadcast, heard by many, had awakened the population.

Starting shortly after midnight veritable airlift of Soviet and other Warsaw Pact aircraft flew troops into Prague. Ruzine Airport had been secured earlier by Czechoslovak troops though it was not known under whose command they were operating.

At 5:15 A. M. aircraft were still heard landing and taking off.

Despite the Prague radio broadcasts, the whereabouts of Mr. Dubcek, Mr. Svoboda and their associates was not known.

In any event, the invasion that began at 11 o'clock last night when the Czechoslovak border was crossed from several sides evidently put an end to the Dubcek experiment in democracy under Communism that was initiated in January.

The expectation was that the occupying forces would sponsor the establishment of a new regime that would be more amenable to orthodox Communist views of Moscow and its partners.

There are about 5,000 United States citizens in Czechoslovakia at this time, of whom about 1,500 are tourists and 400 are delegates to an international geological congress.

Shirley Temple Black, the former actress, is among the Americans at the Hotel Alcron here.

The news broadcast early today said that Soviet troops had sealed all border exits to Austria. Trains were not running and airline operations were halted.

After 3 A. M., all city lights went out.

Appeal to Public

A broadcast at 1:30 A.M. had appealed to the population not to resist the advance and for officials to remain at their jobs.

Yesterday, as the tension mounted, the Czechoslovak leadership was reported to have been seriously concerned over renewed Soviet press attacks on Mr. Dubcek's liberalization program.

Last night the party Presidium met unexpectedly under Mr. Dubcek's chairmanship, presumably to discuss the new tensions.

At a confidential meeting Saturday with five progressive members of the Presidium, Czechoslovak editors were told that a successful party congress next month was the most urgent priority in the country and that, therefore, their cooperation was needed.

Internal Battle Continues

Internally however, the political tug of war between the progressives and the conservatives continued.

Rude Pravo, the party's official organ, whose editor, Oldrich Svestka, is regarded as a leading conservative, published three articles today, critical of the progressives' policies.

Another example of mounting political sensitiveness was an announcement by the Foreign Ministry, published in Rude Pravo and later distributed by the official press agency, that Henry Kamm, a correspondent of The New York Times, "will not be allowed to return to Czechoslovakia."

Mr. Kamm, who left Prague for the United States and a vacation Saturday, was charged by Rude Pravo with "slanderous information" and "fabrications" concerning its editorial staff.

Dispatches by Mr. Kamm published in The Times on Aug. 14 and 15 described a continuing struggle between Mr. Svestka and the progressive members of the staff. One dispatch said that Mr. Svestka, who is a member of the party's Presidium, had curtailed coverage of the visit here earlier this month by President Tito of Yugoslavia, who is a backer of the Dubcek faction.

The newspaper said yesterday that "the management of Rude Pravo resolutely opposes this shameless provocation, which had become the pretext for a slanderous press campaign against Rude Pravo abroad," and that "it is indubitable that its aim is the unconcealed effort to interfere with our internal affairs."

Mr. Svestka, however, came under attack himself in the liberal weekly. Reporter, which in its current issue reported that he had played down the Tito visit. The magazine said that Mr. Svestka "has set up a sort of internal police which watches over everything that goes into print."

A Rude Pravo's counterattack yesterday included a frontpage article signed by Mr. Svestka, in effect defending the conservative position. He wrote that unless the Communist party regained its "anti bureaucratic" character and returned to the aims of the workers, the new "demagogic slogans" could turn against the party itself.

In an allusion to the progressives efforts to oust conservatives from key jobs, Mr. Svestka wrote that democracy was not served "by making life miserable for the honest officials and members who have not discredited themselves, by turning them away from political activity."

A second article took to tasks a television commentator, Jiri Kanturek, for what it said were attempts to discredit Mr. Svestka.

A third article charged that a "secret committee" had been established to attack the people's militia, a paramilitary organization widely considered to be controlled by the conservatives. The article referred critically to the signing of petitions in Prague last week for the abolition of militia.

China: ah, esses democraticos aliados estrategicos dos companheiros... (NYT)

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August 19, 2013

China Takes Aim at Western Ideas

By CHRIS BUCKLEY

HONG KONG — Communist Party cadres have filled meeting halls around China to hear a somber, secretive warning issued by senior leaders. Power could escape their grip, they have been told, unless the party eradicates seven subversive currents coursing through Chinese society.

These seven perils were enumerated in a memo, referred to as Document No. 9, that bears the unmistakable imprimatur of Xi Jinping, China’s new top leader. The first was “Western constitutional democracy”; others included promoting “universal values” of human rights, Western-inspired notions of media independence and civic participation, ardently pro-market “neo-liberalism,” and “nihilist” criticisms of the party’s traumatic past.

Even as Mr. Xi has sought to prepare some reforms to expose China’s economy to stronger market forces, he has undertaken a “mass line” campaign to enforce party authority that goes beyond the party’s periodic calls for discipline. The internal warnings to cadres show that Mr. Xi’s confident public face has been accompanied by fears that the party is vulnerable to an economic slowdown, public anger about corruption and challenges from liberals impatient for political change.

“Western forces hostile to China and dissidents within the country are still constantly infiltrating the ideological sphere,” says Document No. 9, the number given to it by the central party office that issued it in April. It has not been openly published, but a version was shown to The New York Times and was verified by four sources close to senior officials, including an editor with a party newspaper.

Opponents of one-party rule, it says, “have stirred up trouble about disclosing officials’ assets, using the Internet to fight corruption, media controls and other sensitive topics, to provoke discontent with the party and government.”

The warnings were not idle. Since the circular was issued, party-run publications and Web sites have vehemently denounced constitutionalism and civil society, notions that were not considered off limits in recent years. Officials have intensified efforts to block access to critical views on the Internet. Two prominent rights advocates have been detained in the past few weeks, in what their supporters have called a blow to the “rights defense movement,” which was already beleaguered under Mr. Xi’s predecessor, Hu Jintao.

Mr. Xi’s hard line has disappointed Chinese liberals, some of whom once hailed his rise to power as an opportunity to push for political change after a long period of stagnation. Instead, Mr. Xi has signaled a shift to a more conservative, traditional leftist stance with his “rectification” campaign to ensure discipline and conspicuous attempts to defend the legacy of Mao Zedong. That has included a visit to a historic site where Mao undertook one of his own attempts to remake the ruling party in the 1950s.

Mr. Xi’s edicts have been disseminated in a series of compulsory study sessions across the country, like one in the southern province of Hunan that was recounted on a local government Web site.

“Promotion of Western constitutional democracy is an attempt to negate the party’s leadership,” Cheng Xinping, a deputy head of propaganda for Hengyang, a city in Hunan, told a gathering of mining industry officials. Human rights advocates, he continued, want “ultimately to form a force for political confrontation.”

The campaign carries some risks for Mr. Xi, who has indicated that the slowing economy needs new, more market-driven momentum that can come only from a relaxation of state influence.

In China’s tight but often contentious political circles, proponents of deeper Western-style economic changes are often allied with those pushing for rule of law and a more open political system, while traditionalists favor greater state control of both economic and political life. Mr. Xi’s cherry picking of approaches from each of the rival camps, analysts say, could end up miring his own agenda in intraparty squabbling.

Condemnations of constitutional government have prompted dismayed opposition from liberal intellectuals and even some moderate-minded former officials. The campaign has also exhilarated leftist defenders of party orthodoxy, many of whom pointedly oppose the sort of market reforms that Mr. Xi and Prime Minister Li Keqiang have said are needed.

The consequent rifts are unusually open, and they could widen and bog down Mr. Xi, said Xiao Gongqin, a professor of history at Shanghai Normal University who is also a prominent proponent of gradual, party-guided reform.

“Now the leftists feel very excited and elated, while the liberals feel very discouraged and discontented,” said Professor Xiao, who said he was generally sympathetic to Mr. Xi’s aims. “The ramifications are very serious, because this seriously hurts the broad middle class and moderate reformers — entrepreneurs and intellectuals. It’s possible that this situation will get out of control, and that won’t help the political stability that the central leadership stresses.”

The pressures that prompted the party’s ideological counteroffensive spilled onto the streets of Guangzhou, a city in southern China, early this year. Staff members at the Southern Weekend newspaper there protested after a propaganda official rewrote an editorial celebrating constitutionalism — the idea that state and party power should be subject to a supreme law that prevents abuses and protects citizens’ rights.

The confrontation at the newspaper and campaign demanding that officials disclose their wealth alarmed leaders and helped galvanize them into issuing Document No. 9, said Professor Xiao, the historian. Indeed, senior central propaganda officials met to discuss the newspaper protest, among other issues, and called it a plot to subvert the party, according to a speech on a party Web site of Lianyungang, a port city in eastern China.

“Western anti-China forces led by the United States have joined in one after the other, and colluded with dissidents within the country to make slanderous attacks on us in the name of so-called press freedom and constitutional democracy,” said Zhang Guangdong, a propaganda official in Lianyungang, citing the conclusions from the meeting of central propaganda officials. “They are trying to break through our political system, and this was a classic example,” he said of the newspaper protest.

But Mr. Xi and his colleagues were victims of expectations that they themselves encouraged, rather than a foreign conspiracy, analysts said. The citizen-activists demanding that party officials reveal their family wealth cited Mr. Xi’s own vows to end official corruption and deliver more candid government. Likewise, scholars and lawyers who have campaigned for limiting party power under the rule of law have also invoked Mr. Xi’s promise to honor China’s Constitution.

Even these relatively measured campaigns proved too much for party leaders, who are wary of any challenges that could swell into outright opposition. Document No. 9 was issued by the Central Committee General Office, the administrative engine room of the central leadership, and required the approval of Mr. Xi and other top leaders, said Li Weidong, a political commentator and former magazine editor in Beijing.

“There’s no doubt then it had direct endorsement from Xi Jinping,” Mr. Li said. “It’s certainly had his approval and reflects his general views.”

Since the document was issued, the campaign for ideological orthodoxy has prompted a torrent of commentary and articles in party-run periodicals. Many of them have invoked Maoist talk of class war rarely seen in official publications in recent years. Some have said that constitutionalism and similar ideas were tools of Western subversion that helped topple the former Soviet Union — and that a similar threat faces China.

“Constitutionalism belongs only to capitalism,” said one commentary in the overseas edition of the People’s Daily. Constitutionalism “is a weapon for information and psychological warfare used by the magnates of American monopoly capitalism and their proxies in China to subvert China’s socialist system,” said another commentary in the paper.

But leftists, feeling emboldened, could create trouble for Mr. Xi’s government, some analysts said. Mr. Xi has indicated that he wants a party meeting in the fall to endorse policies that would give market competition and private businesses a bigger role in the economy — and Marxist stalwarts in the party are deeply wary of such proposals.

Relatively liberal officials and intellectuals hoped the ousting last year of Bo Xilai, a charismatic politician who favored leftist policies, would help their cause. But they have been disappointed. Mr. Bo goes on trial on Thursday.

Hu Deping, a reform-minded former government official who has met Mr. Xi, recently issued a public warning about the leftward drift. “Just what is the bottom line for reform?” Mr. Hu said on a Web site run by his family to commemorate his father, Hu Yaobang, a leader of political and economic relaxation in the 1980s.

Mr. Xi will face another ideological test later in the year when the Communist Party celebrates the 120th anniversary of Mao’s birth. The scale of those celebrations has not been announced. But Xiangtan, the area in Hunan Province that encompasses Mao’s hometown, is spending $1 billion to spruce up commemorative sites and facilities for the occasion, according to the Xiangtan government Web site.

“You have to commemorate him, and because he’s already passed away, you can only speak well of him, not ill,” Professor Xiao, the historian, said of Mao’s anniversary. “That’s like pouring petrol on the leftists’ fire.”

Jonathan Ansfield contributed reporting from Beijing.

NSA vs The Guardian: governos estupidos, jornalistas assustados...

Affaire Snowden : le "Guardian" menacé par le gouvernement britannique

Le Monde.fr avec AFP | 20.08.2013 à 03h32 • Mis à jour le 20.08.2013 à 07h54

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Au lendemain de l'arrestation du compagnon de Glenn Greenwald, le journaliste du Guardian qui a contribué à révéler l'étendue du système de surveillance opéré par les services de la NSA, le quotidien britannique a décidé de contre-attaquer.

Dans un article publié lundi 19 août, son rédacteur en chef, Alan Rusbridger, révèle comment le gouvernement britannique a forcé le Guardian à détruire des informations fournies au journal par l'ancien consultant de la NSA, Edward Snowden, allant jusqu'à le menacer d'une procédure judiciaire s'il ne coopérait pas.

Dans sa tribune, Alan Rusbridger explique avoir été contacté "par un très haut responsable du gouvernement affirmant qu'il représentait l'opinion du premier ministre". Il a eu ensuite deux rencontres avec ce responsable qui "a demandé le retour ou la destruction de tout le matériel sur lequel nous étions en train de travailler". Le journal était alors en plein milieu de la publication des révélations sur les programmes de surveillance de masse menés par la NSA et par son homologue britannique, la GCHQ. M. Rusbridger affirme que les autorités lui ont dit :

"Vous vous êtes bien amusés. Maintenant nous voulons quevous nous rendiez le machin."

"VOUS N'AVEZ PAS BESOIN D'ÉCRIRE DAVANTAGE SUR LE SUJET"

"Il y a eu ensuite plusieurs rencontres avec des gens moins en vue de Whitehall, le quartier qui abrite les bureaux du premier ministre, poursuit le rédacteur en chef. La demande était la même : rendez le matériel Snowden ou détruisez-le... Vous avez eu votre débat. Vous n'avez pas besoin d'écrire davantage sur le sujet."

Alan Rusbridger affirme que le gouvernement avait menacé d'entamer une procédure judiciaire pour tenter de récupérer les documents secrets, si le journal ne les détruisait pas lui-même.

"Et alors s'est produit l'un des moments les plus bizarres dans la longue histoire du Guardian. Deux experts en sécurité de la GCHQ ont surveillé la destruction des disques durs dans les sous-sols du Guardian, pour être bien sûrs qu'il ne restait plus rien dans ces petits morceaux de métal tordus qui puisseconstituer un quelconque intérêt à être passé à des agents chinois."

"Whitehall était satisfait, mais cette détermination contre un élément symbolique du dossier a montré le peu de compréhension du gouvernement sur l'ère du digital", écrit encore le rédacteur en chef du Guardian. En effet, les disques durs détruits ont tous été copiés au préalable.

Selon son chef, le Guardian "continuera à analyser, malgré toute la patience requise et la complexité du dossier, les documents mis à disposition par Edward Snowden". Mais il ne le fera plus en Grande-Bretagne, mais depuis ses bureaux"à New York et ailleurs". "De la même manière, la saisie de l'ordinateur portable, des téléphones, des disques durs et de l'appareil photo de David Mirandan'auront aucun effet sur le travail de Glenn Greenwald", ajoute enfin M. Rusbridger.

"IL FAUT DÉSORMAIS ÉVITER LES SALLES D'ATTENTE DE HEATHROW"

Le Guardian révèle en effet ces pressions alors que les autorités britanniques sont en butte à une vague de protestations, après la rétention pendant neuf heures dans l'aéroport d'Heathrow du mari de Grenn Greenwald, David Miranda. M. Rusbridger a condamné cette rétention et averti "qu'il n'est pas impossible que dans peu de temps, les journalistes ne puissent plus avoir de sources confidentielles".

A lire : NSA : ce que révèle l'arrestation du compagnon de M. Greenwald

"Faire une enquête, et plus largement vivre, en 2013 laisse trop de traces. Les collègues qui ont critiqué Snowden ou qui estiment que les journalistes devraient faire confiance à l'Etat pour savoir ce qui est le mieux pour le pays auront sûrement un réveil difficile. Avant que cela n'arrive, les journalistes savent au moins qu'il faut désormais éviter les salles d'attente de l'aéroport d'Heathrow."

Le gouvernement américain a reconnu, lundi, que la Grande-Bretagne l'avait informé de l'arrestation imminente de David Miranda, mais a assuré que la demande ne venait pas de la Maison Blanche.

Dans son éditorial, le Guardian plaide pour une révision complète par le Parlement de la loi antiterrotiste, et notamment de l'article 7, qui permet à lapolice d'interroger préventivement toute personne soupçonnée de préparer des actes terroristes en Grande-Bretagne pour déterminer si elle représente une menace. C'est cette loi qui a permis aux autorités britanniques de détenir David Miranda, et de le "traiter comme un terroriste sur le point de faire une attaque sur le territoire", a expliqué le compagnon de Glenn Greenwald dans une interview.

CIA: demorou 60 anos para reconhecer o que ja se sabia sobre o golpe no Iran, em 1953

La CIA reconnaît son rôle dans le coup d'Etat en Iran en 1953

Le Monde.fr avec AFP | 19.08.2013 à 23h13 • Mis à jour le 20.08.2013 à 08h02

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La CIA reconnaît avoir orchestré le coup d'Etat qui a renversé le premier ministre iranien, Mohamed Mossadegh, le 18 août 1953, après qu'il eut nationalisé le pétrole du pays, selon des documents récemment déclassifiés. Le rôle de l'agence américaine de renseignement était un secret de polichinelle depuis des années, et hante toujours les relations entre les Etats-Unis et l'Iran.

Dans ces documents internes à l'agence datant des années 1970, récemment déclassifiés et publiés lundi 19 août, le rôle de la CIA est clairement détaillé : "le coup d'Etat militaire qui a renversé Mossadegh et son cabinet de Front nationala été mené sous la direction de la CIA dans un acte de politique étrangère", peut-on y lire.

LOIN DE L'IMAGE DE "FOU" SÉNILE

Le premier ministre iranien avait nationalisé en 1951 l'Anglo-Iranian OilCompany, l'ancêtre de BP, provoquant l'ire de Londres, pour qui le pétrole iranien était jugé vital pour le redressement de l'économie britannique après laSeconde Guerre mondiale. Or début 1953, le président Dwight Eisenhowerarrive au pouvoir aux Etats-Unis et se montre plus compréhensif vis-à-vis des doléances britanniques que son prédécesseur, Harry Truman.

Les documents déclassifiés de la CIA montrent que l'agence comprenait les raisons du positionnement de Mossadegh, loin de l'image de "fou" sénile véhiculée par les médias occidentaux. Les hommes politiques et responsables d'entreprises britanniques manquaient de respect pour les Iraniens, perçus comme "inefficaces, corrompus et servant leurs propres intérêts", affirme même la CIA. Mais l'agence justifie son action par les contingences de la guerre froide et la peur que les Soviétiques n'envahissent et ne prennent le pouvoir à Téhéran si Londres envoyait ses navires de guerre, ce que fit la Grande-Bretagne trois ans plus tard après la nationalisation du canal de Suez.

"Alors, non seulement le pétrole iranien aurait été irrémédiablement perdu pour l'Ouest, mais la chaîne de défense autour de l'Union soviétique, une composante de la politique étrangère américaine, aurait été rompue", justifient les auteurs.

UN "REVERS POUR LE DÉVELOPPEMENT POLITIQUE DE L'IRAN"

Le chah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi fut mis sur le trône et devint un proche allié de Washington jusqu'à son renversement lors de la révolution islamique de 1979.

En 2000, la secrétaire d'Etat américaine Madeleine Albright, pour tenterd'améliorer les relations avec Téhéran, avait déclaré que que les Etats-Unis avaient "joué un rôle significatif" dans le renversement de Mossadegh et jugé que le coup d'Etat avait constitué un "revers pour le développement politique de l'Iran". Le président Barack Obama avait lui aussi exprimé une position similaire après sa prise de fonctions.

China: quem disse que o capitalismo nao funciona na China?

L'Asie devient trop chère pour H&M, qui se tourne vers l'Afrique

Le Monde.fr avec AFP | 20.08.2013 à 00h42 • Mis à jour le 20.08.2013 à 07h25

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Après l'Asie, direction l'Afrique. Le numéro deux mondial du prêt-à-porter, Hennes et Mauritz (H&M), a indiqué vendredi 16 août qu'il allait étendre son réseau de fournisseurs à l'Ethiopie, après avoir concentré 80 % de sa production sur le continent asiatique. Des commandes-tests ont été passées auprès de fournisseurs éthiopiens, qui doivent bâtir des usines dans le pays d'ici à la fin de l'année. Dans un communiqué, le géant suédois reconnait ne pas encore savoir combien de ces fournisseurs seront retenus et quand ces usines seront prêtes.

"Nous sommes une entreprise vaste et nous cherchons constamment de nouveaux marchés d'achat potentiels pour garantir que nous avons la capacité de livrer les produits dans tous les magasins", a expliqué une porte-parole,Camilla Emilsson-Falk. "Nous faisons cela en augmentant la productivité sur les marchés de fabrication existants ainsi qu'en recherchant de nouveau marché", a-t-elle ajouté.

MOITIÉ MOINS CHER

Mais derrière cette ligne officielle, ce changement majeur dans la stratégie du groupe s'explique surtout par l'augmentation des salaires en Chine. Selon leWall Street Journal en effet, le coût de production d'un vêtement fabriqué actuellement en Ethiopie est moitié moins cher qu'un vêtement fabriqué enChine en 2011, dernière année pour laquelle ces statistiques sont disponibles. En outre, les coûts de transport et les délais de livraison pourraient s'en trouverréduits, du fait de la plus grande proximité entre les côtes africaines et le marché européen, principale source de revenus du groupe.

Une différence de coût qui pourrait cependant être très limitée dans le temps. Selon le quotidien économique, qui cite un analyste de Berstein, les coûts ont augmenté de 18 % en Ethiopie entre 2010 et 2011, tandis qu'ils n'ont connu qu'une augmentation de 7,7 % en Chine sur la même période. Si ce mouvement se poursuit, le coût de production dans le pays africain sera plus important qu'en Chine dès 2019.

"ANALYSE DES RISQUES POUSSÉE"

Cette nouvelle délocalisation pourrait, en outre, poser d'autres problèmes au géant de la mode suédois. "Nous avons fait une analyse des risques poussée pour l'Ethiopie, en nous penchant sur les questions de droits de l'homme et d'environnement", a souligné la porte-parole de H&M. Car le pays, malgré une croissance annuelle moyenne de 10 % depuis 2004 selon la Banque mondiale, reste l'un des plus pauvres du monde. Et un an après la mort du premier ministre, Meles Zenawi, son exécutif est toujours sous le feu des critiques des défenseurs des droits de l'homme.

Pour rassurer les investisseurs étrangers, le gouvernement éthiopien a lancé un vaste plan de soutien au secteur textile, moteur de croissance du pays dans les prochaines années. L'Ethiopie veut en effet attirer les grands groupes en offrant une main d'oeuvre et des terrains bon marchés, des aides à l'installation, ainsi que des exonérations de charges. Du pain béni pour les marques, dont certaines, comme l'enseigne britannique Tesco ou le fabricant de chaussures chinois Huaijan (qui fournit les marques Guess et Tommy Hilfiger), ont déjà franchi le pas. D'autant que l'Ethiopie a une longue tradition dans le textile, le cuir et la chaussure depuis l'invasion italienne en 1935.