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Mostrando postagens com marcador China-EUA. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador China-EUA. Mostrar todas as postagens

segunda-feira, 13 de maio de 2013

The Chinese Are Coming (with money, that is...) - NYTimes

Nos tempos da Guerra Fria, um filme fez muito sucesso nos EUA: The Russians Are Coming, e se tratava apenas de um submarino soviético avariado que acaba adernando numa praia da California, despertando os instintos guerreiros dos alarmados habitantes da pequena aldeia próxima da praia.
Agora são os chineses que estão chegando, não em submarinos, mas em aviões, e num volume que pode representar  metade da antiga população da Rússia soviética. Eles estão invadindo as universidades americanas, e agora parece que resolveram também chegar antes.
Pelo que pude perceber, existem três tipos de "bolsas" que sustentam os estudantes chineses nos EUA: a bolsa normal, de apoio científico governamental (tipo CNPq ou Capes, no caso brasileiro); as "bolsas família", de que trata o artigo abaixo, ou seja, ricas famílias chinesas que mandam seus pupilos estudar nos EUA, a seu encargo e custo (e esses dispõem de carros e muito dinheiro para gastar); e o que poderia ser chamado de "bolsa corrupção", que é quando um capitalista paga os estudos de um filho de funcionário do PCC que lhe facilitou os negócios na China. Enfim, todos são grandes estudiosos, e devem começar a se destacar, como o fizeram os estudantes coreanos durante muito tempo...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 


Seeking College Edge, Chinese Pupils Arrive in New York Earlier



Weiling Zhang, a sophomore at the Léman Manhattan Preparatory School, yearned to communicate with more conviction and verve than her peers back home — the “American way,” she said.

Yijia Shi, a freshman, wanted to increase her chances of an acceptance letter from Brown University. And Meng Yuan, a junior, was seeking Western-style independence, not to mention better shopping. When she is not heading to track practice or doing her homework, she is combing Bergdorf Goodman for Louis Vuitton limited edition handbags and relishing in the $295 tasting menu at the celebrated Columbus Circle restaurant Per Se.
New York City private schools have always been the province of the city’s young and wealthy, students whose home lives and educations can inspire both disdain and envy. But these students are the children of Shanghai real estate magnates, shipping giants, luxury hotel owners and doctors from coastal regions bordering the East China Sea. They are also part of a small, but growing, cadre of teenagers from wealthy families in China who are attending school in New York City.
According to the Department of Homeland Security, 638 Chinese students with visas attended high schools in the city in 2012, up from 114 five years earlier.
The influx has not been seamless. But the schools — particularly ones with lagging enrollment — have actively sought an international component and parents who can pay full tuition, even if that means accepting students who speak limited English. Chinese students and their parents have seen the schools as a way to gain an advantage on the thousands of students at home who apply to United States colleges every year. They are also availing themselves of a more well-rounded educational model than they find in China, including that decidedly American college application line-item: extracurricular activities.
“At home, I couldn’t do any activities because we had too much work,” said Yijia, 15, who plays basketball at Léman.
A large contingent of Chinese students attends the school, a young for-profit academy trying to generate more interest from applicants.
In September, Léman welcomed 27 Chinese students, about one-fifth of the high school population, and 10 students from other countries.
The students settled into studio apartments in a residential tower on Wall Street above a Tiffany & Company store and across from a Trump office building. The apartments feature marbled bathrooms, bean bags and bunk beds. The students are supervised by a team of houseparents who live in the same building and serve as round-the-clock caretakers to help ease their transition to a new city. The total tuition: $68,000 a year, compared with $36,400 for nonboarders.
When the students are not in classes, which they attend with their American peers, poring over quadratic equations and analyzing passages from American classics like “The Great Gatsby,” they are exploring the city.
They attend Broadway shows and Cirque du Soleil with their houseparents, shop for designer sneakers in SoHo, get manicures at Wall Street spas and eat waffles and cheese-omelet brunches cooked for them every Sunday by one of the school’s chefs.
Léman, known as the Claremont Preparatory Academy before it was purchased two years ago by Meritas, a chain of international boarding schools, is not the only New York City private high school with students from China. However, it is the only one that currently houses them. At theBeekman School in Midtown Manhattan, the school’s four Chinese students board with local families.
Last year, when Avenues: The World School, a for-profit institution in Chelsea, opened its doors, 20 students from Beijing applied. But the school was unable to accept them because of delays in student visa approval, which the school says will be resolved by the time it opens a 200-student international dorm in 2016.
Administrators at Léman say the cross-cultural exchange has enriched the whole school. The Chinese students are discovering Halloween, school dances and plays. The American students are learning how to be welcoming hosts.
“We have a symbiotic relationship going on here,” Drew Alexander, the head of the school, said. Max Rosenthal, a junior, said he was often paired with students from China during class discussions on American Civil War battles or Prohibition-era mores.
“It really helps you to understand the big picture when you have to explain it to someone,” he said.
But other students said that same need to explain could get in the way.
“I love that they are here,” said Osiris Vanible, a 10th grader. “But they don’t understand a lot of what I say. There’s a language barrier that you need to break through.”
That barrier was evident one day last week, during an 11th-grade English class discussion on Toni Morrison’s novel, “Song of Solomon.”
Meng, who has adopted the nickname Monroe, after President James Monroe and her idol Marilyn Monroe, followed the conversation, which centered on the depiction of African-American women and their struggles, and sometimes she interjected points. But at least two of her Chinese classmates were logged into a translation site, plugging in phrases they did not know. Some students were following along in online Mandarin versions of the book. A second teacher sat in the back, taking notes for students who would need them later.
The teacher, Jessica Manners, said some of her international students struggled to grasp nuances that were simple for American students.
“I try to talk more slowly than I normally would,” she said. “And I almost never do cold-calling,” selecting students who do not have their hands raised to answer questions.
Mr. Alexander said foreign students were required to have a “minimum level of proficiency” before being accepted. And once enrolled, many are given different tests and homework assignments as well as more rudimentary reading material than American students. Those who need extra help take a special English-language class.
According to Nicole Xu, a representative from Usaedu International Consulting Group, one of several international agencies that places Chinese students in American schools, this type of full immersion is a main reason Chinese parents are eager to send their children to the United States.
Weiling, the 16-year-old daughter of an entrepreneur from the Mongolian uplands, said her parents had sought out a place where she would learn to negotiate more effectively and become skilled at solving real-world problems. Both are traits she said her parents deemed more American than Chinese and good for business.
“In China, we only learn academics,” she said.
Reached by e-mail, some parents have reported immediate results.
Yulan Hu, Monroe’s mother, said that she noticed a newfound streak of self-sufficiency in her daughter when she arrived in Shanghai for winter break. Monroe, 18, is now on the track team and has learned to swim. But perhaps, most notable, Monroe had declined a longstanding household ritual — breakfast brought to her every morning in bed.
“Literally, she has changed,” she wrote.

sexta-feira, 25 de maio de 2012

China denuncia EUA na OMC: dois lutadores de sumo...

No sistema multilateral de comércio tudo pode ser questionado, já que as empresas e os países empreendem práticas comerciais efetivamente questionáveis. O problema é que muitas vezes a iniciativa é tomada por razões puramente protecionistas, ou seja, em face de uma competição impiedosa, que ameaça tirar empresas de um país fora do mercado, e daí se pretende disfarçar a medida "denunciando" dumping, comércio desleal, subsídios e coisas do gênero. De fato, muitos governos concedem subsídios indiretos a suas empresas, para produzir empregos e renda, e nem sempre é fácil provar isso, dados os mecanismos e canais obscuros geralmente empregados nesse tipo de apoio governamental.
Cabe aos árbitros, em última instância, examinar todos os documentos e provas colocadas à sua disposição, por acusadores e demandados, para então decidir quem tem razão. Muitas vezes nenhum dos lados tem razão, mas dependendo das "provas"recolhidas, sempre haverá alguma medida ou política inconsistente com as regras do Gatt.
Vamos aguardar novos desenvolvimentos, do que parece ser um caso relevante na história do sistema de disputas da OMC.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

China goes to WTO to challenge US tariffs


Shanghai Daily, May 26, 2012


CHINA filed World Trade Organization cases yesterday challenging US anti-subsidy tariffs on 22 Chinese goods, including steel.

The cases come as a weakening global economy fuels trade frictions as nations try to boost exports and create jobs.

China began its challenge by requesting consultations with the United States through the WTO to resolve the dispute. If that fails, China can request a ruling by a WTO panel, which can order the United States to scrap measures found to violate free-trade commitments or to pay compensation.

Beijing appeared to be challenging Washington's overall approach to subsidies and dumping, as well as its handling of individual cases. 

China's mission to the WTO accused Washington of improperly using anti-dumping measures to shield American companies from competition.

"The relevant practices constitute the abuse of trade remedy measures, which undermines the legitimate interests of China's enterprises," said a statement by China's mission to the WTO.

It complained the United States repeated its "wrongful practice" in the dispute over Chinese-made solar power equipment.

The Chinese statement said the US measures affect Chinese exports to the United States worth US$7.3 billion. 

It gave no details but Xinhua news agency said products included steel, paper and solar cells.

The two governments also have argued over access to each others' markets for poultry, tires and other goods.

On Thursday, China's Ministry of Commerce issued a ruling that the US government paid improper subsidies for six renewable energy projects, violating free-trade rules. 

That ruling came in an investigation launched in November after Washington began a probe into whether Chinese manufacturers were selling solar cells and other equipment in the United States at improperly low prices.

The US Commerce Department issued a preliminary ruling in that case last week that concluded Chinese manufacturers engaged in "unfair practices." It proposed raising tariffs by at least 31 percent to compensate for "improper" Chinese government subsidies.

China earlier accused US investigators of acting unfairly in the solar case by looking at other economies to estimate what Chinese producers' costs should be and how much government support they received.

quinta-feira, 6 de outubro de 2011

China as "currency manipulator": as time goes by... (The Economist)


Free trade and the yuan

One step forward, one back

As trade deals head towards approval, a backlash grows against China

Designed to get up a politician’s nose
THIS was supposed to be a good week for American trade policy. On October 3rd Barack Obama submitted three long-stalled trade agreements to Congress for ratification. Republican and Democratic leaders promised speedy passage. If all goes as planned, the pacts with Colombia, Panama and South Korea could be ratified in time for a state visit on October 13th by Lee Myung-bak, the Korean president.
But that advance for trade was tempered by a revival of protectionism against China. Also on October 3rd the Senate voted by an overwhelming and bipartisan 79-19 to proceed with a bill that would punish China for keeping its currency artificially low. The legislation enables a company to demand an investigation of a country it thinks is using an undervalued currency for unfair trade advantage. If the government concludes that the currency is indeed “fundamentally misaligned”, countervailing duties could be imposed. China, predictably, has given warning of dire consequences if the bill becomes law; “waves of trade protectionism that would favour nobody”, declared Xinhua, a Chinese government-controlled news agency.
A similar bill in the House of Representatives has more than enough co-sponsors to guarantee passage, if it gets to a vote. However, Republican leaders in the House, who like free trade more than do their rank and file, are not inclined to act; John Boehner, the Republican speaker of the House, called the bill “pretty dangerous”. A similar bill passed the House last year, and versions of it have repeatedly made progress in the Senate, but none has yet reached a president’s desk for signing. Mr Obama has also kept his distance. Despite frequent tough talk, his Treasury department has, in its twice yearly currency reports, declined officially to label China a “currency manipulator”.
Congressional threats are a useful crowbar for extracting concessions. China first allowed its tightly controlled currency to rise in 2005 when the Senate was on the verge of passing a similar measure. The rise came to a halt in 2008 when the Chinese authorities sought to cushion exporters from the turbulence of global recession but resumed in 2010 just weeks before the House passed a bill (see chart). After rising 7%, the yuan again stopped appreciating in early August as the world economy threatened to come unglued and as investors fled the euro for the dollar, which rose sharply on a trade-weighted basis.
There are reasons to believe that the yuan is not as obviously undervalued as it once was. Fiscal and monetary stimulus, which jolted domestic demand, has caused China’s current-account surplus to narrow dramatically, from 10.1% of GDP in 2007 to a projected 2.9% this year, according to Nomura, a financial services group, which sees it almost disappearing by 2013. Nevertheless, the protectionist threat in America remains very much alive. America’s trade deficit with China continues to widen. Mitt Romney, the front-runner for the Republican presidential nomination, has said that on his first day in office he would order China to be designated a currency manipulator in preparation for imposing punitive duties.
Public hostility to free trade has risen, and has been matched by growing political truculence, notes the report of a task force of trade experts organised by the Council on Foreign Relations. Presidents have relied on their fast-track Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) to negotiate pacts that Congress can ratify or reject but not amend. But Congress has declined to grant the Oval Office TPA power since its expiration in 2007. The report says Mr Obama himself violated the spirit of the TPA by insisting on further concessions from Colombia, Panama and Korea, whose trade agreements were negotiated by George Bush in 2006-07. It could be years before free traders have another deal to celebrate.