Book Review: Anne Applebaum. Autocracy, Inc.: The Dictators Who Want to Run the World. by Junhyoung Lee (H-Diplo)

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H-Diplo Review Essay 625: Lee on Applebaum, _Autocracy, Inc._

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H-Diplo Review Essay 625

Anne Applebaum. Autocracy, Inc.: The Dictators Who Want to Run the World. Doubleday, 2024. ISBN: 9780385549936.

1 April 2025 | PDF: https://hdiplo.org/to/E625 | X: @HDiplo | BlueSky: @h-diplo.bsky.social

 

Editor: Diane Labrosse 
Commissioning Editor: Daniel R. Hart 
Production Editor: Christopher Ball
Pre-Production Copy Editor: Masami Kimura

Review by Junhyoung Lee, University of Ulsan

Anne Applebaum’s Autocracy, Inc.: The Dictators Who Want to Run the World offers a penetrating analysis of how authoritarian regimes in the twenty-first century collaborate to challenge the liberal democratic order. Applebaum examines the rise of the transnational authoritarian network that is bound by mutual interests in kleptocracy, repression, and power consolidation. She argues that despite their ideological and cultural differences, modern autocracies operate as interconnected entities, exploiting global systems to undermine democratic norms and values. The book situates this authoritarian challenge within the broader context of a multipolar world order, where states like Russia and China champion anti-Western solidarity and alternative normative frameworks, rejecting traditional liberal norms under the banner of “multipolarity” (103). Applebaum’s central question revolves around how democracies should respond to this coordinated threat (1-3).

Applebaum organizes her analysis into five thematic chapters, each of which addresses a key facet of autocratic cooperation, and an epilogue. In chapter 1, “The Greed That Binds,” she explores how kleptocracy serves as the foundation of the autocratic alliance. Autocrats, particularly in Russia and China, leverage financial networks to launder wealth, bypass sanctions, and insulate themselves from international accountability. Applebaum highlights how Western systems, which were initially complicit in facilitating these practices, inadvertently strengthened the transnational kleptocratic network. She provides vivid examples, including the exploitation of sanctions to create illicit trade routes between authoritarian states, and the devastating impact of such networks on ordinary citizens, as illustrated in Zimbabwe, where the Zimbabwe Human Right Forum reported widespread abuses, including 137 political abductions, nineteen disappearances, 107 murders, and six politically motivated rapes (60). This analysis contributes fresh insights into scholarly debates on the political efficacy of sanctions and their unintended consequences.[1]

In chapter 3, “Controlling the Narrative,” Applebaum delves into the sophisticated propaganda mechanisms employed by autocracies to shape public opinion and undermine democratic legitimacy. She underscores how autocrats monopolize societal discourse, fostering political nihilism and disengagement among citizens. This strategy, she argues, thrives in a post-truth era where misinformation is pervasive, underscoring the importance of information literacy for sustaining democratic societies. Applebaum also connects this to China’s global media influence, which is supported by institutions like the Confucius Institutes.[2]

Applebaum’s analysis of the global strategies employed by autocracies to shape narratives and bolster their legitimacy is well-supported by existing scholarship on China’s use of soft power and information control. Samuel Brazys and Alexander Dukalskis illustrate how China employs sophisticated propaganda campaigns to promote a pro-China narrative while undermining democratic values. Their study of China’s “message machine” reveals the strategic use of state-sponsored media and international platforms to amplify favorable messaging, particularly in regions critical to China’s economic and political interests.[3] Dukalskis extends this analysis by exploring the role of Confucius Institutes as tools of grassroots influence, where cultural diplomacy blurs the line between education and political agenda-setting.[4]

Applebaum’s discussion of narrative control by autocracies is further enriched by Johannes Gerschewski’s framework of soft repression, as detailed in his analysis of the “three pillars of stability,” legitimation, repression, and co-optation. Gerschewski defines soft repression as the subtle infringement of civil liberties and political rights, contrasting it with hard repression, which involves violations of physical integrity.[5] This distinction provides a theoretical foundation for Applebaum’s account of how authoritarian regimes discredit opposition actors through defamation, misinformation, and the strategic manipulation of public discourse. Gerschewski emphasizes that over-politicizing autocracies amplify a friend-foe distinction to justify even hard repression, portraying opposition figures as existential threats. However, de-politicizing regimes prefer soft repression, avoiding overt violence to maintain a silent autocratic contract with a disengaged populace. This framework aligns closely with Applebaum’s depiction of how authoritarian regimes smear democrats and opposition figures, framing them as corrupt, unpatriotic, or incompetent. Applebaum documents how state-sponsored media and troll farms disseminate targeted campaigns to stigmatize opposition leaders, presenting them as threats to national stability or cultural identity (113). Gerschewski’s insights underscore how these tactics not only delegitimize democratic forces but also foster political apathy and disengagement, achieving repression without visible coercion. This nuanced mechanism of control enables autocracies to maintain a façade of stability while systematically dismantling democratic opposition under the guise of public opinion and legitimacy.

One of the book’s greatest strengths lies in its interdisciplinary approach, which synthesizes insights from history, political science, and international relations. Applebaum draws compelling parallels between Cold War-era authoritarianism and contemporary autocratic practices. She highlights how globalization and technological advancements have enabled a more adaptable and insidious form of authoritarianism. Her discussion of Germany’s reliance on Russian energy infrastructure exemplifies the vulnerabilities of liberal democracies in an era of economic interdependence, providing a stark warning about the geopolitical risks of overreliance on autocratic regimes.

Despite its many strengths, the book could have expanded its analysis of the resistance of civil society. While Applebaum briefly references grassroots movements in Belarus and Venezuela (4-5), these examples raise broader questions about the interplay between domestic opposition and international autocratic networks. Integrating Alexander Dukalskis’s Making the World Safe for Dictatorship would have enriched the discussion, particularly in understanding how autocracies manage dissent through both soft repression and sophisticated information campaigns.[6] Together, this work affirms Applebaum’s assertion that autocracies do not merely operate domestically but seek to influence the global discourse by leveraging soft power and narrative control as weapons against liberal democratic ideals.

Applebaum’s conclusions resonate with recent scholarship on global authoritarianism, particularly Levitsky and Way’s theories on competitive authoritarianism.[7] By emphasizing the transnational dimensions of autocracy, Autocracy, Inc. extends these frameworks, offering fresh insights into the mechanisms of authoritarian resilience and adaptation. The book also challenges liberal democracies to confront their complicity in enabling autocracies, particularly through their roles in laundering oligarchic wealth (31-35).

In sum, Autocracy, Inc. is an indispensable resource for scholars, policymakers, and readers interested in the future of liberal democracy. Applebaum’s lucid prose and incisive analysis make this book a significant contribution to the literature on authoritarianism and international relations. Her call to defend democratic principles against an evolving autocratic network is as urgent as it is compelling.

 

Junhyoung Lee is a Research Professor at the University of Ulsan specializing in politics and international relations. His recent publications include “Collective Memory and Everyday Politics in North Korea: A Qualitative Text Analysis of New Year Statements, 1946–2019,” Asian Studies Review 48:2 (2024): 270-288. His research interests include authoritarian legitimation and collective memory in post-Communist countries in East Asia.

 

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[1] Lee Jones, Societies under Siege: Exploring How International Economic Sanctions (Do Not) Work (Oxford University Press, 2015).

[2] Yingjie Fan, Jennifer Pan, and Tongtong Zhang, “Gender and Political Compliance Under Authoritarian Rule,” Comparative Political Studies (2024): 1-40, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/00104140241283007. 

[3] Samuel Brazys and Alexander Dukalskis, “China’s Message Machine,” Journal of Democracy 31:4 (2020): 59-73, DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2020.0055.

[4] Brazys and Dukalskis, “Rising Powers and Grassroots Image Management: Confucius Institutes and China in the Media,” The Chinese Journal of International Politics 12:4 (2019): 557-584, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz012.

[5] Johannes Gerschewski, The Two Logics of Autocratic Rule (Cambridge University Press, 2023), 86.

[6] Dukalskis, Making the World Safe for Dictatorship (Oxford University Press, 2021).

[7] Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way, Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War(Cambridge University Press, 2010).

Autocracy, Inc. by Anne Applebaum review, the devil you know - John Simpson (The Guardian)

 Book of the Day:

Autocracy, Inc. by Anne Applebaum review – the devil you know

A masterful guide to the new age of authoritarianism

John Simpson

The Guardian, Wed 17 Jul 2024 07.30 BST

https://www.theguardian.com/books/article/2024/jul/17/autocracy-inc-by-anne-applebaum-review-the-devil-you-know?CMP=twt_books_b-gdnbooks#img-1

Until around 2015, I tended to be moderately positive about the world. There were far more democracies than when I started at the BBC in 1966, I would tell myself, and markedly fewer dictatorships. Africa and Latin America, once host to so many military dictatorships, were now mostly run by elected leaders. The terrible threat of nuclear war had receded. A billion people were being lifted out of poverty. Yes, what Vladimir Putin had done in Crimea in 2014 was worrying, and Xi Jinping was starting to make disturbing speeches about Muslims and Uyghurs; but given that I’d seen Soviet communism melt away across eastern Europe and in Russia itself, I still felt there was reason for optimism.

That pretty much ended in 2016. Brexit damaged the European project, and Donald Trump shook the columns of American leadership. Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, based on the completely false assumption that most Ukrainians would welcome the return of Russian domination, and China’s ruthless suppression of political freedom in Hong Kong have darkened the 2020s much as German, Italian and Japanese intervention darkened the 1930s. And the tide of democracy has turned. Elections have so often become shams. Corruption in government has turned into a major global industry. Well-intentioned but indigent governments welcome Chinese cash because no one else will supply it, and pretend not to notice the strings attached – or even welcome them. Populist movements well up in countries that have traditionally been moderate and calm.

And so the kind of neo-Whig version of history, which taught that trade would bring us all closer together and economics would make war impossible, has collapsed. China, you might have thought, would see peace as essential for its brand of capitalist-Marxism-Leninism to thrive. Yet you only have to read Bill Clinton, speaking in 2000, to realise how very unrealistic that idea has become: “Growing interdependence will have a liberating effect in China … Computers and the internet, fax machines and photocopiers, modems and satellites all increase the exposure to people, ideas and the world beyond China’s borders.” It would be as hard for governments to control the internet, he famously added, as it would be to nail Jell-O to a wall.

But instead of the technology mastering the autocrats, the autocrats have learned to master the technology. In this new age of autocracy, men like Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Narendra Modi and Viktor Orbán run entire countries according to their own personal political interest, recharged from time to time by carefully manipulated elections; though last month the voters of India unexpectedly refused to give Modi the majority he needed. Meanwhile the US, whose opinion used to matter just about everywhere on Earth, suddenly seems as intimidating as a scarecrow in a beet field.

Applebaum offers a masterclass in the marriage of dodgy government to international criminality

Anne Applebaum, as anyone familiar with her writing will know, is well-positioned to catalogue this new age of autocracy. Like her, Autocracy, Inc. is clear-sighted and fearless. I remember disagreeing with her genteelly at editorial meetings in the early 1990s, when she was writing about the danger that Russia’s post-communist implosion would one day present for the west, after Boris Yeltsin left office. She talked even then about the need for Nato to build up its defences against the time when Russia would be resurgent; while I, having spent so much time in the economic devastation of Moscow and St Petersburg, thought the best way for the west to protect itself was by being far more generous and welcoming towards Russia. Events have shown which of us was right, and it wasn’t me.

Autocracy, Inc. is deeply disturbing; it couldn’t be anything else. But Applebaum’s research is as always thoroughgoing, which makes it a lively pleasure to read. When she writes about Zimbabwe, for instance, she uncovers a weird and shocking cast of characters to explain the degree to which a potentially wealthy country has been devastated by unthinkably bad government; including the presidential envoy and ambassador-at-large Uebert Angel. Angel, a British-Zimbabwean and evangelical pastor, teaches “the fundamental aspects of becoming a millionaire”; his personal assistant, another Brit called Pastor Rikki, can allegedly get you a face-to-face meeting with President Mnangagwa for a couple of hundred thou. Rikki was shown on camera promising this to an undercover reporter for Al Jazeera, though he states that the resulting documentary was “brutally edited to portray a false narrative”. Skilfully, Applebaum shows how important a financial entrepôt like Dubai is in promoting the interests of governments such as Zimbabwe, and how it facilitates China’s growing financial control over countries which, left alone by the west, are available for sale or hire.

This is more in the nature of an extended essay about the way the world is going than a major study, but it is a masterclass in the marriage of dodgy government to international criminality. Applebaum is particularly good on information-laundering outfits, “typosquatters” which have the appearance of real, dependable outfits (Reuters.cfd instead of Reuters.com, Spiegel.pr not Spiegel.de). These pump out savagely pro-Russian material, which people read on social media and pass on: for instance the fake press release last year which announced that Nato was going to use Ukrainian troops in France to deal with pension protesters. Obviously false, but it still led to smashed windows and broken bones. The Jell-O is firmly stuck to the wall.

It’s a disturbing world we live in, but understanding its ways, keeping our own counsel, and knowing who to trust have never been so important. Anne Applebaum, who 30 years ago foresaw the way we were going, is one of those we can trust.