O que é este blog?

Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida.

Mostrando postagens com marcador Anne Applebaum. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador Anne Applebaum. Mostrar todas as postagens

terça-feira, 5 de novembro de 2024

A linguagem de Trump, como a de Hitler, de Stalin e outros ditadores - Anne Applebaum

 

On vermin 

Some closing thoughts 

A couple of weeks ago, I downloaded a collection of Hitler’s speeches and started going through them. I also searched my own files, especially the notes I took when working years ago in Russian archives. I was looking for the word “vermin.” Also “parasite.” And, in the Hitler speeches, references to “blood.” 

The result was an article that mostly just quoted Donald Trump, noting that some of language he uses comes directly from the 1930s. Not just Hitler but Stalin, Mao and the East German Stasi liked to talk about their enemies as vermin and parasites who “poison the blood” of the nation: 

The word vermin, as a political term, dates from the 1930s and ’40s, when both fascists and communists liked to describe their political enemies as vermin, parasites, and blood infections, as well as insects, weeds, dirt, and animals. The term has been revived and reanimated, in an American presidential campaign, with Donald Trump’s description of his opponentsas “radical-left thugs” who “live like vermin.”

This language isn’t merely ugly or repellent: These words belong to a particular tradition. Adolf Hitler used these kinds of terms often. In 1938, he praised his compatriots who had helped “cleanse Germany of all those parasites who drank at the well of the despair of the Fatherland and the People.” In occupied Warsaw, a 1941 poster displayed a drawing of a louse with a caricature of a Jewish face. The slogan: “Jews are lice: they cause typhus.” Germans, by contrast, were clean, pure, healthy, and vermin-free. Hitler once described the Nazi flag as “the victorious sign of freedom and the purity of our blood.”

Stalin used the same kind of language at about the same time. He called his opponents the “enemies of the people,” implying that they were not citizens and that they enjoyed no rights. He portrayed them as vermin, pollution, filth that had to be “subjected to ongoing purification,” and he inspired his fellow communists to employ similar rhetoric. In my files, I have the notes from a 1955 meeting of the leaders of the Stasi, the East German secret police, during which one of them called for a struggle against “vermin activities (there is, inevitably, a German word for this:Schädlingstätigkeiten), by which he meant the purge and arrest of the regime’s critics. In this same era, the Stasi forcibly moved suspicious people away from the border with West Germany, a project nicknamed “Operation Vermin.”

This kind of language was not limited to Europe. Mao Zedong also described his political opponents as “poisonous weeds.” Pol Pot spoke of “cleansing” hundreds of thousands of his compatriots so that Cambodia would be “purified.”

In each of these very different societies, the purpose of this kind of rhetoric was the same. If you connect your opponents with disease, illness, and poisoned blood, if you dehumanize them as insects or animals, if you speak of squashing them or cleansing them as if they were pests or bacteria, then you can much more easily arrest them, deprive them of rights, exclude them, or even kill them. If they are parasites, they aren’t human. If they are vermin, they don’t get to enjoy freedom of speech, or freedoms of any kind. And if you squash them, you won’t be held accountable.

I also tried to find previous examples US presidents or presidential candidates over the past century talking like this. But I found that even the most openly racist figures did not.

George Wallace’s notorious, racist, neo-Confederate 1963 speech, his inaugural speech as Alabama governor and the prelude to his first presidential campaign, avoided such language. Wallace called for “segregation today, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” But he did not speak of his political opponents as “vermin” or talk about them poisoning the nation’s blood. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Executive Order 9066, which ordered Japanese Americans into internment camps following the outbreak of World War II, spoke of “alien enemies” but not parasites.

This was a fairly straightforward argument, mostly just quotations. Read the whole thing here:

Trump's language, from The Atlantic

I was not the only person to hear these historical echoes in Trump’s speech. General John Kelly, the former chief of staff in Trump’s White House, has also described, on the record, in both the New York Times and the Atlantic, how Trump would frequently praise Hitler’s generals. Not only did Kelly use the word ‘fascist’ to describe Trump, thirteen former Trump White House officials signed a statement agreeing with him. 

But not everybody agreed. Normally I wouldn’t write about reactions to my writing: I have opinions and others have them too. But this time, the response of Trump supporters - or rather, people who are going to vote for Trump because he might lower their taxes – interested me, because it reminded me of things I’ve seen in other places.  Other than the usual suspects – posters on 4chan, the website of Russia Today, and Elon Musk - I also got a response from the Wall Street Journal editorial page. Under the headline “the fascist meme re-emerges,” the editorial board dismissed my article and others as “hyperbole,” said that there’s nothing to worry about and, tellingly, threw some insults at Joe Biden. A couple of weeks later the historian Niall Ferguson, writing in the Daily Mail, dismissed the whole conversation about “fascism” and then attacked Kamala Harris as undemocratic on the grounds that some people around her have argued for constitutional change. This is a phenomenon that the Poles call symmetrism: whenever something ugly emerges about  someone in your political camp, search immediately for something ugly to say about your opponents, whether or not it is equivalent. 

Something else was going on too. These are intelligent, well-read Trump supporters; they also hear the echoes from history, but they don’t want to draw conclusions from what they are hearing. They belittle, undermine, excuse and ignore his language, his scorn for the rule of law, his allusions to violence and his constant predictions of chaos because if they were to take this language seriously, then they would also have to draw uncomfortable conclusions about themselves. 

With just a few days to go, let me step back and make the case, once again, for why Trump’s language, and Trump’s propaganda, matter so much. Do note that, despite the criticism, it has not stopped. Right up until the final moments of the campaign, Trump was still casting his opponents as “enemies,” as was everyone around him. At his Madison Square Garden rally, one speaker after the next described Puerto Rico as “garbage,” Harris as “the anti-Christ” and Hillary Clinton as a “sick son of a bitch.” At an event with Tucker Carlson on Thursday, he called for violence against Liz Cheney: "Let's put her with a rifle standing there with 9 barrels shooting at her. Let's see how she feels about it. You know, when the guns are trained on her face."

Trump will not personally try to kill Cheney. But he wants us to get used to the idea that someone might, and that would be ok. Also, he wants us to get used to the idea that he might transgress, break the law - or try, once again, to steal the election. 

As I wrote, again in the Atlantic, 

You are meant to accept this language and behavior, to consider this kind of rhetoric ‘baked in’ to any Trump campaign. You are supposed to just get used to the idea that Trump wishes he had ‘Hitler’s generals’ or that he uses the Stalinist phrase ‘enemies of the people’ to describe his opponents. Because once you think that’s normal, then you’ll accept the next step. Even when that next step is an assault on democracy and the rule of law.’”

This campaign has had a purpose. It has prepared Americans - even serious, establishment historians, or members of the Wall Street Journal editorial board - to accept what comes next. If Harris wins on Tuesday, you can expect a massive campaign to change the result. Accusations that “illegal immigrants” are voting, for which there is absolutely no evidence; shenanigans with vote certification; maybe even games played by the House of Representatives. 

Again, read the whole article here: 

Trump Wants You To Think This is Normal

And if Trump wins? He and the people around him have already told us what they will do. They will seek to transform the federal government into a loyalty machine that serves the interests of himself and his cronies. This was the essence of the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, and it will become reality. The Justice Department, the FBI, the IRS and maybe others will focus on harassing Trump’s enemies in the media and in politics. Whole branches of the federal government will be farmed out to cronies who will build kleptocracy on a new scale. 

These changes will not come overnight. They will happen slowly, over time, as they did in Hungary, Venezuela or Turkey. And at each stage, there will be people arguing that we should accept or ignore them. 

Don’t listen to them. And do vote. 

Read my book, Autocracy Inc

Listen to Autocracy in America

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segunda-feira, 5 de agosto de 2024

Autocracy Inc. de Anne Applebaum, Introdução (Inteligência Democrática)

 Autocracy Inc. de Anne Applebaum

Inteligência Democrática4/08/2024

 

Reproduzimos abaixo, numa tradução automática do ChatGPT4, a introdução do mais recente livro de Anne Applebaum (2024), Autocracy Inc. Os ditadores que querem governar o mundo. O PDF com o texto integral pode ser baixado aqui: APPLEBAUM Autocracy, Inc.


 

INTRODUÇÃO

Todos nós temos em nossas mentes uma imagem caricatural de um estado autocrático. Há um homem mau no topo. Ele controla o exército e a polícia. O exército e a polícia ameaçam o povo com violência. Existem colaboradores malignos e, talvez, alguns dissidentes corajosos.

Mas, no século 21, essa caricatura pouco se assemelha à realidade. Hoje em dia, as autocracias não são dirigidas por um único homem mau, mas por redes sofisticadas que dependem de estruturas financeiras cleptocráticas, um complexo de serviços de segurança — militares, paramilitares, policiais — e especialistas tecnológicos que fornecem vigilância, propaganda e desinformação. Os membros dessas redes estão conectados não apenas entre si dentro de uma dada autocracia, mas também a redes em outros países autocráticos, e às vezes em democracias também. Empresas corruptas controladas pelo estado em uma ditadura fazem negócios com empresas corruptas controladas pelo estado em outra. A polícia em um país pode armar, equipar e treinar a polícia em muitos outros. Os propagandistas compartilham recursos — os fazendeiros de trolls e as redes de mídia que promovem a propaganda de um ditador também podem ser usados para promover a de outro — bem como temas: a degeneração da democracia, a estabilidade da autocracia, o mal dos Estados Unidos.

Isso não quer dizer que há uma sala secreta onde os caras maus se encontram, como em um filme de James Bond. Nem nosso conflito com eles é um concurso binário preto-e-branco, uma “Guerra Fria 2.0.” Entre os autocratas modernos estão pessoas que se autodenominam comunistas, monarquistas, nacionalistas e teocratas. Seus regimes têm raízes históricas diferentes, objetivos diferentes, estéticas diferentes. O comunismo chinês e o nacionalismo russo diferem não apenas entre si, mas também do socialismo bolivariano da Venezuela, do Juche da Coreia do Norte ou do radicalismo xiita da República Islâmica do Irã. Todos eles diferem das monarquias árabes e outros — Arábia Saudita, Emirados, Vietnã — que em sua maioria não buscam minar o mundo democrático. Eles também diferem das autocracias mais suaves e democracias híbridas, às vezes chamadas de democracias iliberais —Turquia, Cingapura, Índia, Filipinas, Hungria — que às vezes se alinham com o mundo democrático e às vezes não. Ao contrário de alianças militares ou políticas de outras épocas e lugares, este grupo opera não como um bloco, mas sim como uma aglomeração de empresas, vinculadas não pela ideologia, mas sim por uma determinação implacável e única de preservar sua riqueza e poder pessoal: Autocracia, Inc.

Em vez de ideias, os homens fortes que lideram a Rússia, China, Irã, Coreia do Norte, Venezuela, Nicarágua, Angola, Mianmar, Cuba, Síria, Zimbábue, Mali, Bielorrússia, Sudão, Azerbaijão e talvez outras três dúzias compartilham uma determinação de privar seus cidadãos de qualquer influência ou voz pública reais, de lutar contra todas as formas de transparência ou responsabilidade, e de reprimir qualquer um, em casa ou no exterior, que os desafie. Eles também compartilham uma abordagem brutalmente pragmática da riqueza. Ao contrário dos líderes fascistas e comunistas do passado, que tinham máquinas partidárias atrás deles e não exibiam sua ganância, os líderes da Autocracia, Inc., muitas vezes mantêm residências opulentas e estruturam grande parte de sua colaboração como empreendimentos lucrativos. Seus vínculos entre si e com seus amigos no mundo democrático são cimentados não por ideais, mas por negócios — negócios projetados para atenuar as sanções, trocar tecnologia de vigilância, ajudar uns aos outros a enriquecer.

(...) 

(+ 11 páginas)

Leia a íntegra neste link: 

https://www.academia.edu/122602843/Autocracy_Inc_Anne_Applebaum_Introdu%C3%A7%C3%A3o_2024_



quinta-feira, 1 de agosto de 2024

Venezuela’s Dictator Can’t Even Lie Well - Anne Applebaum (Open Letters)

 Venezuela’s Dictator Can’t Even Lie Well

Nicolas Maduro stole the election - or wants to - but that's not the end of the story 

sábado, 20 de julho de 2024

Anne Applebaum: Presentation of her book: Autocracy, Inc: The Dictators Who Want to Rule the World

Anne Applebaum

Presentation of her book:  Autocracy, Inc: The Dictators Who Want to Rule the World

Five weeks from now, my new book will be published: Autocracy, Inc: The Dictators Who Want to Rule the World. It’s a short book, an argument, really, about the way the world now works. I think of it as the opening of a discussion rather than a definitive statement. At the center of the book is a network (not an axis, alliance or bloc) of dictatorships: Russia, China, Iran, Venezuela, Syria, Cuba, Belarus, Myanmar, Zimbabwe, North Korea plus a dozen-odd others who are seeking to change the international system in order to keep their regimes in power and to preserve their leaders’ wealth. They are not united ideologically. They do not meet either openly or secretly to make policy. They have many conflicts with one another. 

The only thing that bring them together is their dislike of the democratic world, whose language and ideals are a threat to their form of power. The book focuses on the things they have in common: kleptocracy, information war tactics, diplomatic and military collaboration and a common approach to dissent. 

Autocracy, Inc

pre-order Autocracy Inc

pre-order Autocracy Inc (UK)

For a deeper, pre-publication dive - this is the introduction: 

All of us have in our minds a cartoon image of an autocratic state. There is a bad man at the top. He controls the army and the police. The army and the police threaten the people with violence. There are evil collaborators, and maybe some brave dissidents. But in the twenty-first century, that cartoon bears little resemblance to reality.

Nowadays, autocracies are run not by one bad guy but by sophisticated networks relying on kleptocratic financial structures, a complex of security services— military, paramilitary, police—and technological experts who provide surveillance, propaganda, and disinformation. The members of these networks are connected not only to one another within a given autocracy but also to networks in other autocratic countries, and sometimes in democracies too. Corrupt, state-controlled companies in one dictatorship do business with corrupt, state-controlled companies in another. The police in one country may arm, equip, and train the police in many others. The propagandists share resources—the troll farms and media networks that promote one dictator’s propaganda can also be used to promote another’s—as well as themes: the degeneracy of democracy, the stability of autocracy, the evil of America.

This is not to say that there is some secret room where bad guys meet, as in a James Bond movie. Nor is our conflict with them a black-and-white, binary contest, a “Cold War 2.0.” Among modern autocrats are people who call themselves communists, monarchists, nationalists, and theocrats. Their regimes have different historical roots, different goals, different aesthetics. Chinese communism and Russian nationalism differ not only from each other but from Venezuela’s Bolivarian socialism, North Korea’s Juche, or the Shia radicalism of the Islamic Republic of Iran.  All of them differ from the Arab monarchies and others—Saudi Arabia, the Emirates, Vietnam—which mostly don’t seek to undermine the democratic world. They also differ from the softer autocracies and hybrid democracies, sometimes called illiberal democracies—Turkey, Singapore, India, the Philippines, Hungary—which sometimes align with the democratic world and sometimes don’t.

Unlike military or political alliances from other times and places, this group operates not like a bloc but rather like an agglomeration of companies, bound not by ideology but rather by a ruthless, single-minded determination to preserve their personal wealth and power: Autocracy, Inc. Instead of ideas, the strongmen who lead Russia, China, Iran, North Korea, Venezuela, Nicaragua, Angola, Myanmar, Cuba, Syria, Zimbabwe, Mali, Belarus, Sudan, Azerbaijan, and perhaps three dozen others share a determination to deprive their citizens of any real influence or public voice, to push back against all forms of transparency or accountability, and to repress anyone, at home or abroad, who challenges them.

They also share a brutally pragmatic approach to wealth. Unlike the fascist and communist leaders of the past, who had party machines behind them and did not showcase their greed, the leaders of Autocracy, Inc., often maintain opulent residences and structure much of their collaboration as for-profit ventures. Their bonds with one another, and with their friends in the democratic world, are cemented not through ideals but through deals—deals designed to take the edge off sanctions, to exchange surveillance technology, to help one another get rich.

Autocracy, Inc., also collaborates to keep its members in power. Alexander Lukashenko’s unpopular regime in Belarus has been criticized by multiple international bodies—the European Union, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe—and shunned by its European neighbors. Many Belarusian goods cannot be sold in the United States or the EU. The national airline, Belavia, cannot fly to European countries.

And yet, in practice, Belarus is not isolated at all. More than two dozen Chinese companies have invested money in Belarus, even building a China-Belarus Industrial Park, modeled on a similar project in Suzhou. Iran and Belarus exchanged high-level diplomatic visits in 2023. Cuban officials have expressed solidarity with Lukashenko at the UN. Russia offers markets, cross-border investment, political support, and probably police and security services too. In 2020, when Belarusian journalists rebelled and refused to report a false election result, Russia sent Russian journalists to replace them. In return, Belarus’s regime has allowed Russia to base troops and weapons on its territory and to use those assets to attack Ukraine.

Venezuela is also, in theory, an international pariah. Since 2008, the United States, Canada, and the European Union have ramped up sanctions on Venezuela in response to the regime’s brutality, drug smuggling, and links to international crime. Yet President Nicolás Maduro’s regime receives loans from Russia, which also invests in Venezuela’s oil industry, as does Iran. A Belarusian company assembles tractors in Venezuela. Turkey facilitates the illicit Venezuelan gold trade. Cuba has long provided security advisers and security technology to its counterparts in Caracas. Chinese-made water cannons, tear-gas canisters, and shields were used to crush street protesters in Caracas in 2014 and again in 2017, leaving more than seventy dead, while Chinese-designed surveillance technology is used to monitor the public too. Meanwhile, the international narcotics trade keeps individual members of the regime, along with their entourages and families, well supplied with Versace and Chanel.

The Belarusian and Venezuelan dictators are widely despised within their own countries. Both would lose free elections, if such elections were ever held. Both have powerful opponents: the Belarusian and the Venezuelan opposition movements have been led by a range of charismatic leaders and dedicated grassroots activists who have inspired their fellow citizens to take risks, to work for change, to come out onto the streets in protest. In August 2020, more than a million Belarusians, out of a population of only ten million, protested in the streets against stolen elections. Hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans repeatedly participated in protests across the country too. If their only enemies had been the corrupt, bankrupt Venezuelan regime or the brutal, ugly Belarusian regime, these protest movements might have won.

But they were not fighting autocrats only at home; they were fighting autocrats around the world who control state companies in multiple countries and who can use them to make investment decisions worth billions of dollars. They were fighting regimes that can buy security cameras from China or bots from St. Petersburg. Above all, they were fighting against rulers who long ago hardened themselves to the feelings and opinions of their countrymen, as well as the feelings and opinions of everybody else. Autocracy, Inc., offers its members not only money and security but also something less tangible: impunity.

The conviction, common among the most committed autocrats, that the outside world cannot touch them—that the views of other nations don’t matter and that no court of public opinion will ever judge them—is relatively recent. Once upon a time the leaders of the Soviet Union, the most powerful autocracy in the second half of the twentieth century, cared deeply about how they were perceived around the world. They vigorously promoted the superiority of their political system, and they objected when it was criticized. They at least paid lip service to the aspirational system of norms and treaties set up after World War II, with its language about universal human rights, the laws of war, and the rule of law more generally. When the Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev stood up in the United Nations and banged his shoe on the table, as he famously did in the General Assembly in 1960, it was because a Filipino delegate said that Soviet-occupied Eastern Europe had been “deprived of political and civil rights” and “swallowed up by the Soviet Union.” Khrushchev felt it was important to object.

Even in the early part of this century, most dictatorships hid their true intentions behind elaborate, carefully manipulated performances of democracy. Today, the members of Autocracy, Inc., no longer care if they or their countries are criticized or by whom. Some, like the leaders of Myanmar and Zimbabwe, don’t stand for anything beyond self-enrichment and the desire to remain in power, and so can’t be embarrassed. The leaders of Iran confidently discount the views of Western infidels. The leaders of Cuba and Venezuela treat criticism from abroad as evidence of the vast imperial plot organized against them. The leaders of China and Russia have spent a decade disputing the human rights language long used by international institutions, successfully convincing many around the world that the treaties and conventions on war and genocide—and concepts such as “civil liberties” and “the rule of law”—embody Western ideas that don’t apply to them.

quarta-feira, 17 de julho de 2024

Autocracy, Inc. by Anne Applebaum review, the devil you know - John Simpson (The Guardian)

 Book of the Day:

Autocracy, Inc. by Anne Applebaum review – the devil you know

A masterful guide to the new age of authoritarianism

https://www.theguardian.com/books/article/2024/jul/17/autocracy-inc-by-anne-applebaum-review-the-devil-you-know?CMP=twt_books_b-gdnbooks#img-1


Until around 2015, I tended to be moderately positive about the world. There were far more democracies than when I started at the BBC in 1966, I would tell myself, and markedly fewer dictatorships. Africa and Latin America, once host to so many military dictatorships, were now mostly run by elected leaders. The terrible threat of nuclear war had receded. A billion people were being lifted out of poverty. Yes, what Vladimir Putin had done in Crimea in 2014 was worrying, and Xi Jinping was starting to make disturbing speeches about Muslims and Uyghurs; but given that I’d seen Soviet communism melt away across eastern Europe and in Russia itself, I still felt there was reason for optimism.

That pretty much ended in 2016. Brexit damaged the European project, and Donald Trump shook the columns of American leadership. Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, based on the completely false assumption that most Ukrainians would welcome the return of Russian domination, and China’s ruthless suppression of political freedom in Hong Kong have darkened the 2020s much as German, Italian and Japanese intervention darkened the 1930s. And the tide of democracy has turned. Elections have so often become shams. Corruption in government has turned into a major global industry. Well-intentioned but indigent governments welcome Chinese cash because no one else will supply it, and pretend not to notice the strings attached – or even welcome them. Populist movements well up in countries that have traditionally been moderate and calm.

And so the kind of neo-Whig version of history, which taught that trade would bring us all closer together and economics would make war impossible, has collapsed. China, you might have thought, would see peace as essential for its brand of capitalist-Marxism-Leninism to thrive. Yet you only have to read Bill Clinton, speaking in 2000, to realise how very unrealistic that idea has become: “Growing interdependence will have a liberating effect in China … Computers and the internet, fax machines and photocopiers, modems and satellites all increase the exposure to people, ideas and the world beyond China’s borders.” It would be as hard for governments to control the internet, he famously added, as it would be to nail Jell-O to a wall.

But instead of the technology mastering the autocrats, the autocrats have learned to master the technology. In this new age of autocracy, men like Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Narendra Modi and Viktor Orbán run entire countries according to their own personal political interest, recharged from time to time by carefully manipulated elections; though last month the voters of India unexpectedly refused to give Modi the majority he needed. Meanwhile the US, whose opinion used to matter just about everywhere on Earth, suddenly seems as intimidating as a scarecrow in a beet field.

Anne Applebaum, as anyone familiar with her writing will know, is well-positioned to catalogue this new age of autocracy. Like her, Autocracy, Inc. is clear-sighted and fearless. I remember disagreeing with her genteelly at editorial meetings in the early 1990s, when she was writing about the danger that Russia’s post-communist implosion would one day present for the west, after Boris Yeltsin left office. She talked even then about the need for Nato to build up its defences against the time when Russia would be resurgent; while I, having spent so much time in the economic devastation of Moscow and St Petersburg, thought the best way for the west to protect itself was by being far more generous and welcoming towards Russia. Events have shown which of us was right, and it wasn’t me.

Autocracy, Inc. is deeply disturbing; it couldn’t be anything else. But Applebaum’s research is as always thoroughgoing, which makes it a lively pleasure to read. When she writes about Zimbabwe, for instance, she uncovers a weird and shocking cast of characters to explain the degree to which a potentially wealthy country has been devastated by unthinkably bad government; including the presidential envoy and ambassador-at-large Uebert Angel. Angel, a British-Zimbabwean and evangelical pastor, teaches “the fundamental aspects of becoming a millionaire”; his personal assistant, another Brit called Pastor Rikki, can allegedly get you a face-to-face meeting with President Mnangagwa for a couple of hundred thou. Rikki was shown on camera promising this to an undercover reporter for Al Jazeera, though he states that the resulting documentary was “brutally edited to portray a false narrative”. Skilfully, Applebaum shows how important a financial entrepôt like Dubai is in promoting the interests of governments such as Zimbabwe, and how it facilitates China’s growing financial control over countries which, left alone by the west, are available for sale or hire.

This is more in the nature of an extended essay about the way the world is going than a major study, but it is a masterclass in the marriage of dodgy government to international criminality. Applebaum is particularly good on information-laundering outfits, “typosquatters” which have the appearance of real, dependable outfits (Reuters.cfd instead of Reuters.com, Spiegel.pr not Spiegel.de). These pump out savagely pro-Russian material, which people read on social media and pass on: for instance the fake press release last year which announced that Nato was going to use Ukrainian troops in France to deal with pension protesters. Obviously false, but it still led to smashed windows and broken bones. The Jell-O is firmly stuck to the wall.

It’s a disturbing world we live in, but understanding its ways, keeping our own counsel, and knowing who to trust have never been so important. Anne Applebaum, who 30 years ago foresaw the way we were going, is one of those we can trust.