sábado, 13 de fevereiro de 2010

1339) A vida sob o comunismo (como devia ser insuportável...)


Estou lendo este livro:

The Rise and Fall of Communism
by Archie Brown
London: Bodley Head, 2009, 736pp, £25

Mais abaixo uma das muitas resenhas publicadas na imprensa inglesa. Li a introdução e o capítulo sobre o começo do comunismo (o que eu já conhecia).
Agora que o comunismo acabou, em larga medida, os jovens de hoje não tem uma ideia clara sobre o que representou o comunismo -- e o socialismo de maneira geral -- para as gerações precedentes. Mas ele sobrevive apenas em dois pequenos Estados: Cuba (irracionalmente apoiada por "inteliquituais" brasileiros) e Coréia do Norte. O caso da China é diferente: se trata de um país capitalista com um Estado comunista (deu para entender?; eu posso desenhar, ou explicar melhor...).

Estou lendo agora o capítulo 28, "Why Did Communism Last So long?".
Claro, no caso dos países da Europa central e oriental, foi por causa da ocupação soviética, do contrário as sociedades teriam rejeitado o sistema. Bem que tentaram, na DDR, em 1953, na Hungria, em 1956, na Tchecoslováquia, em 1968, mas os tanques soviéticos estavam ali para garantir a sobrevivência de regimes altamente impopulares.
No caso da própria URSS, foi pela eficiência repressora dos mecanismos de controle social do sistema, baseados no terror, nos tempos de Lênin e Stalin, e nos constrangimentos policialescos, na censura extensiva, e no uso da "repressão econômica", ou seja, deixar o dissidente sem trabalho e sem remuneração, o que simplesmente tornaria a sua vida impossível.

Refletindo sobre esse aspecto, isso também ocorre em certos países capitalistas, digamos assim. Por exemplo: deixar um funcionáario do Estado -- e no comunismo TODOS eram funcionários do Estado -- sem função específica e sem remuneração adequada durante muito tempo. Como sob o comunismo, isso atua como um forte desincentivo à contestação e à dissidência individual. Não sei se funciona sempre, mas deve funcionar para a maioria. No meu caso, não funcionou... (de que é exemplo este blog).
Acredito que quem pratica esse tipo de repressão econômica tem uma alma de ditador soviético. Aliás, tem muita gente por aí com alma de ditador soviético...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida (13.02.2010)
PS: leiam a introdução, as primeiras páginas, nesta versão eletrônica para Kindle, no site da Amazon, neste link.

The Rise and Fall of Communism by Archie Brown: review
Simon Heffer praises a book by Archie Brown that strips away the romance of communism
By Simon Heffer
Daily Telegraph, 30 May 2009

As an academic historian, Archie Brown has become possibly Britain’s leading expert on communism. Of an age to have travelled widely behind the Iron Curtain when the Cold War was still raging, he brings to his study of the subject not merely decades of immersion in archives and books, but also first-hand observation and experience. All these qualities inform this superb book, which in just over 700 pages gives not only the history of communism, but also the background to it and the reasons for its decline.

Although the doctrine still prevails in one enormously significant country – China – and in four smaller ones (North Korea, which is becoming a bigger problem by the day, Vietnam, Laos and Cuba), Brown’s work is largely in the nature of a retrospective. He traces the philosophical beginnings of the creed through to its implementation in what became the Soviet Union after the 1917 revolution: and it is the Soviet Union that is the bedrock of his book from then on. It is not simply, of course, that the USSR was first: it was that it had the manpower, the resources, the firepower and (until Gorbachev) the ruthlessness to impose its will and its system on its satraps and imitators.

The key figure in this was Stalin, whose doctrines (if not his methods of enforcing them) prevailed right up until the mid Eighties. During the Terror Stalin created a rule that was truly totalitarian, and which Brown distinguishes to an extent from communism. He is correct to do so, though he is equally correct to point out that communism, because of its anti-freedom ideology, can only be imposed with varying degrees of coercion. He says communist regimes imposed as a result of indigenous revolution turn out to be more durable than those enforced from outside. The history of what used to be called the Soviet bloc bears that out exactly.

Brown’s relatively concise but also precise exposition of Stalin’s regime is a masterpiece, laced with flashes of dark humour but never understating the sheer monstrousness of a man who goes down in history as a mass murderer on a scale that puts even Hitler in the shade. The brutality that he inflicted on those whom he conquered – such as the unfortunate Latvians, Lithuanians and Estonians – becomes more comprehensible when one reads of the arbitrary viciousness he used on people who were supposed to be his adherents, supporters and colleagues.

Although Nikita Khrushchev famously denounced Stalin and his crimes at the 1956 party congress, three years after the tyrant’s death, the ethos did not crack. The Hungarian uprising later that year was put down with typical brutality, for the Soviets then knew no other way. At home, dissidents were no longer shot in the back of the head for having a difference of opinion, and the Gulag became considerably less populated: but Khrushchev himself was happy, in defence of Russian hegemony, to push the world to the brink of war during the Cuban missile crisis in 1962.

When Leonid Brezhnev succeeded him in 1964 the tone became even more Stalinist: Brezhnev was conscious of having to protect what was effectively Stalin’s inheritance, and did not hesitate to do so. It may have been a time of stability for the USSR, but it also remained one of repression. Just as in Hungary 12 years earlier, Soviet troops put down an attempt by Czechoslovakia to reform after the Prague Spring. As late as 1981, a tame Polish leader, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, was prevailed on to squash dissidence in that country, contingent on the rise of the Solidarity movement. Communism could not be allowed to be diluted in the Soviet bloc, for it would challenge the Marxist-Leninist doctrines that underpinned the Soviet Union: so the old Stalinist methods of compliance by coercion were brought back whenever necessary.

Brown has crammed an amazing amount of information and analysis into a hugely readable book. He gives the most comprehensible breakdown of how Chinese communism developed, and how the apparent capitalist society the country now has is still, in fact, communist. But his greatest achievement is to strip away, without any partisanship, what some have held to be the romance of communism. He details how corrupt the regime was in Cuba before Castro overthrew it, and he talks of the wonders done in Cuba in the field of health care, in particular. But he equally leaves us in no doubt that Cuba remains a repressive and impoverished place thanks to communism. There are constant reminders of the basic liberties denied to those in communist countries in order to maintain the doctrine; and reminders too of how painfully aware so many of those people were of the freedoms and luxuries of the West.

If this book has any deficiency it is that I should have liked to read more about the systems of repression in places like the Baltic states, where museums exist to catalogue Soviet barbarism against the Baltic peoples. It is most amazing of all that this was so widespread just 20 years ago. Brown’s book is, above all, a monument to the triumph of liberty.

1338) Radioatividade persa: contaminacao diplomatica...

O ataque das formigas atômicas
Duda Teixeira
Revista Veja, edição 2152 - 17 de fevereiro de 2010

Passo a passo, o Irã caminha para onde sempre quis chegar: a fabricação da bomba atômica. Já avançou no material necessário, o enriquecimento de urânio a 20% em suas centrífugas. E pode fazer mais do que isso, jactou-se Ahmadinejads

BOMBA, BOMBA, BOMBA
Ahmadinejad aponta o caminho acelerado do desastre: "Somos uma potência nuclear"

Mentir, mentir sempre. E, nos arroubos de entusiasmo, abandonar momentaneamente o fingimento e deixar entrever as verdadeiras intenções. Assim tem se comportado o regime iraniano em relação ao programa nuclear que, ostensivamente, é para a produção de energia, mas em todos os aspectos práticos caminha para a fabricação de uma bomba atômica. As consequências para o mundo inteiro têm um potencial calamitoso. Israel, que por motivos óbvios considera a bomba iraniana uma ameaça vital, pode desfechar um ataque preventivo, de alcance arrepiante para o mundo todo, em especial nessa fase de sensibilíssima economia pós-crise. Ou o Irã continua fazendo mais do mesmo: enfrenta novas sanções, desafia os organismos internacionais e alcança, por fim, a bomba, o que lhe garante uma espécie de tenebrosa imunidade. Até lá, o regime dos aiatolás continuará fingindo que negocia, aceitando inspeção parcial da Agência Internacional de Energia Atômica (AIEA) e, na sua visão, talvez cruelmente correta, fazendo de bobos os países que propõem saídas honrosas como o processamento no exterior do urânio, o minério que move usinas ou produz bombas, dependendo do grau de manipulação (veja o quadro). Na semana passada, em clima de exaltação nacional, o Irã anunciou que começou a enriquecer urânio a 20% no complexo nuclear de Natanz. "O Irã já é uma potência nuclear", jactou-se o presidente Mahmoud Ahmadinejad diante das habituais massas de manobra. "Podemos enriquecer o urânio a 20% ou 80%, mas não chegamos a isso porque não precisamos."

Fora o tom de blefe que permeia os discursos de Ahmadinejad e a confusão de porcentagens – entre o enriquecimento a 20% e o processo a 90%, necessário para a bomba, existe um intervalo tecnológico de dois a três anos –, a chantagem fica mais do que explícita. É como se dissesse: se quisermos, poderemos fazer. E como querem. Em setembro do ano passado, fotos de satélite revelaram que o Irã construiu secretamente uma central nuclear subterrânea que poderia comportar 3 000 centrífugas para enriquecer urânio. O complexo, perto da cidade de Qom, segue o mesmo padrão de Natanz, onde as máquinas estão a 23 metros de profundidade, cobertas por um escudo de concreto. É um formigueiro atômico, no meio das montanhas, feito para resistir a ataques aéreos como os que, segundo as previsões mais sombrias, Israel inevitavelmente des-fechará. Existem bombas que alcançam os bunkers mais protegidos, mas o processo demanda bombardeios prolongados – e, mais complicado ainda, os aviões só atingiriam o Irã através do espaço aéreo de Líbano, Síria, Iraque, Arábia Saudita ou Turquia; em suma, uma infindável encrenca. O Irã afirma que vai produzir entre 3 e 5 quilos de urânio por mês para fins de pesquisa médica e geração de eletricidade. "Não há uso civil para tudo isso. O país tem apenas um reator funcionando adequadamente, o de Bushehr, que consome 10 quilos de urânio russo ao longo de um ano inteiro", disse a VEJA a especialista americana Jacqueline Shire, analista do Instituto para a Ciência e a Segurança Internacional, em Washington.

A possibilidade de que novas sanções funcionem é pouca, mas, diante da falta de opções, Estados Unidos e Europa prepararam um novo programa punitivo no âmbito do Conselho de Segurança da ONU. A Rússia insinuou que apoiaria. A China, não. O Brasil, atual integrante do Conselho como membro rotatório, deve seguir, vergonhosamente, os chineses. A diplomacia lulista tem se desdobrado em manifestações de apoio ao regime iraniano, movida pelos equívocos de sempre – antiamericanismo, discurso nacionalista (distorcido, claro, pois contraria os interesses fundamentais do Brasil) e uma relação carnal que ultrapassa amplamente o necessário para manter laços diplomáticos corretos com um país complicado. Um leão para defender, em vão, as mais terríveis punições à Honduras do interregno pós-zelaysta (encerrado pelo voto), o chanceler Celso Amorim virou um gatinho persa ante a proposta de sanções internacionalmente aceitas contra o Irã da bomba atômica clandestina. "Há sempre pedidos de medidas mais e mais severas", admoestou. "Não vemos realmente que seja o caso." E qual seria a opção? "Não adianta nada fazer uma proposta e ficar parado esperando que o outro lado faça exatamente aquilo que foi proposto." Ou seja, a culpa é de quem propõe saídas para o caso iraniano. Se paira alguma dúvida sobre os "culpados", esclareça-se: o presidente Barack Obama, que nobremente ofereceu a mão estendida ao Irã (e levou um tapa na cara), e os principais países europeus, que articularam a proposta do enriquecimento do urânio iraniano na França e na Rússia, como garantia de seu uso pacífico. Como o Irã quer é fazer a bomba, a oferta foi empurrada com a barriga, com o apoio explícito do chanceler Amorim. "Uma coisa é pagar mico em Honduras, que não traz grandes consequências", diz o embaixador Rubens Barbosa. "Outra coisa é, no caso do Irã, dar vexame perante o mundo." Em retribuição à gentil visita de Ahmadinejad no ano passado, o presidente Lula tem viagem marcada para Teerã em maio. Será uma apoteose. E depois, vem o quê? O apocalipse?

NA MESMA SINTONIA
Celso Amorim com Ahmadinejad em Teerã e ato de exaltação ao regime: um quer a bomba,
o outro quer ser amigo

1337) Global Warming?: not so fast, not so extensive...


IPCC: cherish it, tweak it or scrap it?

Nature, February 2010

Abstract As calls for reform intensify following recent furores about e-mails, conflicts of interest, glaciers and extreme weather, five climatologists propose ways forward for the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Their suggestions range from reaffirming the panel' governing principles to increasing the number and speed of its publications to replacing the volunteer organization with a permanently staffed structure.

Split into three panels Mike Hulme Coordinating lead author, lead author, review editor (AR3), University of East Anglia, Norwich, UK Much has changed since the late 1980s when the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was designed, notably the nature of scientific practice and its relationship with society. How the world's knowledge communities are mobilized to enlighten policy deliberations also needs to be different. The assessments published by the IPCC have firmly elevated anthropogenic climate change to one of the major international political issues of our time. But they have made this impact by drawing in an ever-widening subset of the social, technological, environmental and ethical dimensions of climate change - well beyond the physical sciences. The IPCC is no longer fit for purpose. It is not feasible for one panel under sole ownership - that of the world's governments, but operating under the delegated management of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) - to deliver an exhaustive 'integrated' assessment of all relevant climate-change knowledge. As I remarked three years ago in these pages, "The IPCC needs a complete overhaul. The structure and process are past their sell-by dates." My suggestion for radical reform is to dissolve the IPCC after the Fifth Assessment Report (AR5) in 2014. The work would be split into three types of assessment and evaluation, each rather different to the three existing IPCC working groups. The first would be a Global Science Panel (GSP). An IPCC-like assessment process should continue to operate for the physical sciences that observe and predict the Earth system. Rather than comprehensive reports every six years, this panel would commission, on a rolling basis, a larger number of smaller, sharply focused syntheses of knowledge on fast-moving topics that have great scientific or policy salience. Perhaps two or three would be in production at any one time and each would be no more than 50 pages in length. These would need to be globally coordinated and could be governed either through an intergovernmental process as now, or devolved to a governing council of representative national academies of science. The second group would be made up of Regional Evaluation Panels (REPs). The cultural, social, economic and development dimensions of climate change are essentially regional in nature. Each region - five to ten continental or sub-continental regions in all - should conduct its own evaluation of relevant knowledge. This should use the work of the GSP, but also draw in a much more diverse set of expertise, knowledge and scholarship. As well as being structured according to the concerns of each region, the ownership and governance patterns of these REPs would vary regionally, but should ideally involve a consortium of national governments, civil-society organizations and businesses. The third group would be the Policy Analysis Panel (PAP) - a standing panel of expertise, global in reach, with interdisciplinary skills and a diverse analytical capacity. Perhaps 50-100 strong, this panel would undertake focused and rapid (6-12 months) analyses of specific proposed policy options and measures that have global significance. These could be subjects such as environmental effectiveness of controlling black carbon, economic implications of carbon border tariffs or new financing options for reducing emissions from deforestation. The policy options to be analysed can be brought forward by UN bodies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), businesses and groupings of national governments. The PAP could be governed by a council of women and men of international stature and strong cultural significance to represent the breadth of civil society around the world. Such high quality and transparent policy evaluation would broaden the options available for national and international deliberations. This restructuring would allow clearer distinctions to be made in areas that have been troublesome for the IPCC: assessments of published knowledge versus policy analysis and evaluation; the globalized physical sciences versus more geographically and culturally nuanced knowledge; a one-size, top-down model of ownership and governance versus more inclusive, representative and regionally varying forms of governance. It would better serve the world, and its peoples, in understanding and responding to anthropogenic climate change.

Independent agency needed
Eduardo Zorita Contributing author (AR4), GKSS Research Center in Geesthacht, Germany

Like the financial sector last year, the IPCC is currently experiencing a failure of trust that reveals flaws in its structure. This presents the climate-change community with the opportunity to address these faults. The IPCC currently performs as a diffuse community of government-nominated academic volunteers occupying a blurred space between science and politics, issuing self-reviewed reports under great stresses and unmanageable deadlines. Its undefined structure puts it at the mercy of pressure from advocates. The IPCC should be made stronger and independent. We do not need to reinvent the wheel; there are excellent examples of agencies that society has set up when credibility is of the utmost importance. The European Central Bank, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the International Energy Agency and the US Congressional Budget Office all independently navigate their way through strong political pressures, delivering valuable assessments, advice, reports and forecasts, tapping academic research when necessary. These agencies are accountable and respected. An international climate agency (ICA) along such lines would have a staff of around 200 full-time scientists who would be independent of government, industry and academia. Such an agency should be resourced and empowered to do the following: issue streamlined biennial state-of-the-climate reports; be a repository and quality-controller of observational climate data; advise governments on regional assessments of climate impacts; and coordinate the suite of future-climate simulations by research institutes. An ICA could be built, for instance, on the IAEA template, encompassing many more countries than the IAEA but with a smaller staff. ICA reports should be independently reviewed in a transparent process, draw only on established, peer-reviewed literature, and highlight research gaps. External reviews would then be incorporated into the reports to form white papers to include possible opposing views in a transparent way. The process of moving towards such an ICA could start now, alongside the preparation of the next IPCC assessment report, and culminate after its completion. Those climate researchers in the IPCC Bureau who have widely recognized credibility could initiate this transformation, supported by lead authors and review editors more numerous and with a bigger say than presently. These review editors should be elected not by governments but directly by scientific unions, for instance the American Geophysical Union, the European Geosciences Union and similar associations from Asia. As with finance, climate assessment is too important to be left in the hands of advocates.

Apply best practice rules Thomas F. Stocker Co-chair IPCC Working Group I (AR5), coordinating lead author (AR3, AR4), University of Bern, Switzerland

The basis of the IPCC is the voluntary contributions of thousands of dedicated scientists from all over the world. The Principles Governing IPCC Work (IPCC, 1998) provide a clear framework for an open, transparent and robust process. This bottom-up endeavour is a unique model of providing scientific information, mainly from the peer-reviewed scientific literature, for decision-making on a challenging problem. It has worked extremely successfully for the past 21 years. Recent controversies have demonstrated both the value and the limitations of these procedures. The team structure of the chapter authors, the multiple reviews by peers and governments, and the full and public documentation of this process largely eliminate personal views or biases in the science assessment. But procedures are only as strong as their enforcement at all levels of the assessment process. When I served as a coordinating lead author of Working Group I in the Third and Fourth Assessment Reports (AR3 and AR4), I was deeply impressed by the strict adherence to these principles by the co-chairs who ensured that these standards were applied at all levels. The combination of the best scientists and clear procedures constitute the authority of the IPCC. Calls for reform of the IPCC have been made before. Changes were discussed after the completion of the Fourth Assessment Report in 2007. One possibility mooted was the production of more frequent assessments, more limited in scope. Fast-track assessments in support of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change process were also considered. However, the panel concluded that the production of comprehensive reports roughly every six years is preferable because it ensures the robustness required for a thorough and rigorous assessment. Faster turnover would jeopardize the multi-stage review and thus compromise authority and comprehensiveness. In asking scientists to produce reports and assessments every year, say, we could lose their support rather quickly. The IPCC has served as an honest broker in the past and will do so, hopefully, in the future. Now that the problem of climate change is on the radar screen of the world, there are many NGOs and other groups, even groups of scientists and institutions, that provide climate-change information in various forms and quality, often lacking comprehensiveness and proper recognition of uncertainties. There is a strong pressure to provide 'just-in-time' scientific updates for policy-makers and stakeholders, as was the case in the preparations for the 2009 climate-change conference in Copenhagen. The IPCC must not yield to this pressure. In this field of different and divergent forces, confusion may arise. An honest broker therefore is an asset. From my perspective, the IPCC has fulfilled this role with remarkable rigour and integrity. This role is now at risk, as the stakes are higher than ever before. The requirement that assessments are policy relevant but never policy prescriptive, as formulated in the Principles Governing IPCC Work, is of paramount importance. Our task is to inform the policy-makers and the public strictly in a 'what if' mode. Any other approach must be left to NGOs, negotiators or individuals. Only with strict adherence to procedures and to scientific rigour at all stages will the IPCC continue to provide the best and most robust information that is needed so much.

Produce more reports faster Jeff Price Lead author (AR3, AR4), director, climate-change adaptation, WWF United States

The IPCC is accepting nominations (until 12 March 2010) from governments and participating organizations for authors for its Fifth Assessment Report. One recommendation for the IPCC that could be implemented immediately is in how its coordinating lead authors and review editors are selected.
A new class of short, rapidly prepared, peer-reviewed reports is needed. Currently, authors are selected to represent "a range of views, expertise, gender and geographical representation". However, given the importance placed on these assessments, the most senior positions should be filled by the nominees most expert in their field, regardless of balance. These authors should be the most knowledgeable nominee about the range of topics in their chapter, best able to cooperatively work with a team of international scholars. Preferably, they should have previously been involved in an IPCC assessment and be familiar with IPCC standards and methodologies. Geographic and gender balance should then be used in selection of lead authors. The level of work required in preparing an assessment is large. Increasing the number of lead authors would provide better balance and give more scientists the ability to participate in the process. A new class of short, rapidly prepared, peer-reviewed reports is also needed. At present, publication options include supplemental material (no peer review required), technical papers (based on existing assessments) or assessments and special reports that undergo two reviews (expert and government/expert, usually taking more than two years to complete) (fig. 1). For topics of emerging importance or uncertainty, we need reports based on expert meetings and literature synthesis that undergo only a single round of extensive peer review with review-editor oversight before publication. The IPCC should also expand the number of specialist task forces, task groups and hold more expert meetings to provide additional scientific review and oversight for the broadening array of models (including model comparisons and validation) and methodologies used in emissions reporting, estimating and monitoring impacts, and in developing assessments and adaptation plans. Finally, the current period between assessments is too long. One option would be for the IPCC, or another body, to produce an annual review, assessment and synthesis of the literature for policy-makers (for example, three annual review volumes with a synthesis chapter in each volume) prepared by experts in the field. Although the editors of the volumes should ideally be drawn from past IPCC authors and editors, the review articles could be submitted by any author, as they would for a journal, with appropriate peer review and assessment for publication.

Open debate: Wikipedia-style

John R. Christy Lead author (AR3), University of Alabama in Huntsville, USA

Since 1992 I have served as an IPCC contributor and in 2001, as a lead author. My experience has left me of the firm conviction that the IPCC should be removed from UN oversight. The IPCC selects lead authors from the pool of those nominated by individual governments. Over time, many governments nominated only authors who were aligned with stated policy. Indeed, the selections for the IPCC Fourth Assessment Report represented a disturbing homogeneity of thought regarding humans and climate. Selected lead authors have the last word in the review cycle and so control the message, often ignoring or marginalizing dissenting comments. 'Consensus' and manufactured-confidence ensued. The recent leaking of e-mails from the Climatic Research Unit at the University of East Anglia in Norwich, UK, put on display the unsavoury cycle of marginalizing different viewpoints. Now several errors of overstatement, such as that of the melting rate of the Himalayan glaciers, have been exposed. Unfortunately, prestigious media, including Nature, became cheerleaders for these official reports, followed then by governments trying to enact policies that drastically reduced emissions to 'stop global warming' while increasing energy costs. I recommended last year that the next IPCC report invites published authors to write about the evidence for low climate sensitivity and other issues. The IPCC then would be a true reflection of the heterogeneity of scientific views, an 'honest broker', rather than an echo chamber. My recommendation assumed a business-as-usual IPCC process. However, voluminous printed reports, issued every six years by government-nominated authors, cannot accommodate the rapid and chaotic development of scientific information today. An idea we pitched a few years ago that is now worth reviving was to establish a living, 'Wikipedia-IPCC'. Groups of four to eight lead authors, chosen by learned societies, would serve in rotating, overlapping three-year terms to manage sections organized by science and policy questions (similar to the Fourth Assessment Report). The authors would strike a balance between the free-for-all of true science and the need for summary statements. Controversies would be refereed by the lead authors, but with input from all sides in the text, with links to original documents and data. The result would be more useful than occasional big books and would be a more honest representation of what our fledgling science can offer. Defining and following rules for this idea would be agonizing, but would provide greater openness. The truth, and this is frustrating for policy-makers, is that scientists' ignorance of the climate system is enormous. There is still much messy, contentious, snail-paced and now, hopefully, transparent work to do.

See also Perspectives, page 747. Have your say on the future of the IPCC here.

FOX NEWS On line - analysis

Top Science Journal Calls for Climate Science Reform AP A steady drip of errors in the top report on global warming -- and the erosion they are causing in public confidence of the science behind it -- have some scientists calling for drastic changes in how future United Nations climate reports are done. WASHINGTON -- A steady drip of errors in the top report on global warming -- and the erosion they are causing in public confidence of the science behind it -- have some scientists calling for drastic changes in how future United Nations climate reports are done. A push for reform being published in Thursday's issue of the prestigious scientific journal Nature comes on top of a growing clamor for the resignation of the chairman of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. The work of the climate change panel, or IPCC, is often portrayed as one massive tome. But it really is four separate reports on different aspects of global warming, written months apart by distinct groups of scientists. No errors have surfaced in the first and most well-known of the reports, which said the physics of a warming atmosphere and rising seas is man-made and incontrovertible. So far, four mistakes have been discovered in the second report, which attempts to translate what global warming might mean to daily lives around the world. "A lot of stuff in there was just not very good," said Kevin Trenberth, head of climate analysis at the National Center for Atmospheric Research and a lead author of the first report. "A chronic problem is that on the whole area of impacts, getting into the realm of social science, it is a softer science. The facts are not as good." It's been a dismal winter for climate scientists after the high point of winning the 2007 Nobel, along with former Vice President Al Gore, for championing efforts to curb global warming and documenting its effects. --In November, stolen private e-mails from a British university climate center embarrassed a number of scientists for their efforts to stonewall climate skeptics. The researchers were found to have violated Britain's Freedom of Information laws. --In December, the much anticipated climate summit of world leaders in Copenhagen failed to produce a meaningful mandatory agreement to curb greenhouse gases. --Climate legislation in the United States, considered key to any significant progress in slowing global warming, is stalled. --Some Republican U.S. senators, climate skeptics and British newspapers have called for Rajendra Pachauri, chairman of the IPCC, to resign. They contend he has financial conflicts of interest involving his role with the climate panel and a green-energy foundation he set up. He has vigorously denied any conflicts. --And in recent weeks, a batch of mistakes have been uncovered in the second of the four climate research reports produced in 2007. That second report -- which examines current effects of global warming and forecasts future ones on people, plants, animals and society -- at times relied on government reports or even advocacy group reports instead of peer-reviewed research. Scientists say that's because there is less hard data on global warming's effects. Nine different experts told The Associated Press that the second report -- because of the nature of what it examines -- doesn't rely on standards as high or literature as deep as the more quoted first report. And they say communication problems between lead authors of different reports make it harder to spot errors. The end result is that the document on the effects of climate change promotes the worst of nightmares and engages in purposeful hyping, said longtime skeptic John Christy of the University of Alabama, Huntsville. David King, Britain's former chief scientific adviser who once lectured at the University of East Anglia, home to the climate center where scientist e-mails were hacked, said that scandal laid bare the weaknesses in the IPCC. In a telephone interview, he said those who challenged the IPCC's assessment "are seen to be rocking the boat, and this in my view is extremely unfortunate." Scientists -- including top U.S. government officials -- argue that the bulk of the reports are sound. "The vast majority of conclusions in the IPCC are credible, have been through a very rigorous process and are absolutely state of the science, state of the art about what we know of the climate system," said National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration chief Jane Lubchenco, who runs the agency that oversees much of the U.S. government's climate research. The problems found in the IPCC 2007 reports so far are mostly embarrassing: --In the Asian chapter, five errors in a single entry on glaciers in Himalayas say those glaciers would disappear by 2035 -- hundreds of years earlier than other information suggests -- with no research backing it up. It used an advocacy group as a source. It also erroneously said the Himalayan glaciers were melting faster than other glaciers. --A sentence in the chapter on Europe says 55 percent of the Netherlands is below sea level, when it's really about half that amount. --A section in the Africa chapter that talks about northern African agriculture says climate change and normal variability could reduce crop yields. But it gets oversimplified in later summaries so that lower projected crop yields are blamed solely on climate change. --There's been a longstanding dispute about weather extremes and economics. The second report says that there are more weather disasters than before because of climate change and that it is costing more. The debate continues over whether it is fair to say increased disaster costs are due to global warming or other societal factors such as increased development in hurricane prone areas. Scientists say the nature of the science and the demands of governments for a localized tally of climate change effects and projections of future ones make the second report a bit more prone to mistakes than the first report. Regional research is more often done by governments or environmental groups; using that work is allowed by IPCC rules even if it is seen as less rigorous than traditional peer-reviewed research, said Martin Parry, chairman in charge of the report on climate effects. The second report includes chapters on each region, which governments want to be mostly written by local experts, some of whom may not have the science credentials of other report authors. That's where at least three of the errors were found. In Thursday's issue of the journal Nature, four IPCC authors call for reform, including Christy, who suggests the outright dumping of the panel itself in favor of an effort modeled after Wikipedia, the online encyclopedia. A fifth author, writing in Nature, argues the IPCC rules are fine but need to be better enforced. In response, Chris Field of Stanford University, the new head of the second report team, said that he welcomes the scrutiny and vows stricter enforcement of rules to check sources to eliminate errors in future reports; those are to be produced by the IPCC starting in 2013. Many IPCC scientists say it's impressive that so far only four errors have been found in 986 pages of the second report, with the overwhelming majority of the findings correct and well-supported. However, former IPCC Chairman Bob Watson said, "We cannot take that attitude. Any mistakes do allow skeptics to have a field day and to use it to undermine public confidence, private sector confidence, government confidence in the IPCC."

sexta-feira, 12 de fevereiro de 2010

1336) Surpresas da geografia... ou a falta que faz um bom mapa do mundo...

Esse pessoal não consultou nem o Google Earth, sairam sem GPS.
E o pior é que não levaram calção de banho ou prancha de surf.
Vejam vocês mesmos:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MQMP7d4Qqr4

1335) As voltas da História - Martin Wolf

No dia 10 de fevereiro de 2010, eu postei neste blog o link para um podcast do jornalista econômico Martin Wolf, sobre os desafios de nosso mundo pos-crise:

The challenges of managing our post crisis world (December 29, 2009)

Bem, continuei, nas noites seguintes, aproveitando as promenades philosophiques avec mon chien, para ouvir outros podcasts do Martin Wolf, certamente um dos melhores comentaristas da economia global, obviamente do Financial Times (FT) que, junto com o Wall Street Journal e a Economist, não é apenas um dos melhores jornais econômicos do mundo, mas um dos melhores jornais, tout court.

Foi assim que ouvi mais um podcast que recomendo vivamente aos meus habituais visitantes, este aqui:

How the noughties were a hinge of History (23 December 2009)

A despeito do que pedem os editores do FT (Please don't cut articles from FT.com and redistribute by email or post to the web), vou contrariar essa recomendação e não apenas dar o link para o podcast, como transcrever o teor do mesmo.

Antes, porém, cabe esclarecer por que o estou fazendo, já que não pretendo me converter em promotor publicitário do jornalista em questão.
A razão é que encontrei inúmeros pontos de contato e alguma similaridade conceitual entre esse podcast, ou esse ensaio de natureza histórica, e um trabalho meu já concluido desde o final de 2009 -- portanto, na mesma época em que Martin Wolf escrevia o seu texto -- mas que não foi ainda publicado.
O trabalho é este aqui:

O Bric e a substituição de hegemonias: um exercício analítico
(perspectiva histórico-diplomática sobre a emergência de um novo cenário global)

Paulo Roberto de Almeida
(Brasília, 31 dezembro 2009, 32 p.)
Trata-se de um ensaio preparado para um livro sobre o Brasil e os outros Brics e que, se não encontrar objeção de certas cabeças iluminadas, deveria, em princípio, ser publicado em meados de 2010, sob a coordenação de um economista conhecido.

Transcrevo o sumário e os dados de indexação:

1. Introdução: por que o Bric e apenas o Bric?
2. Bric: uma nova categoria conceitual ou apenas um acrônimo apelativo?
3. O Bric na ordem global: um papel relevante, ou apenas uma instância formal?
4. O Bric e a economia política da nova ordem mundial: contrastes e confrontos
5. Grandezas e misérias da substituição hegemônica: lições da História
6. Conclusão: um acrônimo talvez invertido

Resumo: Exercício analítico de caráter histórico-prospectivo sobre o grupo Bric a partir de um exame sobre os fundamentos conceituais da iniciativa diplomática e de uma discussão acerca de suas peculiaridades econômicas e políticas, nos contextos regionais e mundial. Argumentos reflexivos e considerações de natureza histórica sobre as implicações diplomáticas do processo de substituição de hegemonias globais.
Palavras-chave: Bric, Brasil, Rússia, Índia, China, G7, Ordem global, Governança mundial, Substituição de hegemonias.
(quem tiver curiosidade em lê-lo, pode me pedir em mensagem particular)

Agora, Martin Wolf:

How the noughties were a hinge of history
By Martin Wolf
Financial Times, December 23 2009

The only truly global power was in rapid relative decline. Not long before, it had won a pyrrhic victory in a costly colonial war. New great powers were on the rise. An arms race was under way, as was competition for markets and resources in undeveloped areas of the world. Yet people still believed in the durability of the free trade and free capital flows that had nurtured prosperity and, many believed, had also underpinned peace.

That was how the world looked to many at the end of the “noughties” of the 20th century. Yet catastrophe lay ahead: a world war; a communist revolution; a Great Depression; fascism; and then another world war. The world order – built on competing great powers, imperialism and liberal markets – proved incapable of providing the public goods of peace and prosperity. It took calamity, the cold war and the replacement of the UK by the US as hegemonic power to re-establish stability. That then facilitated decolonisation, unprecedented economic expansion, the collapse of communism and yet another epoch of market-led global integration.

“History does not repeat itself, but it rhymes,” as Mark Twain is supposed to have said. The noughties of the 21st century now have the same fin de regime feeling as those of a century ago. Then the US, Germany, Russia and Japan were on the rise; now it is China and India. Then it was the Boer war; now it is the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Then it was an arms race between Germany and the UK; now it is the military build-up in China. Then the protectionism of the US undermined liberal trade; now conflicts between the US and China undermine our ability to tackle climate change. Then the US was isolationist; now China and other rising powers demand untrammelled sovereignty.

The noughties of the 21st century were marked by historic changes.

First, we are seeing at least the beginning of the end not just of an illusory “unipolar moment” for the US, but of western supremacy, in general, and of Anglo-American power, in particular. The UK was the only power with global reach in the 19th century. The US held the same role in the second half of the 20th. The transition between these two eras was a catastrophe. Now we have a possibly even more difficult transition of power to manage.

Second, the west, in general, and the US, in particular, have suffered a disastrous loss of authority. Assertion of an unchecked right to intervene destroyed trust in the US. The chaos that followed the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and, far more, the financial crisis have destroyed the west’s reputation for competence. The rest of the world was inclined to believe that the west, whatever its faults, knew what it was doing, particularly where running a market economy was concerned. But then the teacher failed the examination.

Third, globalisation has also fallen into difficulty. Thirty years of surging growth in private sector leverage, in the balance sheets of the financial sector and in notional profitability of the financial sector in the US and other high-income countries has ended in calamity. The emergence of massive global current account “imbalances” has proved highly destabilising. Friction over exchange rates threatens even the maintenance of liberal trade.

Fourth, the provision of basic global public goods now demands co-operation between the established powers and emerging countries. This was shown in the inability to complete the Doha round of multilateral trade negotiations; in the rising influence of the Group of 20 leading countries and the parallel decline of the Group of Seven high-income countries during the financial crisis; and in the centrality of China, the world’s leading emitter of greenhouse gases, in the climate change negotiations in Copenhagen.

Yet, quite rightly, the world also demands the provision of far more public goods than a century ago. Then a modicum of peace, monetary stability and open markets was all that was expected. Now the world demands that leaders not only sustain peace and prosperity, but also promote development and environmental sustainability. All this is to be achieved via co-operation among some 200 states of vastly different capacities. Meanwhile, a host of non-state actors, some benign and many malign, impose conflicting pressures. Sometimes, they subvert states entirely.

The good news is that the world has not made mistakes as big as those that followed the noughties of a century ago: thanks, partly, to nuclear weapons, direct conflicts among great powers have been avoided; a liberal world economy has survived, so far; the lessons of the 1930s were applied to the financial crisis of the 2000s, with at least short-run success; climate change negotiations remain open; and many developing countries – though far from all – have made economic progress. While the movement towards democracy of the early 1990s has slowed, the number of grossly malign totalitarian regimes is now small, at least by the worst standards of the 20th century.

So where should we go in the next decade? For all its difficulties, the US is not the UK of 1910. Its economy remains the world’s most productive and innovative and its military capacity remains unmatched. The western world, as a whole, remains potent, with about 40 per cent of global output, at purchasing power parity. But other countries and forces are now on the rise, while the challenges ahead are also more complex and global than ever before.

“We must all hang together or assuredly we shall hang separately.” All countries – above all, incumbent and rising great powers – must recognise this truth, enunciated by Benjamin Franklin at the signing of the US declaration of independence. History has hardly been dominated by the benign spirits of co-operation, foresight and self-restraint. I would at least give Barack Obama credit for trying to provide the right sort of leadership. But will the world produce sufficient followers, at home or abroad? Alas, I rather doubt it.

To comment on Martin Wolf’s column, please visit his Economists’ Forum
Send your comments to martin.wolf@ft.com
More columns at www.ft.com/martinwolf

Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2009. You may share using our article tools.

1334) Sitemeter: estatisticas do blog na semana

Toda sexta-feira recebo um pequeno relatório do Sitemeter -- o medidor de visitas neste blog -- com a movimentação da semana, como transcrevo mais abaixo.
Mais interessante do que os número em si, que só podem sensibilizar estatísticos ou outros fanáticos por dados, são as indicações complementares, que se referem a links de entrada e links de saída, suscetíveis de denotar os interesses específicos dos visitantes. Transcrevo alguns mais abaixo.
Como se pode ver, tem muita gente preocupada com a questão dos salários dos "conselheiros" da Petrobra: ou são funcionários ou prepostos da firma, tentando detectar o que se publica de bom a favor, e de mau contra, a dita estatal, ou são simples cidadãos interessados numa das "intransparências" desse paquiderme.

Diplomatizzando -- Site Summary ---
Visits
Total ........................ 4,586
Average per Day ................ 335
Average Visit Length .......... 2:24
This Week .................... 2,346

Page Views
Total ........................ 6,977
Average per Day ................ 494
Average per Visit .............. 1.5
This Week .................... 3,458

http://www.sitemeter.com/stats.asp?site=s33allbooks

--- Visits this Week ---
Day
Hour 2/5 2/6 2/7 2/8 2/9 2/10 2/11 Total
---- ----- ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ -------
1 12 11 13 12 16 15 18 97
(...)
24 12 18 14 13 17 18 14 106
------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ -------
316 260 264 381 385 389 351 2,346

--- Page Views this Week ---
Day
Hour 2/5 2/6 2/7 2/8 2/9 2/10 2/11 Total
---- ----- ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ -------
1 34 12 19 15 16 25 18 139
(...)
24 16 25 23 21 20 21 20 146
------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ -------
509 382 407 544 598 534 484 3,458

Links de entrada:
1 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...eiros-da-petrobras-76-mil.html
4 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...eiros-da-petrobras-76-mil.html
5 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...ura-de-alunos-de-relacoes.html
7 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...como-fazer-um-bom-parecer.html
8 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...samuel-pinheiro-guimaraes.html
11 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...como-fazer-um-bom-parecer.html
12 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...-informaes-sobre-carreira.html
13 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...de-desculpaspaises-coreia.html
14 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...o-e-carreira-do-diplomata.html
15 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...para-carreira-diplomatica.html
16 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...eiros-da-petrobras-76-mil.html
17 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...de-desculpaspaises-coreia.html
20 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...a-publica-deterioracao-no.html
(...)
81 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...uador-avante-para-tras-na.html
82 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...rofisso-internacionalista.html
83 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...eiros-da-petrobras-76-mil.html
84 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...ida-dois-textos-otimistas.html
85 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...-do-concurso-do-itamaraty.html
86 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...eiros-da-petrobras-76-mil.html
87 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...onomist-constata-falta-de.html
88 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...eiros-da-petrobras-76-mil.html
89 http://diplomatizzando.blogspot.com/2006_07_01_archive.html
92 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...eiros-da-petrobras-76-mil.html
95 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...onferencia-de-ialta-11-de.html
96 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...eiros-da-petrobras-76-mil.html
97 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...eiros-da-petrobras-76-mil.html
99 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...eiros-da-petrobras-76-mil.html
100 http://diplomatizzando.blogspo...eiros-da-petrobras-76-mil.html

Vários outros cliques se interessam pela carreira diplomática.
Por "location", tenho uma predominância de localidades brasileiras, mas algumas internacionais também. Não é o caso de fazer estatísticas ou copiar os dados.
Até a próxima sexta...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida (12.02.2010)

1333) Japao pede desculpas a Coreia pela ocupacao colonial

Leio, no excelente blog do colega acadêmico Jefferson Tolentino, esta nota, pequena em palavras, mas extraordinariamente importante em sua dimensão política e histórica:

Japão pede desculpas à Coréia do Sul por ações coloniais

Desculpas sempre são bem vindas, não é?
Pois bem, o Ministro de Relações Exteriores do Japão, Katsuya Okada pediu desculpas nesta quinta-feira a Coréia do Sul por mais de três décadas de submissão. Segundo o diplomata, esse período é descrito como um “tragic incident“
Okada fez esse pedido, inusitado, durante uma conferencia de notícias ao lado do Ministro de Relações Exteriores da Coréia do Sul, Yu Myung-hwan.

“I believe it was a tragic incident for Koreans when they were deprived of their nation and their identity,” Okada said, according to the Yonhap news agency.
“I can fully understand the feelings of (Koreans) who were deprived of their identity and nation. I believe we must never forget the victims,” he added.


Para relembrá-los, o incidente trágico descrito ocorreu entre 1910 e 1945.
Esse período de expansão militar nipônico é marcado pelos relatos de mulheres que serviram de escravas sexuais para os soldados japoneses. Cerca de 200.000 mulheres, entre chinesas e coreanas, foram escravizadas e até hoje tentam ver reconhecidas essas barbaridades e indenizadas.

Postagem em destaque

Livro Marxismo e Socialismo finalmente disponível - Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Meu mais recente livro – que não tem nada a ver com o governo atual ou com sua diplomacia esquizofrênica, já vou logo avisando – ficou final...