O que é este blog?

Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida;

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Mostrando postagens com marcador livro. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador livro. Mostrar todas as postagens

terça-feira, 25 de fevereiro de 2020

Ascensão e queda do controle de armas cooperativo na Europa - Ulrich Kühn

Ulrich Kühn
The Rise and Fall of Cooperative Arms Control in Europe 
Nomos e-library; 1st ed. 2020,
ISBN print: 978-3-8487-6207-1, ISBN online: 978-3-7489-0323-9, 

Thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, America and Russia have again returned to conflict. But this renewed confrontation did not come out of the blue. Rather, it was preceded by a long period of stagnation and a final crisis in the realm of arms control. In particular, the agreements of cooperative arms control in Europe eroded after the turn of the millennium. Why did that neatly established network of security agreements collapse? In this volume, Ulrich Kühn traces the rise and fall of cooperative arms control in Europe from the early Helsinki days to the Russian annexation of the Crimea in 2014. Applying a multi-theory approach in order to assess the foreign and security policies of the United States and Russia, the author not only answers who is to blame for the sorry state of arms control, but he also uncovers a regime complex that has so far remained unknown and that spans across various organisations and institutions.

Prologue , pp. 20–22
1 Introduction , pp. 23–38

Epilogue , pp. 363–365
Annex IV: References , pp. 383–414

terça-feira, 18 de fevereiro de 2020

Livro "Brasileiros" - Jose Roberto de Castro Neves (org.)

Recebo, de um amigo comum, o anúncio do próximo lançamento do livro:
organizado por José Roberto de Castro Neves
O lançamento vai ocorrer no dia 31/03/2020, uma terça-feira, às 18 hs, na Livraria da Travessa do Leblon.


Ancelmo Góes – Luiz Gonzaga
Beth Ramos – Graciliano Ramos
Cacá Diegues – Glauber Rocha
Cândido Mendes – Golbery do Couto e Silva
Celia Arns – Zilda Arns
Celina Vargas – Getúlio Vargas
Chiquinho Brandão – Zózimo
David Zylbersztajn – Di Cavalcanti
Eleazar de Carvalho Filho – Eleazar de Carvalho
Euclides Penedo Borges – Euclides da Cunha
Fabio Altman – João do Pulo
Fernanda Montenegro – Irmã Dulce
Fernando Henrique Cardoso – Tancredo Neves
George Vidor – Machado de Assis
Gustavo Franco – Roberto Campos
Iza Salles – Dom Pedro I
Jaime Lerner – Oscar Niemeyer 
Joaquim Falcão – Gilberto Freyre
José Luiz Alquéres – Barão de Mauá
José Roberto de Castro Neves – Sobral Pinto
Liana Leão – Barbara Heliodora
Luís Roberto Barroso – Rui Barbosa
Luiz Cesar Faro – Eliezer Batista
Marcelo Madureira – Monteiro Lobato
Marcílio Marques Moreira – Santiago Dantas
Marcos Pereira – José Olympio
Mary Del Priore – Barão de Guaraciaba
Merval Pereira – Castelinho
Miguel Reale Júnior – Ulysses Guimarães
Nelson Motta – Vinícius de Moraes
Paulo Niemeyer Filho – Paulo Niemeyer
Paulo Ricardo – Cazuza
Pedro Bial – Marechal Rondon
Pedro Malan – Ruth Cardoso
Pedro Corrêa do Lago – Oswaldo Aranha
Pedro Henrique Mariani – Visconde de Cairú
Renato Aragão – Oscarito
Roberto Feith – Niomar Moniz Sodré Bittencourt
Sergio Abramoff – Carlos Chagas
Sonia Nolasco Heilborn – Paulo Francis
Vanda Klabin – Lygia Clark

Maquiavel era maquiavélico? - Livro de Patrick Boucheron (traduzido do francês)

A New Book Asks: Just How Machiavellian Was Machiavelli?

The term “Orwellian” has always struck me as curiously Orwellian — a mild example of doublespeak that ties an author’s good name to the dystopia he so memorably depicted. (See also “Dickensian” and “Kafkaesque.”) Instead of referring to George Orwell’s crisp prose or moral clarity, “Orwellian” is like the doctor’s name that ends up anointing the terrible disease he discovered, forever yoked to the affliction he abhorred.
“Machiavellian” is another shorthand that inverts its namesake, even if the Renaissance statesman and writer Niccolò Machiavelli still gets cast in the popular imagination as a cynical proponent of ruthless power politics. In “Machiavelli: The Art of Teaching People What to Fear,” the French historian Patrick Boucheron joins an estimable list of scholars who have been trying to debunk the crude stereotype of Machiavelli as a fascist enabler and tyrant whisperer.
This energetic little book started out as a series of talks for French public radio in 2016, and it offers a knowing guide to Machiavelli’s life and work. The tone, in Willard Wood’s translation, is playfully conspiratorial. Boucheron invites us to think through how Machiavelli became synonymous with unscrupulous despotism when the real man suffered for his republican allegiances.
Boucheron’s breezy use of the first-person plural keeps his argument humming amiably along, though some English-language readers might feel buffeted by the occasional gusts of cultural presumption. “We are familiar with Guy Debord’s prophetic 1967 work ‘The Society of the Spectacle,’” Boucheron declares in passing. (We are?) “We have therefore been warned about the pernicious effects of commodity fetishism and the frenzied acclamation it generates.”
What Boucheron is talking about is the Florence of Machiavelli’s birth in 1469 — a republic in name only, “swollen with pride” and “gradually settling into oligarchy,” where officials were elected to office every two months, thereby ensuring the de facto rule of wealthy families like the Medicis. In 1498, after a coup and a strange, four-year reign by the Dominican friar Savonarola, the 29-year-old Machiavelli ascended to a government post that put him in charge of Florence’s foreign affairs.
Over the next 14 years, Machiavelli gained political experience, observing up close how power worked. As the envoy from a tiny state who met with both adversaries and allies, he was sometimes subject to contempt and humiliation, and accordingly learned certain lessons. Boucheron makes a clever case that travel was “an exercise in disorientation,” allowing Machiavelli to see Florence and its position in the world anew: “Is this not what the painters of the Renaissance called perspective?”
When the Medicis returned in 1512, due not to popular demand but to foreign support, they had Machiavelli arrested and imprisoned, stringing him up by a pulley to force him to scream out a confession of wrongdoing, which he didn’t do. A year later, Machiavelli was living in exile on his farm, writing “Of Principalities,” the book that would become better known as “The Prince.”
Never officially published in his lifetime, “The Prince” would become his most popular work, and the one most likely to be misread. It’s an irony that wouldn’t have been lost on Machiavelli, whom Boucheron deems an inveterate dramatist and irrepressible trickster. The standard reading of “The Prince” views it as Machiavelli’s attempt to ingratiate himself to the returning Medicis by offering them what amounted to a book-length job application: a treatise filled with underhanded tactics for seizing and maintaining power.
“It is much safer to be feared than loved”; “people should either be caressed or crushed”; “the new ruler must determine all the injuries that he will need to inflict,” and “must inflict them once and for all.” This is the Machiavellian Machiavelli: amoral, conniving and cruel, responding to whatever the situation demands. A 16th-century Catholic cardinal was so horrified by “The Prince” that he said it was written by “the finger of Satan.”
But it has always been hard to square such a literal reading with the facts of Machiavelli’s life, and with the republican theories he developed in books like “Discourses.” Some critics have insisted that Machiavelli’s advice was so brutal and outlandish that the depraved ruler who actually dared to put his precepts into practice would make his people hate him and inevitably bring about his own ruin; this was “The Prince” as Trojan horse or poison pill, crafted by a former political prisoner intent on bringing down the Medici clan. Still others decided Machiavelli was a satirist, while Rousseau read “The Prince” as a warning: Machiavelli, by dissecting the mechanics of power, was telling people what they ought to fear.
“Machiavelli is the master of disillusioning,” Boucheron writes. “That’s why, all through history, he’s been a trusted ally in evil times.” It’s not so much the content of “The Prince” as its approach, with its “theatrical energy” and “sure and rapid pace,” that offers a way to think about politics not as static and immutable but as stubbornly contingent. Cultivating republican institutions and the rule of law requires certain techniques; sheer political survival requires others. In a capricious world, Boucheron writes, intentions only count for so much: “He lets us see how the social energy of political configurations always spills out of the neat constructs in which it’s meant to stay put.”

Boucheron thinks the United States is currently grappling with what the historian J.G.A. Pocock called the “Machiavellian moment,” when instability puts the future of a republic at stake. A resurgence of Machiavelli suggests something has gone awfully awry. “If we’re reading him today,” Boucheron writes, “it means we should be worried.”
But just as his subject had a “taste for paradox,” Boucheron refuses to leave it at that. If we’re reading Machiavelli today, we might also learn something from his “lucidity, the weapon of the despairing.” In other words, there’s still some hope.

Ascensão e queda dos grandes impérios - Paul Strathern

Rise and Fall

A History of the World in Ten Empires

Paul Strathern

Rise and Fall: A History of the World in Ten Empires

Histoire Culturelle du Brésil - ARBRE et IHEAL-CREDA

L'Association pour la Recherche sur le Brésil en Europe (Arbre) et les éditions de l'Iheal-Creda vous convient l25 février 2020 à 19h, à la Maison de l'Amérique Latine pour une discussion autour de l'ouvrage:
Présentation par Laura de Mello e Souza, professeur d’histoire du Brésil, Sorbonne Université
Débat avec les auteurs: 
Silvia Capanema (Université Sorbonne Paris Nord), 
Olivier Compagnon (IHEAL), Jacques Leenhardt (EHESS)

En présence des coordinatrices de l’ouvrage : 
Juliette Dumont (IHEAL) et Anaïs Fléchet (Paris-Saclay, UVSQ)
Des rythmes du candomblé aux avant-gardes esthétiques les plus radicales, la culture joue un rôle central dans l’émergence du Brésil contemporain. Issu du dialogue entre historiens français et brésiliens, cet ouvrage parcourt des domaines variés, de la littérature romantique à la musique populaire en passant par le théâtre et le cinéma, la mise en scène des corps, la mémoire et la fabrique de héros culturels. Les constructions identitaires, les politiques culturelles, les phénomènes d’emprunts et de métissage sont au coeur de la réflexion. Quatre décennies après l’émergence de l’histoire culturelle, cet ouvrage dresse un bilan d’étape et pointe les tendances actuelles de la recherche. Au fil des treize essais qui le composent, il donne à voir, à lire et à entendre la diversité brésilienne dans la perspective d’une histoire culturelle transnationale, loin de toute tentation exotique. 

Histoire culturelle du Brésil (XIXe - XXIe siècles), Sous la direction de: Juliette Dumont, Anaïs Fléchet et Mônica Pimenta Velloso. Ont également collaboré à cet ouvrage : Silvia Capanema, Olivier Compagnon, Diogo Cunha, Jacques Leenhardt, Isabel Lustosa, Marco Morel, Marcos Napolitano, Pascal Ory, Rosangela Patriota, Sébastien Rozeaux, Mariana Villaça.

L’ouvrage est consultable en ligne sur OpenEdition Books  https://books.openedition.org/iheal/8606 et disponible sur le Comptoir des Presses d'Universités: http://www.lcdpu.fr/livre/?GCOI=27000100349610 
Agenda de la Maison de l'Amérique latine: http://www.mal217.org/fr/agenda/histoire-culturelle-du-bresil

Préface, introduction générale et bibliographie au lien suivant

Éditions de l'IHEAL-Creda
Campus Condorcet
bureau 5019 - 5e étage
5, cours des Humanités
93322 Aubervilliers cedex
Tél.: +331 88 12 01 45 - +33 6 86 45 43 82

Association pour la Recherche sur le Brésil en Europe
75019 Paris

quarta-feira, 15 de janeiro de 2020

Em livro, jornalista diz que Bolsonaro mandou Queiroz faltar a depoimento - Thais Oyama

Em livro, jornalista diz que Bolsonaro mandou Queiroz faltar a depoimento

Seria forma de ‘blindar imagem’
Livro fala sobre ‘crises’ do governo
Será lançado em 20 de janeiro
Planalto diz que não vai comentar
Em 2013, Fabrício José Carlos de Queiroz publicou foto com Jair Bolsonaro em seu perfil do InstagramReprodução/Instagram - 21.jan.2013
Em livro, a jornalista Thaís Oyama diz que foi por ordem do presidente Jair Bolsonaro que Fabrício Queiroz, ex-assessor do senador Flavio Bolsonaro (sem partido-RJ) faltou a 1 depoimento ao MP-RJ (Ministério Público do Rio de Janeiro), em 2018.

O livro “Tormenta – O governo Bolsonaro: Crises, Intrigas e Segredo” será lançado em 20 de janeiro, pela Companhia de Letras. As informações foram divulgadas pela coluna de Guilherme Amado, da revista Época, que teve acesso ao conteúdo do livro.

Segundo a obra, os advogados de Queiroz e Bolsonaro haviam acertado que o ex-motorista iria ao interrogatório em dezembro de 2018 e diria aos procuradores que não poderia falar até sua defesa ter acesso ao processo. Faria ainda 1 adendo: que ninguém da família Bolsonaro tinha relação com o caso investigado.
A jornalista afirma que a avaliação do presidente era de que, assim, Queiroz perderia a fama de fujão e blindaria sua imagem e a do filho mais velho do recém-eleito presidente, o senador Flavio Bolsonaro.
No entanto, tudo teria mudado 2 dias antes do depoimento. Bolsonaro resolveu desistir da estratégia e se convenceu, por 1 advogado amigo, que a melhor forma de abafar a história era levar o caso para o STF (Supremo Tribunal Federal).
Em 19 de dezembro de 2018, Flavio Bolsonaro acionou o Supremo para tentar travar as investigações do MP-RJ sobre suposto esquema de ‘rachadinha’ em seu antigo gabinete na Alerj (Assembleia Legislativa do Rio de Janeiro). Foi atendido por decisão que suspendeu todos os inquéritos que têm como base dados sigilosos do Coaf (Conselho de Controle Atividades Financeiras) e da Receita Federal sem autorização judicial. O pedido foi aceito pelo presidente do STF, Dias Toffoli, em 16 de julho de 2019.
Procurado, o Planalto disse ao Poder360 que “não comentará” o assunto.


Fabrício José Carlos de Queiroz, ex-assessor e ex-motorista do senador, foi citado em relatório produzido pelo Coaf por movimentações financeiras atípicas em uma conta no banco Itaú.
O policial militar teria movimentado R$ 1,2 milhão de janeiro de 2016 a janeiro de 2017. Em uma das transações, 1 cheque de R$ 24.000 foi destinado à hoje primeira-dama, Michelle Bolsonaro.
O documento é fruto do desdobramento da operação Furna da Onça, ligada à Lava Jato no Rio. As informações são do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo, que revelou o caso no dia 6 de dezembro.
O próprio Flavio é citado por movimentações financeiras atípicas. Entre elas estão 48 depósitos em espécie de R$ 2.000 –o dinheiro, no total de R$ 96.000, entrou na conta de Flavio no período de 9 de junho de 2017 a 13 de julho de 2017.


No livro, a jornalista Thaís Oyama também afirma que Bolsonaro decidiu demitir Sergio Moro em agosto do ano passado ao saber que o ex-juiz criticou a decisão de Dias Toffoli sobre o Coaf.
A autora relata que, em uma reunião ríspida com Moro no Alvorada, o presidente disse ao ministro da Justiça que nunca tinha pedido nada a ele, e tampouco havia recebido oferta de ajuda do ex-juiz de Curitiba.
No fim de agosto, Bolsonaro teria decidido demitir Moro. Mas desistiu depois de ouvir o general Augusto Heleno, ministro do GSI. “Se demitir o Moro, o seu governo acaba”, teria dito Heleno, segundo narra Onyama.