Instituto General Villas Bôas - Conselho Editorial: publicações de coleção sobre o Brasil Nação

GENERAL VILLAS BÔAS PARTICIPA DE REUNIÃO DO CONSELHO EDITORIAL

O Conselho Editorial do IGVB reuniu-se pela primeira vez na tarde dessa última quarta-feira, 19 de agosto, para alinhar as primeiras providências dos trabalhos que têm por objetivo o lançamento da Coleção General Villas Bôas,  como parte de um projeto cultural que visa a publicação de consagradas e importantes obras do cenário intelectual brasileiro, dos últimos duzentos anos,  até o Bicentenário da Independência do Brasil, em 2022. Via plataforma on-line, o General Villas Bôas abriu a reunião com a citação de Monteiro Lobato: "Um país se faz com homens e livros". E continuou: "Este trabalho é o início de um projeto muito maior - um Projeto de Nação. Queremos resgatar grandes pensadores para que as novas gerações conheçam suas ideias e vejam-se, portanto, como cidadãos estratégicos e atuantes na construção do Brasil que merecemos".

Composto por profissionais renome e respaldo no cenário acadêmico, o Conselho Editorial agendou a segunda reunião já para a próxima segunda-feira, por videoconferência. Estão na pauta as primeiras ideias sobre as diversas coleções que irão compor o Projeto, assim como detalhes referentes aos possíveis prefácios das edições, que buscarão apresentar e comentar as ideias dos diversos clássicos. Como ideia inicial, o Conselho trabalha com a hipótese da publicação de duas primeiras Coleções, tratando sobre os Fundamentos do Pensamento Estratégico Brasileiro e sobre a Amazônia Brasileira do Século XXI. 

            O Diretor do Instituto General Villas Bôas, General Marco Aurélio Vieira, ressalta que o Conselho Editorial vem desenvolvendo os trabalhos iniciais desse Projeto contando com a prestimosa colaboração voluntária das pessoas, e mesmo de algumas instituições: “...entretanto, não há qualquer apoio ou cooperação de órgãos de Governo concretizada até o presente. Trata- se de uma iniciativa cultural, baseada nos próprios objetivos do Instituto General Villas Bôas, sem conotação política, ideológica ou partidária”. Ele assinala que os trabalhos estão no início e que as atividades ainda se resumem à escolha dos conselheiros, divisão das tarefas, na seleção e indicação das obras a serem apresentadas ao General Villas Bôas. “Depois disso, decidiremos em comum acordo quais os títulos a serem publicados”, finaliza.   

INTEGRAM O CONSELHO EDITORIAL DO IGVB:

General Eduardo Dias da Costa Villas Bôas

General Marco Aurélio Costa Vieira, diretor do Instituto General Villas Bôas

General Alberto Cardoso, do Conselho Superior do Instituto General Villas Bôas

Professor Doutor Antônio Flávio Testa, UnB, Senado 

Embaixador Carlos Henrique Cardim, Professor Doutor, UnB, Itamaraty

Professor Doutor Carlos Hugo Studart Corrêa, UnB

Professor Doutor Jorge Henrique Cartaxo, Câmara dos Deputados

Professor Doutor José Theodoro Menck, Câmara dos Deputados

Professor Doutor Marcelo Grangeiro Quirino, Capes/MEC

Professor Doutor Marcus Vinícius Rodrigues, FGV

General Luis Eduardo Rocha Paiva, Sagres

General Ridauto Lúcio Fernandes, Sagres

Professor Doutor Paulo Roberto Kramer, UnB

Professor Doutor Ronaldo Britto Poletti, UnB, presidente do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico do Distrito Federal (IHGDF)

INSTITUTO GENERAL VILLAS BÔAS

O Instituto General Villas Bôas – IGVB foi idealizado pelo próprio General de Exército Eduardo Dias da Costa Villas Bôas, com o objetivo de desenvolver temas estratégicos e trazer à luz pautas que envolvem a vida profissional e pessoal do antigo Comandante do Exército. Assim, o IGVB vem desenvolvendo seu trabalho segundo três pilares: o próprio Acervo do General Villas Bôas, o chamado Projeto de Nação, e as iniciativas que favorecem o emprego da Tecnologia Assistiva, visando à inclusão produtiva. 

Desde julho, o IGVB está de portas abertas em sua sede, no Setor Bancário Norte. A Presidente do Conselho Superior é a senhora Maria Aparecida Villas Bôas. A Diretoria Executiva tem à frente o Diretor Marco Aurélio Vieira. 

www.igvb.org

CONTATO: 

faleconosco@igvb.org

Editorial do Washington Post sobre as relações EUA-China

Um editorial de um grande jornal, como o Washington Post, representa algo sério, de significado nacional, ou estratégico.
Não sei se é o caso de "relações EUA-China", ou apenas "Trump-China"", o que tem outra dimensão.
Mas vale ler, pois pode estar transmitindo as posições de gente mais sensata de Washington, como o establishment militar, por exemplo (ainda assim, extremamente paranoico, como compete ao Pentágono).
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

The grave consequences of a U.S.-China schism

Editorial Board

The Washington Post, June 15 at 12:51 PM

THE UNITED STATES and China are at a hinge point in the most important bilateral relationship of the 21st century. What started last year as a trade dispute, one that just last month seemed close to settlement, threatens to escalate into a new Cold War with potentially devastating consequences for both countries — and the world. Now substantially integrated, the two largest economies could unwind from each other; a technological schism could create separate platforms for communications and other high-tech systems. Flows of students and scientists and venture capital could dry up. Cooperation on strategic problems of mutual interest, such as North Korea and climate change, could cease. And countries from Southeast Asia to Latin America could be forced to pick sides.

This is an outcome that both the Trump administration and the Chinese regime of Xi Jinping should be seeking to avoid. Instead, both appear to be pursuing policies that make it more likely. In the case of the Trump administration, the slide toward confrontation is being driven by reckless and sometimes senseless measures ungoverned by a coherent strategy.

To be sure, there is a consensus in Washington that policy toward China needs to change from that of recent decades. Successive U.S. presidents bet that growing trade and investment between the two countries and steady diplomatic engagement could coax the Communist Party regime into becoming a responsible global player that respected the U.S.-backed international order and gradually became more free at home. Mr. Xi’s regime has shattered that hopeful vision.

It is not just that this Chinese ruler has concentrated personal power and shut down all hints of pluralism in the political system. His regime is pioneering a new, high-tech form of totalitarianism, in which human lives will be controlled by omniscient databases and ubiquitous surveillance systems — and it is offering this as a model of governance for the rest of the world. China would foster societies where the Internet is a tool for state power rather than personal freedom. Its technology companies are already marketing the systems that have enabled a vast gulag of concentration camps in the Xinjiang region to authoritarian regimes in Africa.

Mr. Xi is flouting international law and treaties in the South China Sea, where the Chinese military is building a string of bases aimed at establishing Beijing’s hegemony over vital shipping lanes. A Chinese arms buildup appears designed to enable the subjugation of Taiwan and the expulsion of U.S. forces from the Western Pacific. Meanwhile, Beijing is still seeking unfair advantage for Chinese companies by trying to force multilateral firms to hand over their technology in exchange for access to its market. Promises by Mr. Xi to cease the stealing of technology through cyberoperations have been brazenly violated.

The United States has little choice but to push back against these aggressions and Mr. Xi’s disturbing ideological model. But the Trump administration has gone about it in the wrong way. It has largely ignored the most reprehensible and dangerous Chinese behavior, including its genocidal campaign in Xinjiangand takeover of the South China Sea, while launching a tariff war in pursuit of an improvised and shifting mix of economic concessions. President Trump wants to force a reduction in the U.S.-China trade deficit, a pointless goal that reflects his ignorance of basic economics. While some of his advisers seek an end to unfair Chinese treatment of U.S. companies, others appear bent on blocking China’s attempt to develop high-tech industries or destroying the ones it has.

A turning point came last month after Mr. Xi abruptly retreated from a tentative agreement resolving the trade dispute. Mr. Trump reacted not just by moving to expand tariffs on Chinese goods but also by restricting sales by U.S. companies to Huawei, China’s telecommunications champion. There are legitimate concerns about Huawei’s connections to the Chinese government, and a good argument for excluding its products from sensitive communications networks in the United States and its allies — though U.S. agencies have yet to back up their warnings with clear evidence. But Mr. Trump’s measure threatens to destroy the company, or else force it to develop its own versions of chips and operating systems it now obtains from the West. If the ban is fully enacted and China retaliates against U.S. tech companies, as it has threatened to do, the decoupling of the two countries’ tech supply chains, as well as other parts of their economies, could begin in earnest.

That would be a bad outcome for both Americans and Chinese. It would make both countries poorer while sharply raising the odds that they will slide toward a larger conflict. Competition between the United States and China should not become a zero-sum game, as it was with the Soviet Union. Rather, the United States should seek to maintain flows of trade, investment, people and expertise between the two economies, while working patiently to establish fairer and more equitable terms for that interchange. Where it should be uncompromising is in challenging China’s military expansionism and its attempt to create and export technologies of repression. A productive economic relationship would provide leverage and make it more likely that China’s malign regional and global ambitions can be contained.

To pursue those policies, the United States needs its allies. Many nations in Europe and Asia share Washington’s concerns about the Xi regime. Yet Mr. Trump has pursued his trade war with Beijing unilaterally, while threatening to launch new tariff attacks against key partners, such as Japan and Germany. He walked away from what could have been one of the most powerful tools to contain Beijing, the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

Mr. Trump’s tactics have failed to accomplish even his narrowest economic aims. Now he risks triggering a larger conflict whose dimensions and potential consequences ought to alarm Americans who hope for a peaceful and prosperous 21st century.

Read more:

The Post’s View: China is creating concentration camps in Xinjiang. Here’s how we hold it accountable.

Fareed Zakaria: The blacklisting of Huawei might be China’s Sputnik moment

David Ignatius: Trump loves walls. But he should be careful about a digital barrier with China.

Josh Rogin: China’s infiltration of U.S. capital markets is a national security concern

Tom Cotton and John Cornyn: Keep the Chinese government away from 5G technology

Revista Brasileira de Politica Internacional - novo conselho editorial

Comunicação recebida da RBPI:

We´re proud to announce the new members of the Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional´ Editorial Board (https://goo.gl/rlLPm8):

Andrés Malamud (Universidade de Lisboa, Portugal);
Ann Towns (University of Gothenburg, Sweden;)
Amitav Acharya (American University, United States);
Amy Niang (University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa);
Arlene Beth Tickner (Universidad del Rosario, Colombia);
Detlef Nolte (German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Germany);
Jerry Dávila (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, United States);
Kathy Hochstetler  (London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom);
Kathryn Sikkink (Harvard University, United States);
Lene Hansen  (University of Copenhagen, Danmark);
Navnita Chadha Behera (University of Delhi, India);
Paulo Luiz Moreaux Lavigne Esteves (Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil);
Pınar Bilgin (Bilkent University, Turkey);
Rafael Duarte Villa (Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil);
Roland Paris (University of Ottawa, Canada);
Scott Mainwaring  (University of Notre Dame, United States);
Thomas Zeiller (University of Colorado Boulder, United States).

Our new fellows joined the Editorial Board teaming with some of the scholars that were reappointed to a new term:

Andrew Hurrell (University of Oxford, United Kingdom);
Antônio Augusto Cançado Trindade (International Court of Justice, the Netherlands);
Amado Luiz Cervo (Universidade de Brasília, Brazil);
Eduardo Viola (Universidade de Brasília, Brazil);
José Flávio Sombra Saraiva (Universidade de Brasília, Brazil);
Henrique Altemani de Oliveira (Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, Brazil);
Tullo Vigevani (Universidade Estadual Paulista, Brazil).

Besides  Cristina Inoue, who joined recently our team as an associate editor, we are also pleased to announce two new editorial assistants, who will help us run the Journal:

Niels Soendergaard (Universidade de Brasília, Brazil);
Tiago Gabriel Tasca (Universidade de Brasília, Brazil).

You can see this e-mail in html - http://www.ibri-rbpi.org/?p=15447