Call For Papers: Comparative Empire: Conflict, Competition, and Cooperation, 1750-1914 - Global Nineteenth-Century Studies

 Creio que até um império luso-brasileiro, com capital no Rio de Janeiro, como imaginado, ou desejado por alguns estadistas luso-brasileiros (inclusive José Bonifácio e Hipólito da Costa) poderia entrar nessa iniciativa de estudos especiais sobre os impérios (nem citam Portugal ou Espanha).

Greetings Paulo Roberto Almeida, A new Announcement has been posted in H-LatAm. CFP: Comparative Empire: Conflict, Competition, and Cooperation, 1750-1914 Submitted by Kevin Morrison on 03/18/2024 - 10:50am Announcement Type Call for Papers Special issue of Global Nineteenth-Century Studies CFP: Comparative Empire: Conflict, Competition, and Cooperation, 1750-1914 By the time the First World War erupted in 1914, most inhabitants of the globe resided within an empire, either as citizens of a colonizing power or as subjects of colonial rule. The preceding “long nineteenth century” had witnessed the rise of various empires with significant overseas colonial possessions—such as Britain, France, the Dutch Republic (subsequently the Kingdom of the Netherlands), and Meiji Japan—to coexist alongside imperial powers contained within contiguous land masses, including the Ottoman, Russian, and Qing empires. For this special issue, Global Nineteenth-Century Studies is pleased to invite submissions on the theme of “Comparative Empire: Conflict, Competition, and Cooperation, 1750-1914.” Papers should consider interimperial exchanges between empires during this period. Topics may include (but are not limited to): • trading, manufacturing, and financial activities between and across empires • comparative literary undergrounds • anticolonial aesthetics • enslavement, exile, displacement, and forced or unforced migration • microhistorical and biographical comparisons of the experience of empire • frontiers, borderlands, boundaries • forms of diplomacy (embassies, consulates, treaties, accords), modes of foreign relations (bilateral, multilateral) • oceanic and overland journeys, travel, tourism • comparative figures of empire (portraiture, sculpture, decorative objects) • cultures of exploration (botanical, missionary, statistical, cartographic) • historiographies of empire • explanations for empire: economic, geopolitical, cultural, institutional • conceptualizations of empire (the what, how, and why of empire) as well as conceptual terminology (transimperialism, postcolonialism, and so on) • colonial propaganda • cross-cultural literary texts, theories, and practices as well as comparative realisms, epic, comics/illustrations, etc. • competition over colonial possessions (wars, conflicts, scrambles) and over expansionist strategies • continuities and differences among empires across the long nineteenth century • evidencing empire (photography, oral history, documentation, archives) • imperial networking and networks • literary traffic, circulations, contacts outside the centre–periphery model • cultural traffic between imperial powers and colonies • movements of animals, objects, ideas, and knowledge across empires • responses to the global spread of disease (sharing of medical knowledge, differing forms of treatment) • the language(s) of empire and linguistic homogenization and differentiation • global theatre and music: colonial music institutions, intercultural collaborations and performances • religion and colonialism • the politics of empire and the practices of anthropology   Submissions should be typed and double-spaced in 12-point Times New Roman font, with 1-inch margins on all sides. Supporting files, including illustrations, figures, and tables, must be submitted with the written text. Essays should generally be in the range of 9,000 words (including notes and bibliography).   Because the journal uses double-anonymous review, no identifying information should appear in the manuscript. Your submission should be compiled in the following order: title; abstract (100–150 words); keywords (5–7); main text; acknowledgements (if any); references; endnotes. For initial submission, illustrations/figures/tables should be inserted either directly in the text or appear as appendices in the same file. Although initial submissions may be in any format, essays must, as a condition of acceptance, conform to the journal’s style guide. An email cover letter should provide the author’s or corresponding author’s contact information. The submission should be saved as <surname given name> with no commas between the two names. For example: Doe Jane. Manuscript submissions may be sent to global19c@nus.edu.sg by 1 December 2024. The expected date of publication is spring/summer 2026.   To learn more about Global Nineteenth-Century Studies, please visit Liverpool University Press’s website at https://www.liverpooluniversitypress.co.uk/journal/gncs. GNCS is a publication of the Society for Global Nineteenth-Century Studies. To learn more about this geographically and disciplinarily diverse network of scholars who share an interest in the world’s connectedness between 1750 and 1914, visit https://www.global19c.com/ Contact Email global19c@nus.edu.sg URL https://www.liverpooluniversitypress.co.uk/journal/gncs Message from a proud sponsor of H-Net: The New Books Network is proud to be a sponsor of H-Net. If you are interested in becoming an NBN host, please gohere. Si te interesa hacer entrevistas en español,contáctanos. Please help us keep H-Net free and accessible. $25 from each of our subscribers would fund H-Net for two years. 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Nossos aliados no Brics: sobre Siria e Assange-Equador

O ministro Lavrov sempre foi, é um dos melhores amigos dos amigos dos amigos, se é que vocês me entendem, todos companheiros unidos numa mesma causa, em prol da soberania, do respeito à lei, da não intervenção nos assuntos internos dos outros Estados e essas outras coisas antigas, mas ainda válidas. Sua fala, abaixo transcrita, é de um realismo impressionante, o que só testemunha em favor de sua coerência lúcida e de sua adequação aos princípios consagrados do direito internacional, sem falar da lógica e do interesse próprio.
Como é que o regime sírio vai deixar de massacrar seus opositores, se estes pretendem massacrar o regime sírio, a começar por Assad e seus asseclas? Seria pedir que eles cometessem suicídio certo?
Por isso que Brasil e Rússia estão certos, desse ponto de vista: enquanto todas as partes não cessarem suas hostilidades, é irrealista pedir que apenas uma das partes renuncie à violência. Lógico, pois não?
Portanto, Assad está plenamente certo em continuar a destruir tranquilamente seu país, bombardeando bairros e cidades inteiras, lançando ataques aéreos contra seus opositores, enfim, massacrando alegremente aqueles que não concordam em que ele seja o único presidente legítimo da Síria. Quem não concorda com isso, não pode dialogar com o governo, certo?
O problema desses ocidentais é que eles não respeitam os direitos legítimos dos Estados soberanos, e ficam perturbando o cenários com demandas ilegítimas e ilegais relativas a democracia, direitos humanos e essas coisas incômodas. O Brasil está certo em defender a soberania dos Estados, e impedir a derrubada de governos legítimos pela força. O governo está certo ao se alinhar com a Rússia e a China no veto a essas medidas propostas no CSNU pelos ocidentais de intervenção nos assuntos internos da Síria. Onde iríamos parar, se isso fosse autorizado?
Quanto ao Equador, acho que o ministro Lavrov está ligeiramente equivocado: o que os bolcheviques fizeram foi justamente invadir o Palácio de Inverno, contra a lei e o direito. O ministro Lavrov está condenando agora os bolcheviques? Que gracinha...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

UN Security Council has no authority to support revolution in Syria – Lavrov

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Published: 01 September, 2012, 10:51
Edited: 01 September, 2012, 17:03

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov (RIA Novosti/Eduard Pesov)

The UN Security Council has no right to support a revolution or foreign intervention in Syria, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov warned. Any plan to withdraw government troops while fighting continues is untenable, and naïve at best, he added.

The demand for President Bashar al-Assad to resign as a precondition to resolving the Syrian crisis is a completely unrealistic approach, Lavrov said during a public appearance at the Moscow State University of Foreign Affairs.

“There are different attitudes towards the Syrian regime. But while fighting in the streets continues, it is absolutely unrealistic to say that the only way out is for one side to unilaterally capitulate. It is not a matter of ideology, we don’t support any political figures in Syria. We just reason from what is realistic,” Lavrov said to the students of the diplomatic university.

Harking back to the summit in Geneva in June, Lavrov noted that despite differing opinions on the conflict, all the participating countries agreed to work for a “free, stable, independent and democratic”Syria. However, “our western partners and some nations in the region are almost openly pushing for outside intervention,” said Lavrov.

“Outside intervention should be positive. Every international player should push for both sides of the Syrian conflict to cease violence,” stressed Lavrov. “Saying that the government should be the first to pull out its troops from towns and then the opposition is not a viable plan.”

The Russian foreign minister added that those foreign players who insist on inciting the opposition forces “are not working in the interests of the Syrian people. They are motivated by their own geopolitical interests.”

Lavrov cited the fact the Security Council dismissed a vote on the Geneva accord as evidence that a number of countries were not working for the Syrian people.

Ecuador, Assange’s rights must be respected

WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange’s rights as a political refugee must be respected, Lavrov said, adding that under international law, it would be illegal for UK police to storm the Ecuadorian embassy.

“As long as he is inside Ecuadorian territory, I think no one will try any rash actions, and the rights of the refugee [Assange] must be respected. No one can challenge the judicial process. But when the Ecuadorian embassy is threatened with being stormed, just like the Winter Palace was, I think it’s a little outside the rule of law,” Lavrov said in his talk to the students, alluding to the Bolshevik storming of the Winter Palace during Russia's 1917 revolution.

WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange has been holed up inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London since June. The whistleblower is currently in the center of an international stalemate insofar as Ecuador has granted him asylum but the UK has pledged to arrest him if he sets foot outside the building. 

Assange estimates that he could potentially get out of the Ecuadorian embassy in a year’s time if Sweden drops the extradition order against him. The 41-year-old Australian is wanted for questioning over charges of sexual assault and rape in Sweden.

Assange has said that if Sweden drops the extradition order against him he could potentially leave the embassy in a year’s time. The 41-year-old Australian is wanted for questioning over charges of sexual assault and rape in Sweden.

Commenting on the WikLeaks whistleblowing scandal that precipitated Assange’s asylum request, Lavrov said that the information in the WikiLeaks cables “brought to light how governments relate to their partners, and what they think of them.” The document dump hadn’t harmed or threatened the safety of any particular government, he said.

“It was curious,” Lavrov said. “But nothing more. Many of our impressions were simply confirmed.”