Na Venezuela, como todos sabem, quem decide quem é culpado, ou não, é o líder supremo. Mas também surge uma nova justiça, a social, que diz que burguês é sempre culpado, contra algum outro indivíduo classificado como sendo das classes menos favorecidas.
Como já disse alguém, nas ditaduras, o problema nem sempre é o ditador, mas o guarda da esquina, da rua, que também passa a decidir, segundo suas concepções, quem é culpado, e o culpado é sempre o burguês...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Opinión
Justicia bolivariana
FRANCISCO SUNIAGA
EL NACIONAL - Domingo 18 de Julio de 2010
U n amigo me contó que, mientras esperaba en un semáforo en las inmediaciones de Plaza Venezuela, un motorizado se estrelló contra la parte trasera de su carro. El conductor de la moto, amén del golpe contra el vehículo, rodó por el pavimento y parecía lastimado. Mi amigo se bajó rápidamente y trató de prestarle ayuda. Mientras eso hacía, como es cultura en esta ciudad, varios motorizados se congregaron en el lugar del accidente "en solidaridad con el pana".
Por fortuna para mi amigo, por lo menos eso pensó en ese momento, había un testigo de excepción del accidente: un fiscal de tránsito. El funcionario se unió a él y a las otras personas que ayudaban al motorizado a recuperarse de sus contusiones. Un primer plano humano, nada despreciable en una ciudad tan dura.
El conductor de la moto resultó ser, según apreció mi amigo, un hombre decente que, tan pronto como se lo permitieron el susto y el dolor, se declaró responsable del accidente y lo absolvió de culpa ante el tribunal del pueblo integrado por los demás motorizados, que hacía tiempo ya en realidad antes, incluso, de que el incidente ocurriera lo consideraba culpable.
Oída esa declaración, corroborada por el fiscal, los motorizados solidarios rompieron el cerco y continuaron su camino. Sólo quedaron el conductor magullado, el fiscal y mi amigo, quien entendió que todo había terminado y anunció su partida. Pero entonces, para su sorpresa, el fiscal lo detuvo porque según su parecer aún había algo pendiente: "¿Cómo que te vas? No te puedes ir sin pagarle su moto al pana", le advirtió. Mi amigo argumentó que no estaba obligado a hacer eso porque la responsabilidad, según lo habían declarado ambos, era del motorizado.
Allí fue cuando el funcionario, constituido en corte de justicia, creadora y ejecutora del nuevo derecho bolivariano, dejó caer su sentencia: "Mire ciudadano, el problema es que este no es un caso de justicia de tránsito, este es un caso de justicia social". Ante semejante dictamen, y para no verse acosado de nuevo por otra manifestación solidaria, mi amigo le entregó el efectivo que llevaba al motorizado.
Esta anécdota caraqueña resulta macabra porque evidencia la materialización, en el ámbito de la cotidianidad ciudadana, del discurso antijurídico bolivariano que ha conducido a la destrucción del Estado de Derecho. Generalizada como está esta manera de actuar, el Derecho, en particular el penal por quedar entonces sujeto a la valoración subjetiva de cada individuo se pervirtió y se tornó muy peligroso; degeneró en un código íntimo del funcionario que los ciudadanos no pueden conocer ex ante.
Si quien pretende hacer justicia de esa manera es el propio Presidente, el primer magistrado sin que intervenga otro poder que haga contrapeso a la usurpación y sin que los acusados puedan siquiera ser oídos , más que pervertirse, la justicia se ha convertido en otro container podrido. Y así, efectivamente, quedó demostrado en horas de la tarde del jueves pasado en cadena nacional de radio y televisión.
Hugo Chávez, emulando a su colega de La Hojilla, presentó un video condena, escarnece y expone al odio público a los directivos y a varios trabajadores de la firma Econoinvest Casa de Bolsa. Un video editado, manipulado, que sólo podría ser siquiera presentado como prueba en el tribunal en el que él mismo se constituyó, en el que es juez y parte. También, para tragedia de la patria, en cualquier otro de los tribunales de este país cuyos jueces tienen a la magistrada Afiuni como espejo para mirarse.
Así, los presos del comandante-presidente-juez cuyo número aumenta a medida que el fin de su farsa bolivariana-militarista se aproxima no tienen cargos fundados en una norma preexistente y conocida, no tienen condena por hechos calificados como delito y previamente establecidos en la ley, no tienen oportunidad de defenderse y tienen, además, la pena adicional del escarnio en cadena nacional.
Como ya ocurrió con los containers de alimentos importados, las obras paralizadas, las misiones sociales, las cooperativas creadas de la noche a la mañana, los hatos e industrias expropiados, la justicia también se les pudrió.
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domingo, 18 de julho de 2010
domingo, 25 de abril de 2010
2081) Bolivarian courts - can lead to prison
Venezuelan judge is jailed after ruling angers President Hugo Chávez
By Juan Forero
The Washington Post, Sunday, April 25, 2010; A16
LOS TEQUES, VENEZUELA -- Sitting in the tiny jail cell that has been her home for months, Judge Maria Lourdes Afiuni said she knew a ruling she handed down in December might incense Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez.
But she was astonished when intelligence agents arrested her and the entire courtroom staff 15 minutes after she freed a prisoner the government wanted in jail.
"I never thought -- never -- that the violations would get to this point," said Afiuni, 46, who is being held here in a cellblock filled with women charged with drug trafficking and murder, some of whom she sentenced.
The jailing of a tenured judge who angered the president has brought into sharp focus the increasingly tight control Chávez exerts over the judiciary, a situation condemned by legal watchdog groups and constitutional experts across the Americas.
Advocates for an independent judiciary in Venezuela also say the judge's plight, along with the arrests of dozens of government opponents in recent months, demonstrates how far the Chávez administration will go to quell dissent.
"The message from the Afiuni case is very clear: If a judge doesn't do what we want, you go to jail," said Carlos Ayala, a constitutional lawyer and former president of the Andean Commission of Jurists. "Judges are scared out of their wits. Before, they got fired for these decisions. Now they go to jail."
Afiuni was charged with corruption and abuse of authority after she conditionally freed Eligio Cedeño, a banker who had run afoul of the government and was accused of evading currency controls. Cedeño waited in jail nearly three years for his first court hearing, which exceeded legal limits, Afiuni said in a recent interview. He fled the country and is seeking political asylum in Miami.
The Venezuelan attorney general's office said it could not comment on Afiuni's case. But in an interview, Carlos Escarra, a pro-Chávez congressman and legal expert, said "there's a series of actions that show a bribe was paid" to Afiuni, a charge she denies. In a speech the day after Afiuni was arrested, Chávez accused her of crimes "more serious than an assassination."
"I call for 30 years in prison in the name of the dignity of the country," he said.
More than any other case, Afiuni's arrest has alarmed independent justices and those who track Venezuela's judiciary. Bar associations from New York to Madrid have demanded her release, and thousands follow her through Twitter feeds. Her first court hearing has been postponed repeatedly by "suspicious delays," said one of her attorneys, Juan Ernesto Garanton.
"What has been really hard is knowing my fate is in Chávez's hands," Afiuni said. "Just as my detention was a result of the whim of the president, my release will also be a whim of his."
Chávez and ministers in his government frequently declared the judicial system in place before his election in 1998 a vestige of a corrupt system that needed to be jettisoned. In its place, the government in 2004 created a Supreme Court overwhelmingly sympathetic to the president, according to a recent report by the human rights arm of the Organization of American States, of which Venezuela is a member.
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights also found that Venezuelan judges have been dismissed after issuing rulings that antagonize the government, and that hundreds more are named to posts through an opaque system. Legal experts in Venezuela estimate that about half of the judges are provisional, which they say leaves them more susceptible to pressure.
Many of the remaining judges have demonstrated their allegiance to Chávez and expressed support for the government's efforts to create a system that blurs the separation of powers.
Escarra, the pro-government lawmaker, said judges who were replaced had issued rulings that favored people who wanted to destabilize Chávez. He said accusations that the president interferes in the judiciary were exaggerated.
Some judges have wound up like Juan Carlos Apitz.
In 2003, Apitz was on a five-judge court that ruled that doctors from Cuba, Venezuela's closest ally, could not work in Venezuela unless they revalidated their qualifications. At the time, Cuba was deploying thousands of doctors to Venezuela in exchange for cut-rate oil.
Chávez called the decision "unconstitutional." Then 46 intelligence agents raided the court and searched through paperwork for more than 10 hours. Apitz and two other judges who had ruled with him were banished from the judiciary; the two dissenters were promoted to the Supreme Court.
Apitz said the dismissal of independent judges means that opponents have no real legal recourse if they want to challenge a government investigation or an arrest. That is particularly troubling these days, he said, because the intelligence service has arrested dozens of anti-government student protesters and opposition leaders in recent months.
"In Venezuela, there is a grotesque inequality in applying the law," he said. "Those who do not share the national government's politics are at a disadvantage."
By Juan Forero
The Washington Post, Sunday, April 25, 2010; A16
LOS TEQUES, VENEZUELA -- Sitting in the tiny jail cell that has been her home for months, Judge Maria Lourdes Afiuni said she knew a ruling she handed down in December might incense Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez.
But she was astonished when intelligence agents arrested her and the entire courtroom staff 15 minutes after she freed a prisoner the government wanted in jail.
"I never thought -- never -- that the violations would get to this point," said Afiuni, 46, who is being held here in a cellblock filled with women charged with drug trafficking and murder, some of whom she sentenced.
The jailing of a tenured judge who angered the president has brought into sharp focus the increasingly tight control Chávez exerts over the judiciary, a situation condemned by legal watchdog groups and constitutional experts across the Americas.
Advocates for an independent judiciary in Venezuela also say the judge's plight, along with the arrests of dozens of government opponents in recent months, demonstrates how far the Chávez administration will go to quell dissent.
"The message from the Afiuni case is very clear: If a judge doesn't do what we want, you go to jail," said Carlos Ayala, a constitutional lawyer and former president of the Andean Commission of Jurists. "Judges are scared out of their wits. Before, they got fired for these decisions. Now they go to jail."
Afiuni was charged with corruption and abuse of authority after she conditionally freed Eligio Cedeño, a banker who had run afoul of the government and was accused of evading currency controls. Cedeño waited in jail nearly three years for his first court hearing, which exceeded legal limits, Afiuni said in a recent interview. He fled the country and is seeking political asylum in Miami.
The Venezuelan attorney general's office said it could not comment on Afiuni's case. But in an interview, Carlos Escarra, a pro-Chávez congressman and legal expert, said "there's a series of actions that show a bribe was paid" to Afiuni, a charge she denies. In a speech the day after Afiuni was arrested, Chávez accused her of crimes "more serious than an assassination."
"I call for 30 years in prison in the name of the dignity of the country," he said.
More than any other case, Afiuni's arrest has alarmed independent justices and those who track Venezuela's judiciary. Bar associations from New York to Madrid have demanded her release, and thousands follow her through Twitter feeds. Her first court hearing has been postponed repeatedly by "suspicious delays," said one of her attorneys, Juan Ernesto Garanton.
"What has been really hard is knowing my fate is in Chávez's hands," Afiuni said. "Just as my detention was a result of the whim of the president, my release will also be a whim of his."
Chávez and ministers in his government frequently declared the judicial system in place before his election in 1998 a vestige of a corrupt system that needed to be jettisoned. In its place, the government in 2004 created a Supreme Court overwhelmingly sympathetic to the president, according to a recent report by the human rights arm of the Organization of American States, of which Venezuela is a member.
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights also found that Venezuelan judges have been dismissed after issuing rulings that antagonize the government, and that hundreds more are named to posts through an opaque system. Legal experts in Venezuela estimate that about half of the judges are provisional, which they say leaves them more susceptible to pressure.
Many of the remaining judges have demonstrated their allegiance to Chávez and expressed support for the government's efforts to create a system that blurs the separation of powers.
Escarra, the pro-government lawmaker, said judges who were replaced had issued rulings that favored people who wanted to destabilize Chávez. He said accusations that the president interferes in the judiciary were exaggerated.
Some judges have wound up like Juan Carlos Apitz.
In 2003, Apitz was on a five-judge court that ruled that doctors from Cuba, Venezuela's closest ally, could not work in Venezuela unless they revalidated their qualifications. At the time, Cuba was deploying thousands of doctors to Venezuela in exchange for cut-rate oil.
Chávez called the decision "unconstitutional." Then 46 intelligence agents raided the court and searched through paperwork for more than 10 hours. Apitz and two other judges who had ruled with him were banished from the judiciary; the two dissenters were promoted to the Supreme Court.
Apitz said the dismissal of independent judges means that opponents have no real legal recourse if they want to challenge a government investigation or an arrest. That is particularly troubling these days, he said, because the intelligence service has arrested dozens of anti-government student protesters and opposition leaders in recent months.
"In Venezuela, there is a grotesque inequality in applying the law," he said. "Those who do not share the national government's politics are at a disadvantage."
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