O que é este blog?

Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida;

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Mostrando postagens com marcador Brazil. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador Brazil. Mostrar todas as postagens

segunda-feira, 16 de dezembro de 2013

Republica Federativa do BNDES: um banco maior que o Brasil - Juan Forero (WP)

A bank that may be too big for Brazil

By  

The Washington Post: December 14, 2013

RIO DE JANEIRO — To dodge the global economic crisis, Brazil cranked up its spending, expanding subway lines and shipyards for oil platforms while building hydroelectric dams and stadiums for soccer’s 2014 World Cup.
There would be no austerity as in Europe, Brazil’s leaders pointedly promised. And Brazil had a well-oiled machine to keep its economy humming: the state development bank, an institution little known outside this country but central to policymakers here.
The bank has loaned a third of a trillion dollars since 2010, twice the amount the World Bank provided to about 100 countries combined, with much of the bounty going to the mining, agriculture and construction giants that are pillars of Brazil’s economy.
Economists at BNDES, as the bank is known, say the benefits are felt evenly across Brazil: low unemployment and an economy that was kept on track while others seemed to careen out of control.
But the global downturn is finally being felt in Latin America’s largest economy. And critics say a big part of the problem is Brazil’s strategy of doling out loans worth billions of dollars from the bank to the country’s richest and most politically connected companies.
Economists and opposition leaders say this focus on Brazil’s “national champions” neglects smaller, nimbler firms that are developing new technologies and products to diversify a commodity-dependent economy. They also say that BNDES’s huge loans are fueling inflation that the Central Bank of Brazil must scramble to control.
Sergio Lazzarini, who works at the Insper business school in São Paulo and writes about BNDES, said the bank’s role has become more difficult to justify in the face of an economy completing its third year of disappointing growth.
“Despite these trends,” Lazzarini said, “the bank has become more aggressive, bigger, with more direct transfers from the government to the bank,” a reference to the treasury funds and payroll tax revenue used for loans.
At the bank’s fortresslike offices in bustling downtown Rio, executives and economists speak proudly of a 61-year-old institution that has backed companies in the past decade whose growth helped make Brazil the world’s seventh-largest economy.
João Ferraz, BNDES’s vice president, called such projects central to an economy that posted solid growth in the 2000s, capped by a blistering 7.5 percent expansion in 2010.
“Can you build a hydroelectric plant with small firms? Can you build a pulp plant or a car factory with small firms?” Ferraz said.
In approving loans, the bank considers the quality of the companies and the benefits of the projects, he said, calling critics misguided in accusing BNDES of cronyism. He spoke about one well-known recipient of BNDES loans, the construction giant Odebrecht, which has 175,000 employees in 26 countries and built BNDES’s modernist high-rise headquarters.
“I am not friends with Odebrecht,” he said of the São Paulo-based conglomerate. “I am friends with the good projects of Odebrecht.”
But Adriano Pires, a prominent government detractor and director of a consulting firm specializing in energy, said the bank’s disbursements — $81 billion this year, its biggest outlay ever — are generating worrisome levels of debt and an outsize role for the state in the economy.
“What is the policy behind this?” Pires said. “It’s an ideology that holds that the state has to have a strong role in the economy.”
Indeed, in exchange for loans, BNDES has acquired a minority stake in dozens of private companies, giving the bank’s executives a say in their operations.
The bank also remains opaque about how it chooses which companies to shower with loans, said João Lopes Pinto, coordinator of the group More Democracy, which has met with bank officials to lobby for more transparency.
Bank executives say they are working to be more forthcoming, although they say regulations prevent them from providing details about loans.
A boon for big borrowers
With disbursements having gone up by a factor of five over the past decade, Pinto said, there has been more of a windfall for big borrowers such as the São Paulo-based meatpacker JBS.
A decade ago, JBS wasn’t even among Brazil’s top 400 companies. But BNDES provided $4.4 billion from 2008 to 2010, essential as the company went abroad to acquire Swift, National Beef, Smithfield Beef and Pilgrim’s Pride. That made JBS a worldwide leader in beef production.
In 2010, JBS was also the largest contributor to President Dilma Rousseff’s campaign, donating $4.7 million, according to a report on BNDES and Brazil’s economy by Mansueto Almeida, an economist at the government-funded Institute of Applied Economic Research. He questions what Brazil has gotten out of supporting the company in its heavy expansion into the U.S. market.
“I don’t see any kind of social outcome or social return that would justify BNDES in promoting this firm,” Almeida said. JBS declined to comment.
Almeida said the problem is that BNDES often acts as an investment bank, not a public institution focused on fostering social development.
In contrast, Almeida said, fast-developing South Korea boosted dynamic companies that developed electronics, among them Samsung.
“In Brazil, we don’t do that,” Almeida said. “We give you subsidized credit so you can do the same thing or go overseas and buy your competitors.”
Ferraz, the BNDES vice president, said such assertions overlook an increasingly diverse portfolio. He said the bank is focusing more on companies with gross revenues of $40 million or less, in categories the bank calls micro, small or medium-size. In 2009, 21 percent of loans went to those companies; this year, 37 percent has been provided to them, according to bank documents.
The bank is also accelerating spending on projects that economists say the country desperately needs, such as energy generation plants, highways, ports, airports and other infrastructure that “will be a big driver of economic growth,” said Nelson Siffert, BNDES’s superintendent for infrastructure.
Still, the bank’s relationship with giant companies and well-connected billionaires has created problems for its executives and government.
Although BNDES was not explicitly one of their targets, protesters who staged huge nationwide rallies in June directed much of their ire at government policies they said benefit the elite in a country of grinding income inequality.
One was would-be oil baron Eike Batista, a flamboyant billionaire whose EBX Group received more than $4 billion in loans, prompting him to call BNDES “the best bank in the world.” But now his empire is collapsing, and opposition leaders are questioning BNDES over its support of his money-losing companies.
“The money cannot go to a few lucky ones,” said César Colnago, an opposition lawmaker in Congress.
Batista’s office did not return calls seeking comment.
Dependent on BNDES
To be sure, credit is expensive in Brazil and BNDES fills that need, particularly the huge loans needed by companies such as the state-controlled Petrobras oil giant and Vale, a mining company that has $5 billion in outstanding loans from the bank.
Vale has grown into a $46 billion company employing tens of thousands of workers.
Sonia Zagury, global head of finance at Vale, said BNDES’s role “in the Brazilian economy is an important one, and they are an important partner for Vale.”
But analysts say there is another downside to BNDES’s big spending: It fans inflation, which has remained stubbornly high at just under 6 percent a year.
To keep it under control, the Central Bank on Nov. 27 raised its benchmark rate to 10 percent. Such a high interest rate — the highest of any developed country — is believed to crowd out the development of private lenders.
That leaves companies perpetually dependent on BNDES and its cheaper loans, according to Almeida, the economist.
“No bank, no matter how smart it is, can compete with a bank that receives subsides from the government,” he said.

Reporting for this article was supported by a grant from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.

quarta-feira, 23 de outubro de 2013

Brazil economy: special 2013 survey by OECD - summary

Economic Survey of Brazil 2013




OECD Economic Surveys: Brazil 2013
Click to Read
Overview (Portuguese version)

Speech in English and in Portuguese by OECD Secretary-General Angel Gurría
Brazil has moved up the ranks of the world’s largest economies while achieving much more inclusive growth than in the past. Stable and predictable macroeconomic policies underpinned these gains. More recently, demand has been supported by macroeconomic stimulus, which has encouraged the expansion of the non-tradable sector, while manufacturing is suffering from declining competitiveness, and supply-side constraints appear to be biting. Inflation has remained high and has been allowed to drift momentarily above the tolerance band, and monetary policy credibility risked being undermined by political statements about the future trajectory of interest rates. The central bank started a tightening cycle in April of 2013. The fiscal rule has also been undermined, as the inflexible fiscal target ‑ defined in terms of a primary surplus – has required unusual but legal measures to account for cyclical weakness and meet the target, reducing clarity. Fiscal challenges in the longer term are rising as the population will start to age fast in a decade from now and pension expenditures are already rising.
The global crisis has brought shortcomings in productivity and cost competitiveness to the fore. Supply-side constraints, which are increasingly impeding growth, include pressing infrastructure bottlenecks and a high tax burden, exacerbated by an onerous and fragmented tax system. A tight labour market and continuing skill shortages have resulted in strong wage increases. Although credit is rising at a substantial pace, investment financing at longer maturities continues to be scarce. Further development of long-term credit markets is hampered by a lack of private participation, owing to a uneven playing field caused by strong financial support to the national development bank which dominates long-term lending. Brazil’s participation in international trade and its integration into global production chains is below what would be expected in an economy as large and sophisticated as Brazil’s, and domestic producers continue to be shielded from foreign competition.
Substantial progress has been made in the sustainable use of natural resources. Energy generation relies strongly on renewable sources. Ethanol is a key ingredient of this strategy, but the pricing decisions of the majority government-owned oil company have resulted in petrol prices below import costs, undermining the ethanol industry. Carbon emissions have declined and deforestation has slowed, although its current pace still implies the destruction of forests of the size of Belgium (or the Brazilian state of Alagoas) every 5‑6 years.
Successful policies to spread the benefits of economic growth more widely have substantially reduced poverty and income inequality. Wider access to education have allowed more Brazilians to move into an expanding number of better paid jobs. However, the quality of education has not kept pace with the impressive expansion of the system. There are severe shortages in physical school infrastructure. A still-large number of students drop out from secondary education, and the vocational education sector is small, although increasing. Transfer payments have also relieved poverty and enhanced incentives to invest in human capital. Social expenditures have been heavily focused on pension payments, although conditional cash transfers have proven an effective tool to address poverty and inequality. The tax system, by contrast, is characterised by a low degree of progressivity which limits its redistributive impact.
 
Click on link to Access Data
How to obtain this publication
 The complete edition of the Economic Survey of Brazil is available from:
Additional information
For further information please contact the Brazil Desk at the OECD Economics Department ateco.survey@oecd.org.
The Secretariat’s draft report was prepared for the Committee by Jens Arnold and João Jalles under the supervision of Pierre Beynet. Research assistance was provided by Anne Legendre and secretarial assistance by Sylvie Ricordeau. 


sábado, 3 de agosto de 2013

O Brasil parece querer chatear o mundo - Samantha Pearson (Financial Times)

High quality global journalism requires investment. Please share this article with others using the link below, do not cut & paste the article. See our Ts&Cs and Copyright Policy for more detail. Email ftsales.support@ft.com to buy additional rights. http://blogs.ft.com/beyond-brics/2013/07/31/a-brief-history-of-brazilian-bolshiness/#ixzz2awyfC5Zl

A brief history of Brazilian bolshiness


Brazil has been putting its weight about again, this time throwing a spanner into the IMF’s efforts to secure an €11bn bailout for Greece from the eurozone countries. Even if Brazil’s economic weight is not what it used to be, it seems it can still rile the old world when it feels like it.
So for the benefit of beyondbrics readers, here is a timeline of Brazilian bolshiness:
  • October 2009 – Brazil becomes a net creditor of the IMF for the first time after providing $10bn of financing to help developed nations hit by the financial crisis. In a gleeful press conference, finance minister Guido Mantega, says the “radical change” is proof that Brazil is faring much better in the crisis than other countries.
  • May 2010 – Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Brazil’s president at the time, takes it upon himself to help Turkey broker a nuclear fuel swap deal with Iran. His cosy relationship with Iran’s Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, including lots of public hugging and hand-holding, is seen as an attack on US foreign policy.
  • September 2010 – On a roll now, Brazil’s Mantega declares the world is engaged in a global “currency war”, criticising US monetary stimulus and the subsequent weak dollar for ruining the competitiveness of other countries’ exports. “Everybody wants the US economy to recover, but it does no good at all to just throw dollars from a helicopter,” he declares.
  • April 2012 – Mantega takes the face-off between the ‘developed’ and the ‘developing’ world to a new level. He says the Brics countries are working together to elect a candidate from the developing world as president of the World Bank. However, the Russian government soon declares its support for Jim Yong Kim, the US candidate.
  • March 2013 – Undeterred, Brazil goes one step further announcing that it and the other Brics countries have agreed to create their own development bank to rival the World Bank and the IMF. However, the countries struggle to agree on the bank’s funding or its location.
  • July 2013 – Brazil asks the IMF to change its methodology for calculating nations’ gross debt, complaining it inflates Brazil’s own liabilities. Under the IMF’s methodology, Brazil’s gross debt at the end of last year accounted for 68 per cent of GDP, while the country’s central bank puts the number at 59 per cent.
  • July 2013 – Paulo Nogueira Batista, Brazil’s executive director at the IMF, abstains from approving the fund’s new €1.8bn contribution to Greece’s bailout, in a sign of growing frustration over the bailout of debt-ridden Europeans. Nogueira, who also represents 10 nations from Central and South America and the Caribbean, said he was dissatisfied with almost all areas of Greece’s reform programme.

quarta-feira, 26 de junho de 2013

Ate o Wall Street Journal se confunde com a confusao politica brasileira

A matéria pretenderia ser informativa, mas só consegue ser confusa, como aliás tudo o que ocorre no Brasil atualmente. O jornalão capitalista está perdoado: o Brasil não é para principiantes, só para acabantes...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

Brazil's President Offers Referendum

    By 
  • JOHN LYONS
  •  And 
  • MATTHEW COWLEY
The Wall Street Journal, 25/06/2013
SÃO PAULO—Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff called for a national referendum on overhauling a political system often criticized as unaccountable and corrupt, unveiling a far-reaching response to two weeks of mass demonstrations that have rocked this South American nation.
AFP/Getty Images
Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff Monday summoned state governors and city mayors to hear the grievances of protesters.
Under Ms. Rousseff's plan, Brazilians would vote on whether to convene an assembly to potentially alter the country's 1988 constitution. She announced other initiatives, including a bill to make political corruption a serious felony, rather than a minor offense, and additional funding for health and education.
The plan, announced at an emergency meeting with state governors and city mayors, underscored concern with the near-daily protests that have killed four people, brought cities to a standstill and threatened Ms. Rousseff's popularity. In it, Ms. Rousseff seeks to resolve what many see as the root of a matrix of national grievances expressed by protesters, from the poor quality of public services to corruption.
"This could release enormous political energy and, if done right, could be a way for her to come out on top," said Paulo Sotero, who directs the Brazil Institute at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington. "Every Brazilian knows the political structure is completely messed up, and though the initiative to change it is coming from the street, she is showing she is listening and understands it."
By responding to protesters' demands, Ms. Rousseff has adopted a different strategy from the heavy-handed responses of other developing-world leaders who have faced mass demonstrations, such as Turkey's Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
Much of the explanation lies in the fact protesters weren't targeting Ms. Rousseff explicitly. And Ms. Rousseff, a former Marxist guerrilla and the country's first female president, still sees herself as a revolutionary in office dedicated to improving governance in a country that shed a military dictatorship in 1985.
In her speech, Ms. Rousseff defended her record, and that of her Workers Party, in power for the past decade. She cited low employment, years of economic growth and promised to leverage the street protests into long-standing changes.
"Everyone knows what the problems are. And we also know about the innumerable difficulties to resolve them," Ms. Rousseff said. "I have encountered since taking office, numerous obstacles, but the energy that is coming from the streets is bigger than any obstacle."
Protests began two weeks ago over bus fares in São Paulo, and spread countrywide. At least a million people have taken to the streets in protests that were tinged with violence last week. Rio de Janeiro officials reported looting outbreaks, while in Brasília a mob trashed the entrance to the Foreign Ministry. Demonstrators set fires and blocked roads, while police responded with tear gas and rubber bullets.
At the center of the complaints is a perception of impunity for corrupt politicians. Mass protests helped bring down a president, Fernando Collor, in 1992, amid corruption charges. But he is back in the Senate. The supreme court convicted two dozen politicians in a vote-buying scheme this year, but none has gone to jail.
Brazilian leaders have long talked about overhauling the political system, but the proposals died in Congress. Chief among the proposals is making representatives more accountable to voters. Under the current system, lawmakers are appointed by their parties and don't have to campaign against challengers in home districts. Proposals to create district votes and primaries would likely be discussed by a constitutional assembly. Although there is broad support for changes to the system, debate over the changes will be heated, and some opposition officials said they are skeptical.
"We still don't know what she's proposing, it's just another empty speech so far," said Rubens Bueno, leader of the Socialist People's Party in Brazil's lower house of Congress.
It isn't clear whether all Ms. Rousseff's ideas will get through Congress. For example, she wants to dedicate oil royalties to education, a move state leaders have opposed. She also called for importing doctors from Cuba and elsewhere, a plan opposed by Brazilian doctors' groups.
The demonstrations have come at a tricky time for Brazil. The country currently is hosting a Confederations Cup soccer tournament, a dry run for next year's soccer World Cup. But the expensive World Cup stadiums have attracted the ire of protesters who say the money should have been spent on hospitals and schools. It wasn't clear how Ms. Rousseff's overtures would be received on the streets. Protests are planned for Wednesday in the city of Belo Horizonte and perhaps on Sunday in Rio de Janeiro, the site of the soccer tournament finals.
"It is one way, at least, that the government shows they understand that the people were not heard in elections and in the media," said Ernani Fernandes, co-founder of the Movement Against Corruption, one of the protest groups.
—Tom Murphy, Luciana Magalhaes and Loretta Chao contributed to this article.
Write to Tom Murphy at tom.murphy@dowjones.com
A version of this article appeared June 25, 2013, on page A11 in the U.S. edition of The Wall Street Journal, with the headline: Brazil's President Offers Referendum.

segunda-feira, 14 de maio de 2012

Doing Business in Brazil???!!! - You must be kidding!!!


Brazil's business labyrinth of bureaucracy
By Luciani Gomes Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
BBC, May 14, 2012

 In Brazil on average it takes 119 working days to start a business
Long known as the country of the future, Brazil is now the nation of the moment.
Yet while the country has become the world's sixth-largest economy, reform of the laws and regulations for opening and running businesses don't seem to be improving at the same pace.
Although bureaucracy is obviously not part of Brazil's propaganda, it's a huge part of the country's way of life. And anyone interested in opening a business in the country, Brazilian or outsider, should know this.
According to the World Bank's 2012 annual global report "Doing Business", which evaluates the ease of starting a business, dealing with construction permits, registering property, and paying taxes, Brazil ranked 126th this year out of 183 countries.
On average, it takes 13 procedures and 119 days of work to start a business in Brazil.
And construction permits demand an average 17 procedures and 469 days to finally get authorised.
Pile of paperwork
French chef Pierre Cornet-Vernet could never imagine it would take him 11 months to open his confectionery story Paradis in Rio de Janeiro's famous Copacabana neighbourhood.

“Start Quote
I sell macaroons, popsicles and chocolates. And each of these products is under a different tax”
Pierre Cornet-Vernet French chef

"It's like a game," he says.
"You need a document. But to have that document, you need to hand in another seven documents. And to get each of these seven there's a different demand."
To find his way through Brazil's bitter bureaucracy, Mr Cornet-Vernet had to hire a lawyer, a forwarding agent and an accounting specialist.
And even so he could not see the end of the journey. Each new step would bring him a new surprise. Taxes was the next one after paperwork.
"I sell macaroons, popsicles and chocolates. And each of these products is under a different tax," says Mr Cornet-Vernet.
To make it even harder and costly, his store and factory, both in the same neighbourhood, had to be registered as different businesses. On top of all that, a chocolate machine he imported to double the production, has been stuck in customs since December.
Standards
The excess of laws, regulations, taxes, paperwork and time to fulfil the requirements when opening or running a business is one of the reasons why 40% of Brazilian start-up businesses do not survive for more than two years after opening, according to data revealed by the end of 2011 by IBGE, Brazil's main government research institute.
Cristiano Prado, a Rio-based industrial competitiveness manager, says that someone starting a business has to get approval from no less than 12 government agencies. He adds that the final cost of the required documents can surpass 2,000 reals ($1,023; £633).
Another specialist on the matter, João Carlos Gomes, economy superintendent at the Trade Federation of the State of Rio de Janeiro, says: "It's crucial to make Brazil meet the global standards. We're very far away from it."
In 2010 bureaucracy cost Brazil 46.3bn reals, according to a study made by Sao Paulo Industry Federation (Fiesp).
Such high levels of bureaucracy creates a fertile environment for corruption.
In Brazil, it's not uncommon to be asked for a bribe to speed up a document issuing.
Alexandre Sampaio, an entrepreneur since the 1980s in the hotel industry, faced such a situation at the private school where he's a counsellor.
The school declined not to comply with the demand for a bribe.
"We got the document, but it too a lot more time for us to get it," he says.
Headache
Julia Santos, who owns three units of a childcare centre chain in Rio de Janeiro, knows all too well the difficulties imposed by Brazilian bureaucracy.

"I could have got my businesses running sooner If I didn't have to wait, at each time, for a new document, a new stamp, etc," she says, adding that the constant change on tax criteria is an extra headache for her.
Firjan, says that it's often so hard to follow the changes and to comply with them that small and medium businesses see themselves forced to invest in accounting teams to make sure they won't be caught and punished on inspections.
Owner of two hotels, one in Rio's Copacabana and another one in Macaé, 180 km from Rio, Alexandre Sampaio believes the bureaucracy is certainly an obstacle, but the country has climbed a few steps, especially in what concerns micro and small businesses.
"Nowadays an individual company is possible. Before you needed a partner to open any kind of business," he says.
Unification
Brazil also improved its tax system, he says, with the National Simple in 2007, a law that created a differential and simplified tax regime to micro and small business, improved by the end of 2011 to house more entrepreneurs.
For analysts, Brazil could improve its system by simplifying and unifying processes and regulations.
"Some innocuous steps that only exist here should be extinguished", states Cristiano Prado.
The need of a lawyer's stamp and certified copies for certain documents, for example.
Technology could also ease the processes, they say, by allowing business owners to request permits or pay fines online.
"That would mean lower physical and financial cost", says João Carlos Gomes, from Fecomercio.
The ideal, though, all agree, would be a one-stop-shop, a place where all the process would be done, just like it is in Pierre Cornet-Verne's France.
He says: "It's a country with an excellent market and high demand. But it's a pity it has such huge bureaucracy. Brazil is a great country when it works."

sábado, 21 de janeiro de 2012

FHC entrevistado pela Economist sobre o Brasil


Fernando Henrique Cardoso on Brazil's future
More personal security, less inequality
Jan 19th 2012, 20:05 by The Economist online

OUR São Paulo bureau chief talks with the former president about Brazil's challenges and its increasing global power 

sábado, 3 de dezembro de 2011

Brazil in King's College - London


MA Brazil in Global Perspective
King's Brazil Institute, King's College London
Deadline:7 September 2012 for 2012 entry

Description:
The programme provides high quality postgraduate teaching and research training for students wishing to specialise on Brazil, either out of academic interest or as preparation for a career related to Brazil.
Contact information:
Jacqueline Armit, brazil-institute@kcl.ac.uk, +44 (0)20 7848 2542

Additional information:
The MA offers students a distinctive approach to understanding recent changes in Brazil and the causes and impact of its social, cultural, economic and political development. It includes examination of issues such as industrialisation, urbanisation, economic growth and globalisation; oscillation between military
and civilian rule; mass movements demanding a variety of civil, political, and economic rights; complicated and contested constitutional, legal and political reforms; and cultural and social change. In addition to broadening and deepening students' understanding of modern Brazil, the programme demonstrates the value of a variety of different theoretical perspectives and research methods used in the analysis of the country. The programme also allows students to study Brazil in global and comparative perspective: on the one hand, it will be possible to compare Brazil with the emerging powers China and India by taking modules offered by King's China and India Institutes; on the other, it will be possible to situate Brazil within its regional context, by taking optional modules on Latin America.

The programme is offered by the King's Brazil Institute, which seeks to promote an understanding of Brazil and develop the profile of Brazilian studies at university level in the UK, whilst also building links with Brazilian organizations in education, the cultural and creative sectors, business and government.

segunda-feira, 10 de outubro de 2011

Productivity of Brazilian workers - The Conference Board

Productivity of Brazilian workers


   On 3rd October, the US consulting firm Conference Board released data from its study of 114 nations regarding “worker productivity” where Brazil was ranked 68th.  This study showed that in 2010 the average Brazilian worker produced 1/5 of the wealth of an American worker, 1/3 of a South Korean and ½ of an Argentine.  Compared with the other BRICs, between 2005 and 2010, the productivity of the Brazilian worker increased by 2.1% per year, less than in China (9.8%), India (5.8%) and Russia (3.2%).


Data from the US Bureau of Labor Statistics demonstrate that between 2002 and 2008 the salaries of Brazilian industrial workers increased by 174% and by 133% for those in China.  Economists claim that this helps explain the loss of competitiveness of Brazilian workers and the increase of inflation in Brazil.  When salaries increase more rapidly than productivity, the prices of goods and services become more expensive.

   This ranking of worker productivity was elaborated by the Conference Board by dividing the nation’s GDP by its work force.  Insper professor Naercio Menezes points to the precarious status of education in Brazil as one factor, and another factor is the low level on innovation of Brazilian businesses, because these firms invest very little in the creation of new technologies.  “Innovation allows firms to produce more with the same number of employees.  In 2010, China registered 13,337 patents, while Brazil registered only 442.  This shows our very low level of innovation”, Menezes observed.  University of Brasília economics professor, Jorge Arbache, affirmed that “half of the Chinese population still lives in rural areas where productivity is low.  The productivity of the Chinese industrial worker is higher than the Brazilian because Chinese industry migrated from low productivity sectors (like textiles) to more sophisticated industrial products like automobiles and computer chips”. 

domingo, 11 de setembro de 2011

Comparing Brazilian states with countries - Economist


Comparing Brazilian states with countries

Brazilian equivalents

Which countries match the GDP and population of Brazil's states?

THE notion that Brazil is in the vanguard of a group of emerging countries on their way to economic superpower-dom is so widely accepted as to have become trite. But how far along this road is Brazil? One way to get a quick answer is to compare Brazilian states with countries. The map below presents country equivalents for every state in terms of GDP, GDP per person and population. It throws up some curiosities: who knew that Alagoas, a state in the north-east that is currently more famous for its murder rate than for its magnificent beaches, has the same GDP per person as China? It also suggests that even the comparatively rich states in the south and south-east have some way to go before they can be compared with wealthy places in the northern hemisphere. The gauchos of Rio Grande do Sul will not necessarily be delighted to learn that GDP per person in their state is close to that of Gabon.
See our other "country equivalents" interactive maps: