O que é este blog?

Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida;

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Mostrando postagens com marcador Praga. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador Praga. Mostrar todas as postagens

quinta-feira, 5 de maio de 2022

Roberto Morena: líder anarco-sindical desde 1917, no PCdoB e PCB desde 1924: arquivos no CEDEM-UNESP

 Acabo de ouvir um pequeno pod-cast do Cedem-Unesp sobre Roberto Morena, mas gravado em 2018: 

Trajetória de Roberto Morena, líder anarco-sindical brasileiro com atuação nas primeiras décadas do Século XX 

MOMENTO UNESP - CEDEM

publicado em 11/06/2018 

https://www.radio.unesp.br/noticia/2668


Meu depoimento sobre ele: 

Conheci Roberto Morena em Praga, e ao conhecer sua história gravei seu depoimento, em especial sua participação na Guerra Civil Espanhola. Deixei diversos registros de meus encontros com ele e com seus familiares no Brasil, ainda na época da ditadura militar: 

1977: 

042. “Movimento Operário e Formações Políticas”, São Paulo, março 1977, 10 p. manuscritas. Projeto de trabalho, em forma de esquema cronológico sumário sobre o movimento operário, alinhando, em três colunas, a situação econômica, política e social, nacional e internacional, o movimento operário e sindical brasileiro, bem como formações e partidos políticos, com destaque para o PCB, e elementos de informação sobre a vida do líder sindical Roberto Morena. 


1978:

054. “Roberto Morena e o sindicalismo brasileiro: roteiro cronológico”, Brasília, abril 1978, 7 p. Esquema, em formato de tabela em quatro partes, colocando em perspectiva a vida do líder sindicalista brasileiro. 


1979: 

058. “Roberto Morena: 60 Anos de Militância Sindical”, Brasília, 26-28 janeiro 1979, 12 p. Artigo biográfico sobre o líder sindical brasileiro, falecido em Praga. Publicado [PR] em Plural (São Paulo, Ano I, n. 4, abril-junho 1979, p. 68-81). Digitalizado em 23/12/2016. Relação de Publicados n. 009.

059. “Lista Sumária dos objetos de Roberto Morena”, Rio de Janeiro, 26 março 1979, 2 p. Descrição dos itens (fotos, documentos e correspondência pessoais) pertencentes ao espólio pessoal, para remessa ao Archivio Storico del Movimento Operaio Brasiliano, de Milão.

063. “Os Brasileiros na Guerra Civil Espanhola”, Brasília, 25 agosto 1979, 1 p. Projeto de pesquisa histórica sobre os integrantes, o itinerário e as modalidades da participação de combatentes brasileiros no conflito espanhol.

064. “Os Brasileiros na Guerra Civil Espanhola, 1936-1939”, Brasília, 6-7 agosto 1979, 5 p. Questionário encaminhado aos ex-combatentes e seus familiares, aplicado por via de correspondência postal ou conversação telefônica, seguida de entrevistas orais diretas ou depoimentos escritos. Originais dos questionários recebidos em arquivo pessoal.

066. “Brasileiros na Espanha: Um Estudo Preliminar sobre a Participação de Brasileiros na Guerra Civil Espanhola”, Brasília, 9-28 outubro 1979, 28 p. Ensaio de pesquisa histórica, sintetizando informações de fontes primárias e secundárias. Publicado [PR] em Temas de Ciências Humanas (São Paulo, Ano 1980, volume 9, p. 125-158). Relação de Publicados n. 013.


1981: 

069. “Voluntários na Guerra Civil Espanhola”, Berna, 8 fevereiro 1981, 2 p. Tabela dos voluntários brasileiros (e estrangeiros residentes no Brasil) recenseados em pesquisa em fontes primárias e secundárias. Inédito.

074. “Roberto Morena: o Operário, o Militante, o Homem”, Berna, 21-23 agosto 1981, 10 p. Curta biografia política e social, sem menção a fontes de pesquisa. Publicado [PR] em Memória e História (São Paulo, n. 3, Instituto Astrojildo Pereira - Archivo Storico del Movimento Operaio Brasiliano - Editora Novos Rumos, 1987, p. 15-32). Relação de Publicados n. 038.


1986: 

125. “Guerra Civil Espanhola”, Brasília, julho 1986, 1 p. Resenha de três artigos enfeixados no conjunto “Spanish Civil War” da revista History Today (vol. 36, July 1986, p. 15-29). Preparado para o Boletim Informativo e Bibliográfico, editado pelo Centro de Documentação do Ministério das Relações Exteriores para divulgar textos de interesse disponíveis na Biblioteca do Itamaraty. Publicado (sem cópia).


1998: 

608. “Brasileiros na Guerra Civil Espanhola, 1936-1939: combatentes brasileiros na luta contra o fascismo”, Brasília, 9 março 1998, 47 p. Artigo de natureza histórica sobre a participação de brasileiros, majoritariamente pertencentes ao Partido Comunista, na guerra civil espanhola e sobre o contexto político-diplomático do conflito espanhol. Baseado em pesquisa original feita em fontes primárias (entrevistas e questionários com ex-combatentes e seus familiares) e em fontes secundárias. Preparado para a Revista de Sociologia e Política, da Universidade Federal do Paraná. Pareceres dos Profs. João Quartim de Moraes e Geraldo Lesbat Cavagnari, da Universidade de Campinas, fazendo pequenos reparos formais ao texto. Revisto com base nesses pareceres em 04.07.98 e enviada nova versão ao Prof. Adriano Neves Cordato. Publicado na revista Sociologia e Política (Curitiba, PR; ano 4, nº 12, junho 1999, Dossiê: Política Internacional, p. 35-66; ISSN 0104-4478, impressa; 1678-9873, online; DOI: https//:10.5380/rsocp.v0i12.39262 http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rsocp.v0i12.39262; links: http://revistas.ufpr.br/rsp/article/view/39262; pdf: http://revistas.ufpr.br/rsp/article/view/39262/24081). Postado no blog Diplomatizzando em 14/09/2016 (link: http://diplomatizzando.blogspot.com.br/2016/09/guerra-civil-espanhola-1936-1939-um.html). Relação de Publicados nº 238.


2000: 

751. “O Brasil e a Guerra Civil espanhola: participação de brasileiros no conflito”, Washington, 18 out. 2000, 40 p. Versão resumida do trabalho n. 608. Publicado in Hispanista (v. II, n. 5, abr/may/jun 2001; ISSN 1676-9058; http://www.hispanista.com.br/revista/artigo37esp.htm; revista eletronica da Associação Brasileira de Hispanistas). Relação de Publicados n. 280.


2016:

3035. “O Brasil e a Guerra Civil Espanhola: 80 anos de um conflito seminal”, em voo, Porto Alegre-Brasília, 5 setembro 2016; revisão Brasília, 12 setembro, 5 p. Notas para uma exposição que não foi confirmada, por problemas políticos na Faculdade de Direito da USP. Texto guia para palestra na abertura da Semana de Artes, na Faculdade de Direito da USP, no dia 26 de setembro de 2016.

3053. “Dimensões internacionais da guerra civil espanhola (1936-1939)”, Porto Alegre, 5 setembro; Brasília, 30 outubro 2016, 18 p. Artigo sobre a guerra civil internacional da Espanha, com base no artigo 608 (revista Sociologia e Política), com acréscimo de novos materiais e novos argumentos sobre a internacionalização do conflito. Enviado ao Dr. Antonio Cabrera, coordenador do Centro Mackenzie de Liberdade Econômica, em 4/05/2016


2019:

3504. “Homenagem a José Correia de Sá: um combatente da liberdade”, Brasília, 21 agosto 2019, 12 p. Novo ensaio sobre a guerra civil espanhola e aproveitamento do ensaio de 1999, com as partes sobre a participação do combatente, feito a pedido de sua filha, Eliane Dutra Correia de Sá (elianecorreasa@gmail.com); Apresentado no blog Diplomatizzando (24/08/2019; link: https://diplomatizzando.blogspot.com/2019/08/jose-correia-de-sa-homenagem-um-ex.html); disponível na plataforma Academia.edu (link: https://www.academia.edu/40158786/Homenagem_a_Jose_Correia_de_Sa_um_combatente_da_liberdade_2019_). Publicado in: Sá, Eliane Dutra Corrêa de. Um pai nada óbvio: fragmentos de minha infância (Rio de Janeiro: Arquimedes Edições, 2020; ISBN: 978-65-87992-00-6; p. 92-99). Relação de Publicados n. 1464.

3535. “O Brasil no turbilhão da guerra civil espanhola”, Brasília, 11 novembro 2019, 22 p. Contribuição ao volume A Guerra Civil espanhola e as Américas, coordenação de Ismara Izepe de Souza, Angela Meirelles de Oliveira e Matheus Cardoso da Silva (orgs.), pela editora Todas las Musas. Relação de Publicados n. 1436.



terça-feira, 27 de outubro de 2020

Como era um "passaporte diplomático" brasileiro, cem anos atrás? - Carlos Lemgruber Kropf

 Em todos os meus postos diplomáticos, invariavelmente, eu buscava os arquivos, os papéis esquecidos, os relatórios de décadas atrás, os maços antigos, as pastas empoeiradas, os baús esquecidos, as malas deixadas para trás, geralmente, no subsolo da chancelaria, ou no sótão, naquelas casas antigas.

Logo no meu primeiro posto, embaixada em Berna, uma casa do século XIX, assim que dava uma folga no trabalho, eu subia as escadas em começava a ler relatórios de outras épocas. Encontrei, por exemplo, ofícios do imediato pós-Segunda Guerra, redigidos pelo pai do meu colega diplomata, embaixador em Washington e ministro da Fazenda Marcílio Marques Moreira, o então ministro Mario Moreira, relatando os problemas com os refugiados de guerra naquele país neutro que era a Confederação Helvética, que na verdade abrigou mais espiões do que refugiados (pois fecharam as fronteiras e rechaçaram judeus que buscavam refúgio), e acumulou um bocado de ouro roubado pelos nazistas de suas vítimas judias. Li quase todos.

Num baú, deixado ali por um colega do imediato pós-Grande Guerra, encontrei um passaporte que não hesitei em guardar, com a intenção de tentar encontrar os descendentes de tão ilustre personagem (o que ainda não consegui). Registro que Carlos Lemgruber Kropf só passou pela Suíça, a caminho de Praga, como novo Enviado Extraordinário e Ministro Plenipotenciário junto à recém criada, a partir da dissolução do Império Austro-Húngaro, República Tcheco-Eslovaca, em 1921. Mas na volta deve ter passado por lá novamente, já que deixou esse documento, já com carimbos dos países vizinhos, de 1922 e 1923.

Não se tratava exatamente de um passaporte, mas de uma longa folha, dobrada, de 57 centímetros na altura (ou seja, mais de meio metro) e 25 cm na largura, com apenas a metade da frente ocupada pela sua identificação, assinada pelo então EEMP em Quito, Argeu Guimarães (escreveu alguns livros de história diplomática). 

Reproduzo aqui as imagens que fiz (tive de montar, pois era longuíssimo esse "passaporte") e me coloco à disposição da família para devolver o original.



sexta-feira, 4 de setembro de 2020

The Devastating Reality of the Black Plague - Nicol Valentin

The Devastating Reality of the Black Plague



Medium, Mar 16 · 2020

Writer. Blogger. History lover who can’t stand boring facts. Ain’t nobody got time for that. Come visit at historyunfettered.com

It was October 1347 when twelve ships pulled into the Sicilian port of Messina. From the outside, everything seemed normal enough, but horror struck the people when they saw the sailors on board. Most of them were dead, the rest barely clinging to life. Black boils oozing with blood and puss covered their bodies and they writhed and groaned in agony. The people in Messina had heard rumors of this hideous black death, and here it was in all its horror on the cusp of their shores.
Immediately the ships were turned out to sea but it was too late. Death had been unleashed. The people of Sicily were soon infected. In no time the sickness struck Marseilles, Tunis, and Rome.
It reached Florence, Bordeaux, Paris, and London. The disease spared no one. Young, old, rich, poor, all were susceptible. Over the course of five years, the black death would kill more than 20 million people, leaving whole towns decimated in its wake. In the end, one-third of Europe's population was dead.

Death From the Stars?

Recognizing plague symptoms was a cinch. A patient would first break out in oozing boils which could reach the size of an apple.
These appeared on the neck, groin, and armpits. The next stage brought fever, chills, vomiting, diarrhea, aches, and pains. Death followed shortly after. Finding what caused the plague, however, wasn’t so easy.
Medieval astrologers believed the stars influenced many things on earth, including one's health. Doctors at the University of Paris who were familiar with ancient astrological texts soon came up with the reason for the plague.
It was a triple conjunction of Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars in the 40th degree of Aquarius, which had occurred on the 20th of March 1345. According to Aristotle, a conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter would cause a disastrous event for sure.
Albert the Great had predicted a conjunction of Jupiter and Mars would bring plague. All three planets together would certainly bring terrible devastation.

How about Bad Smells?

Maybe the planets were involved, but certainly, bad smells had to be the cradle from which the disease emerged. And if putrifying scents were the cause, wouldn’t the opposite be the cure?
Those who ascribed to this theory did what they could to mitigate all offensive odors. Bottles of perfume were attached to belts, jewels and accessories were crafted out of perfumed paste, and scented balls and sponges accompanied people when they ventured out.
Vinegar was used freely on the skin and in the air since bitter scents were thought to be a good defense. Those strange costumes of the plague doctors with black robes and long beaks were created for just this reason. Inside the beak would be herbs, spices, and essential oils for the doctor to inhale.

Death from the Hands of an Angry God

Another prevalent belief was that the plague was a form of divine retribution.
There was too much greed in the world, too much blasphemy, and worldliness. God was mad, and the only way to stop it was to appease him. Processions of flagellants who whipped themselves with metal-studded straps traveled from town to town as a form of penance.
Others decided the best thing to do was to purge the world of those that offended God. Heretics and Jews being the obvious choice.
“Christians massacred Jews in Germany and other parts of the world where Jews lived, and many thousands were burned everywhere, indiscriminately,” wrote Jean de Venette.
“Doctors need three qualifications: to be able to lie and not get caught; to pretend to be honest; and to cause death without guilt.” — Jean Froissart’s Chronicles (1380)

A Gamut of Cures

Some advice was sound, like eat fruits and vegetables as opposed to rotting meat.
Those who ascribed to the belief that foul smells were the cause lobbied for keeping streets clean of all human and animal waste. Both of these are certainly good ideas, plague or not.
Of course, bloodletting was a go-to health procedure for any sickness, as long as it was done under the correct star. Lancing the boil was another option.
So far, the remedies are pretty standard. However, fear and panic caused lots of creative preparations to emerge. How about placing a live hen on the swelling, followed by a glass of your own urine twice a day?
Those against drinking urine could take the roasted shells of a newly laid egg, leaves and petals of marigolds, a pot of good ale and some treacle warmed over the fire. As with the urine, this was taken twice a day.
Other strange remedies included rubbing onions or a chopped up snake on the boil; eating arsenic, mercury, or crushed minerals; applying a mixture of tree resins, flower roots, and human excrement to the open wounds.

Image for post
plague doctor (Wikipedia)

But what was it really, and how did it spread?

The prevailing thought is the black death was caused by Yersinia pestis or bubonic plague which is carried through rodents and other mammals.
It’s believed to have originated in China. Mongols controlled much of the territory at the time and had their eyes set on Caffa, a Genoese port on the Crimean Peninsula. During one of their many sieges on the city, the Mongols came down with the Black Death.
The Khan ordered the siege lifted, but unwilling to let his enemy go unscathed, ordered the bodies of his dead warriors be flung over the city walls. The plague spread rapidly, although a few sailors escaped. They returned to Europe, bring the disease with them.
It didn’t help that Europe had already suffered several setbacks prior to the onset of the black death. There was an earlier plague that affected livestock, crop failures, and several wars. Add to that the beginnings of the little ice age which caused colder and longer winters, and things were pretty much set up for disaster.

An Alternative Theory

Now, although most historians and scientists subscribe to the Yersinia pestis theory, there are a few dissenters.
Professor Samuel Cohen of the University of Glasgow believes the disease was anything but bubonic plague. For one thing, the plague causes rats to die so profusely they would litter the streets.
In all the writings from the period, no mention of dead rats has been found. Not only that, but the black death affected areas where temperatures were too low for fleas to reproduce.
Iceland had no rats at all, yet deaths occurred there as well. Cohen also points out survivors of the black death seemed to have developed an immunity,
something that cannot happen with bubonic plague. Authors Susan Scott and Christopher Duncan agree. They point out the pattern of spread for the black death doesn’t fit that of common rat and flea born diseases.
The plague of 1374 swept from Marseilles to Paris at the speed of four kilometers a day. It was so fast one writer declared “instantaneous death occurs when the aerial spirit escaping from the eyes of the sick man strikes the healthy person standing near and looking at the sick.”
In contrast, bubonic plague can only move at rat speed. The bubonic plague that broke out in India in 1907 took 6 months to move 300 feet.
An outbreak in South Africa in 1899 took a year to move 20 kilometers. Most importantly, the Black Death spread from person to person, while the bubonic plague does not.

How did it end?

The Black Death epidemic ran its course by 1352, but the after-effects went on for years.
The structure of society completely broke down in many places. Agriculture suffered due to the lack of workers, and famine ensued. Yet by the end of the 1300s, things were beginning to look up.
Peasants became more prosperous, women gained some rights as far as property ownership, and surprisingly people were living longer. However, it would take 200 years for the population to return to pre-plague numbers. Those who managed to live would have lost everyone.

Sources:


terça-feira, 25 de fevereiro de 2020

Onze anos atras, um alerta sobre uma pandemia desde a interação homem-animal - Nathan Wolfe (The Edge)

WAITING FOR "THE FINAL PLAGUE"

Nathan Wolfe [1.30.09]

  • The Edge, January 30, 2009


[ED. NOTE: In January 2009, I sat down in Los Angeles with virologist Nathan Wolfe for a wide-ranging discussion on his studies concerning the biology of viral emergence. Within a few months, the world was in a panic about the H1N1 swine flu epidemic that lasted most of 2009. Several months later in "How to Prevent a Pandemic," he wrote:
"The swine flu outbreak seems to have emerged without warning. Within a few days of being noticed, the flu had already spread to the point where containment was not possible. Yet the virus behind it had to have existed for some time before it was discovered. Couldn’t we have detected it and acted sooner, before it spread so widely? The answer is likely yes—if we had been paying closer attention to the human-animal interactions that enable new viruses to emerge.
"While much remains unknown about how pandemics are born, we are familiar with the kinds of microbes—like SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome), influenza and HIV—that present a risk of widespread disease. We know that they usually emerge from animals and most often in specific locations around the world, places like the Congo Basin and Southeast Asia.
"By monitoring people who are exposed to animals in such viral hotspots, we can capture viruses at the very moment they enter human populations, and thus develop the ability to predict and perhaps even prevent pandemics." 
Unfortunately, that eleven-year-old conversation, reprised below, is evermore relevant today. —JB]

NATHAN WOLFE is the Lorry Lokey Visiting Professor of Human Biology at Stanford University and directs the Global Viral Forecasting Initiative. His research combines methods from molecular virology, ecology, evolutionary biology, and anthropology to study the biology of viral emergence. Nathan Wolfe's Edge Bio Page.

WAITING FOR "THE  FINAL PLAGUE"
In a general sense what I'm interested in is very much a biological universe parallel to our own, which is the universe comprised of microorganisms. Of particular interest to me are viruses, but also bacteria—fascinating organisms—and a range of parasites.
These exist in the same moment in history that we exist, in the same space that we occupy, but inhabit a very different world. Yet, they respond to many of the exact same pressures we do, but in a much shorter time span. Of course, they are subject to natural selection. They are incredibly important to our planet, to us as a species, and the reality is that we understand very little about them. We are actually in a very interesting space with respect to the technologies that we have now, and these are some of the things that have come about through molecular biology.



For example, we have metagenomic techniques, where we can take a drop of water or a drop of plasma and understand the incredible diversity of nucleic acids and different organisms that exist in those fluids, or in solids, in soil or in feces, or in saliva, whatever it is that you want to do.
For a biologist it is a fascinating point in time because we're not required to culture every one of these organisms. We can understand the genetic nature of them much more simply, so we have the luxury of going back and being natural historians in trying to explore the diversity of these microorganisms that we really understand very little of. Our knowledge of viral diversity on the planet is trivial. We don't even know the size of the iceberg. We know that most viral diversity is completely undiscovered and unknown. We don't know exactly what percentage of it is under water but it is probably a very high percentage.
That is my interest, and I am really just a biologist and a natural historian who happens to be interested primarily in microorganisms, but in the context of human evolution and in the context of mammalian diversity and biogeography. But I think it is a wonderful time when we really can go back and have the luxury of basic discovery. We discover novel viruses all the time. You can't discover new primates all the time. We have discovered most of them, but that is not the case with viruses.
Obviously, there is a tremendous interest in viruses that are deleterious. One of the things I would point out, first of all, is that there is so much diversity of viruses: most of them are probably neutral, many of them are ecologically important, some of them are actually mutualistic with their hosts. Having said that, there is a huge fascination with negative viruses, and negative microorganisms, that can spread like the 1918 influenza and HIV—SARS had the potential to do this. These are all agents, which have the potential to relatively quickly have a devastating impact on human populations.
Generally, if you look at global disease control, which is done mostly not by biologists and not in the realm of science, but instead is very much applied science and medical science, public-health science, effectively it is disease control. It is waiting for pandemics to occur, and it is doing the best that we can to try and control them once they have already happened.
But one of the things that we have found in analyzing the diversity of important infectious diseases is that most of them have animal origins. The way that almost all of these important diseases started is as diseases of animals that bubble up into humans who for whatever reason are exposed, through contact with water, mosquitoes, blood, by hunters, which is a lot of the work we do. They are exposed to these agents, these agents are constantly bubbling up, and you have this constant chatter, this viral chatter, individuals who are exposed to these agents.
Most of those things will go nowhere. They will almost instantaneously go extinct in either those individuals or, if they spread from person to person, which is really when these things start to have the potential to be very important and potentially dangerous, even those will mostly go extinct, burning out within local populations. You have to have the conditions be just right really to effectively jump through. At that point these agents are not perfectly adapted to humans. That is where most of the action occurs in these pandemics.
Yet global disease control only focuses on the very few that get to the top of the pyramid but have spread globally. If you think of HIV as an example, go back to 1981, right here down the street at UCLA where the first cases of AIDS were really sort of identified as a syndrome. But in 1981 it is estimated that there were at least 100,000 global infections with HIV, probably many more.
So you have missed a critical period where you could have really addressed this pandemic. By then it is too late. Obviously, this is an African disease, an African virus that has made its way to individuals at UCLA Medical Center. At that point it took three years to even identify the agent HIV that causes AIDS. It took seven years for the President of the United States to be able even to use the word ‘AIDS’.
Now I would like to spin a slightly different scenario. Let's say we had been studying more comprehensively this interface between humans and animals and trying proactively to predict these pandemic. We would have known about a neglected virus that existed in Central Africa. We would have known that it was transmitted through many, many different routes in Africa, most commonly through heterosexual forms of transmission. We would have potentially had diagnostics. It would have been a neglected tropical disease. But then when cases started really hitting, for example here in the United States, we would have had a tremendous head start.
If you think of this as the benefits of compounding interest, every month, every year of early warning that we get for these pandemics has huge gain in terms of the ultimate outcome. Now we are 30 years into this pandemic—we are really many more years, if you count when the thing really crossed over to humans, which is probably sometime in the early 20th century. In 50 or 100 years when people look back on this period of history, they will see that what we are doing is in some ways how we were treating heart disease in the '50s and '60s. We weren't preventing it. It wasn't about measuring cholesterol levels. It wasn't about measuring blood pressure and trying to change smoking activity. It was effectively waiting for a heart attack. When it comes to pandemics, we wait for the heart attacks.
The bold idea is that we should be and we can be doing a much better job to predict and prevent pandemics. But the really bold idea is that we could reach a point—and this is a distant point in the future—where we become so good at this that we have the "final plague," and where we are really capable of catching so many of these things that new pandemics become an oddity. That is something that we should certainly have as an ideal. And if you ask most people doing public health, they won't even have thought about whether we could have prevented HIV, let alone whether can we reach a point at which there won't any more plagues, which we don't have to think about going back and trying to eradicate.
Eradication right now in public health is the ideal. And obviously there is vaccination. I can't sit here as someone in this field and dent on eradication or vaccines. But on the other hand these are very reactive responses. They are certainly more cost effective than treatment but they are certainly a lot less cost effective than preventing the plague in the first place.
I'm in the process of looking for large amounts of resources to set up listening points around the world to actually monitor individuals who are highly exposed to wild animals, to catch this viral chatter, this movement of these agents from animals into humans and use this to get a sense, first of all, of what is out there.
What is the diversity of agents that are circulating? You can kind of think of this as the virome, or the microbiome. What is the diversity of microorganisms that are present in humans and the animals that we have contact with?
First of all, just to have a list so that in the future when we see things, we will be able to know what it is. And, second of all, to be able to catch things as they try to move into the space where we can have a preventative system for doing this. This is a particularly costly endeavor, but no matter how much we spend on it, all we have to do is catch one and we have instantly paid for this entire system. For SARS, which really at the end of the day affected only about 1,500 - 2,000 individuals, the estimates are billions of dollars of economic impact from even that, which was an aborted pandemic. It was a very short and aborted pandemic. Really what my work is about is trying to aim at this objective of achieving the final plague.
The way that I go about it is I study how pandemics are born, how they die and how we can move towards forecasting;prediction and prevention of these pandemics.
On one level, the final plague is an ideal. If you take a look at the 20th century, there is constant chatter and there will always be constant chatter. Every time you walk down the beach in Venice and you see somebody licking their dog. I'm not saying that is a dangerous activity but you're seeing an exchange of microorganisms. It's happening constantly. There is constant movement of microorganisms from individual to individual, within a species and between species.
As I said, most of those are unimportant. But still, if you look within the 20th century, there are a number of agents, many of which were never even caught, which had this movement from animal to human, and spread globally. Some of them may not have caused tremendous disease. Some of them may have been confused with other things that we knew were diseases and we thought it was probably just that. There is entirely new malaria, which is now spreading in Southwest Asia, which is a malaria of macaques, an Asian monkey, called Plasmodium knowlesi.
When people in public health actually diagnose malaria, they look under a microscope and they are forced to call a parasite as one of four human parasites, so all these things were misdiagnosed. You couldn't know it unless you went back and you studied the thing. Lo and behold, Plasmodium knowlesi was spreading and it was just identified as another kind of parasite. It is a deadly malarial parasite of animals.
During the 20th century I can't even tell you how many pandemics there were, but there were many pandemics. The point is, if we get good at these sorts of things, and probably we will never be focused on the things that don't cause disease. For example, one out of every three to five individuals is infected with a virus called GBV virus. It is a virus that is very transmissible. It doesn't cause much in the way of disease. Maybe the prevalence is slightly lower. But whatever it is, it's a pandemic virus. Who cares?
It's interesting to know about and in the future it could be something of significance, but really at the end of the day we are interested in the ones that are causing disease. If we start on a course where we get better at predicting and preventing these things and aren't just focused on controlling them, then over time the idea is that the century-by-century rate of novel pandemics will decrease. I'm not saying that we will be able to really nail it at a moment—"OK, this is the final plague"—but our objective should be not only eradicating existing diseases but really eradicating novel diseases. It is going to take a long time to get there, but we need to change our conception to the point where that is the objective. Eradication can no longer be the ultimate objective.
If you want to think about my work, one way to think of me is as a curator of microbial collections. I have these massive repositories. I have sites all around the world that are aimed at collecting interesting microorganisms, and then I enter into collaborations with different groups. Instead of coming to look at my beetle collections, I send them specimens that I think they are likely to find of interest, and they study them for novel agents. Really it's sort of a microbial museum. As a consequence, I have a very low footprint in the USA. I have an office not much bigger than your suite. It's not huge. Even though my enterprise is very costly to sustain, it is very easy for me to move around.
I don't actually do all of the lab work myself. What I do is find experts in the world who are either using techniques to do work to identify novel agents, like Forest Rohwer or Joe Derisi or Eric Delwart, or who study specific groups, like the best flavovirologists in the world or the best molecular parasitologists. In addition to the laboratories I have in field sites throughout the world, I have 12 different collaborating labs, each of which I send specimens to.
My work is a counterpoint to HIV vaccine development. When HIV was discovered, we were promised by the Secretary of Health and Human Services, that within one year there would be a vaccine against HIV. This is 30 years later. A range of organizations have spent billions of dollars on research to come up with a HIV vaccine. The benefits of this investment has been questionable.
To make a long story short, it is really hard to create vaccines. The easy vaccines are actually ones that aren't really created by humans. They are ones that are discovered. Vaccinia, smallpox vaccine: it's not like we did anything technical to it. All we did was we took a cowpox virus, and what we do today is really not much more complicated than what Pasteur did, scraping a little bit, scraping it into an arm and it's a closely related virus. The person has a viral infection, and it protects him against the next one.
I got started when I went to Harvard to work with Marc Hauser and Richard Wrangham. I was Marc Hauser's first doctoral student. I was interested in the evolution of consciousness. I was fascinated by evolution. I had read Dawkins's The Selfish Gene in high school and was captured by it, and honestly that was probably was one of the things that made me fascinated by biology. I came into it with interest in evolution and ecology more than mechanism. I'm not mechanistically focused. Sometimes I have to use those tools or think about mechanism.
I studied biological anthropology at Harvard. I started working with Richard and thinking about self-medicating behavior of chimpanzees. Richard encouraged me to understand what the chimps may be treating, and so I starting thinking about what are the viruses, what are the microorganisms of chimps that they may be consuming plants in order to treat. Then I never really came back from that.
At the time I was frustrated in my reading and thinking about the evolution of consciousness. I just felt like it was a moving target. As soon as people would try to say, "OK, we see evidence in this species” the bar would shift … I have left this area. I was frustrated with the methods to really capture the questions that I was most interested in that area. And then viruses—they are fascinating stories, they evolve very rapidly.
I got to viruses because I was looking at self-medicating behavior and I started looking into the viruses of chimpanzees. The stories were so phenomenally interesting. The story of HIV origins—it's a fascinating story and it was just alive and vibrant at that moment. It hadn't quite been captured.
Everyone was close to discovery of the origins of HIV but they hadn't quite captured it. And even malaria parasites. That was when I became interested in the origins of malaria. How is it that with something that is so profoundly important to human populations, we can know such excruciating detail about the intricate processes of malaria as an individual organism yet we have little clue as to where it came from?
I believe that is partially just a function of the biases in laboratory science in organizations like NIH, which are much less interested in big questions. They're interested in small questions. Not to say that there is anything wrong with small questions, if you have good scientific policy.
What I would love to do with this work is to make the study of pandemics a subset of biology. Not that what I care about is disciplinary boundaries, but I think what it needs is biologists to tackle it. A physician is very biased. Physicians are going to be like the people on the street who think viruses are all negative. A good virologist 20 years from now, or 50 years from now, if the field goes in the proper direction, will be like a herpetologist, like somebody studying snakes, who acknowledges that maybe the public is most interested in the venomous snakes, but would never delude themselves into thinking the venomous snakes weren't more than just a small percentage of their species and that there is much more of importance in the taxa.
This whole other range: they are ecologically important, they are fascinating organisms. The reason we think of viruses as negative entities is that physicians are the drunks looking under the lamppost for their keys. If you're just looking for negative viruses, that is all you're going to find. I think physicians have a lot to offer, but generally in a specific context. We're looking at biological phenomena and so it should be biologists who study them.
I will be honest with you. I try to go where my mind takes me, and I try to focus on the things I find of interest. For whatever reason, I am more interested in stopping the next malaria and understanding where malaria is from. I'm not as focused on trying to stamp malaria out. There are a lot of people who do that, and you have to make it your expertise to be good at it, and I'm not that interested in it.

The Edge Conversations
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