A geopolitica da informacao: paper do Harvard Belfer Center - Eric Rosenbach, Katherine Mansted

The Geopolitics of Information

Information is now the world’s most consequential and contested geopolitical resource—data is the “new oil.” Data-driven innovation is not only disrupting economies and societies, it is reshaping relations between nations—with potentially seismic consequences. In a new Belfer Center paper, Eric Rosenbach and Katherine Mansted explore how key technological advancements have ushered in a new era of information geopolitics. This era is changing how states engage with their citizens and with each other, define their national interest and strategic priorities, and project power onto the world stage. In particular, the belief that the data-driven economy is a winner-takes-all environment is pushing states and their domestic industry much closer together. To compete and thrive in the 21st century, the authors write, democracies, and the United States in particular, must develop new national security and economic strategies that address the geopolitics of information. Rosenbach and Mansted argue that the United States must adopt a national strategy guided by four principles: Security and economic strategy must be data-centric;   Privacy is a national security priority;   A whole-of-government strategy for information competitiveness is required;   Prioritize coordination with the private sector.   This is not an easy path, the authors acknowledge, and it is one strewn with difficult balances. Democracies must build their capacity to produce, refine, and protect information, but avoid the temptations of protectionism and monopolism. They must defend the information environment from subversion and manipulation, but redouble efforts to protect institutions, rights, and democratic values from information authoritarians who are seeking to subvert and undermine them. “The difficulty of the task must not deter us from attempting it,” Rosenbach and Mansted write. “Anything less could strike a serious blow to national security, internal stability, and democracy itself.”

Read the full report »

http://links.hks-belfercenter.mkt4851.com/ctt?kn=4&ms=MjE1NjQxODUS1&r=MzQxMTk0NDYyMjAS1&b=0&j=MTUwMTg1MTkwMQS2&mt=1&rt=0

Guerra nuclear EUA-RPDC? Possivel mas improvavel - Belfer Center, Harvard

O pessoal responsável, ou seja, todo mundo menos dois malucos nas antípodas, anda preocupado com a guerra verbal entre o gigante estratégico e o rato que ruge.
Vamos ler o que eles têm a nos dizer:

North Korea and Nuclear War
Belfer Center of Science and International Affairs, Harvard University

Lightning strikes behind a B-52 bomber at Minot Air Force Base in North Dakota. Bombers like this are one of a variety of delivery methods for nuclear weapons. (J.T. Armstrong/U.S. Air Force) Here’s What Happens When the President Orders a Nuclear Strike Op-ed by James A. Winnefeld, Jr. Fortune Tensions on the Korean Peninsula have risen quickly this week on the heels of another long-range missile test, combined with public revelations that the Kim Jong-un regime may have miniaturized a nuclear weapon that can be mated to such a missile....We knew this was coming. Yet now that the rhetoric is running high, many are concerned that we are on the brink of nuclear war. Even though the possibility of such a war is remote, it has evoked understandable curiosity among the public regarding how the U.S. chain of command would function for ordering a nuclear strike, and whether or not sufficient checks and balances exist to prevent a costly mistake. Read more › North Korea: Nuclear Threats and Consequences TV interview with Cathryn Clüver Ashbrook NECN The Take with Sue O'Connell North Korea Stakes Include Massive Loss of Civilian Life Op-ed by Nicholas Burns USA Today Other media coverage from Nicholas Burns: TV interview on Bloomberg › Trump's Language 'Increases the Capacity for Mistakes' TV interview with Juliette Kayyem CNN Erin Burnett OutFront Other media coverage from Juliette Kayyem: Radio interview on Boston Public Radio › Harvard's Park Troubled by Trump's N. Korea Statements TV interview with John Park Bloomberg John Park also quoted in: The Economist › The Wall Street Journal › Watch John Park on HKS Facebook Live (requires Facebook login): Thursday, August 17, 2017 at 2:00PM EDT › The Real Nuclear Option Featured research from International Security by Scott Sagan and Benjamin Valentino Slate Is the Use of Nuclear Weapons Becoming More Thinkable? TV interview with Gary Samore BBC Newsnight Gary Samore also featured in: Q & A with Russia Matters › U.S. News and World Report › Reuters (also quotes Jon Wolfsthal) › Obama-era Nuclear Expert Says Trump Has Not Modernized U.S. Nuclear Arsenal TV interview with Elizabeth Sherwood-Randall MSNBC Andrea Mitchell Reports North Korea Threat Radio interview with William Tobey Michigan's Big Show Where Will Trump and Kim's Nuclear Brinkmanship Lead? TV interview with James A. Winnefeld, Jr. CBS Sunday Morning What's Next For The U.S. And North Korea (at 19:43) Radio interview with Jon Wolfsthal NPR On Point

Niall Ferguson me escreve para recomendar seu novo livro: Kissinger, The Idealist

Na verdade, não foi bem Niall Ferguson, mas o Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, da Harvard Kennedy School, Harvard University, para anunciar a publicação do seu novo livro, o primeiro volume de uma obra de dois volumes, dedicada ao Mazarino das relações internacionais contemporâneas. Bem, nesse volume ele ainda não era o Mazarino que veio a ser depois...
Bem, agradeço a recomendação, mas vou esperar o livro ficar disponível a 3 dólares na Abebooks padra comprar. Acho que Kissinger merece mais do que isso, mas não estou disposto a pagar um livro que vou ler nas livrarias nas próximas semanas, e depois esperar que caia sobre a minha mesa...
Esse primeiro volume do livro do conhecido historiador britânico, aliás escocês, do meu ponto de vista, deve até ser mais interessante por quem se dedica à história das ideias, terreno no qual Kissinger foi quase um filósofo da diplomacia contemporânea, bem mais, em todo caso, do que o susequente, segundo volume, quando ele já era um velhaco administrador da potência americana em suas projeções imperiais. Tem quem goste: eu prefiro ficar com a história das ideias.
Para isso recomendo também o livro de um filósofo da CIA, Peter Dickson: Kissinger and the Meaning of History.
Kissinger não tinha princípios? Claro que tinha, mas o seu jeito de Mazarino, justamente, não combina com minhas inclinações kantianas...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Dear Friends:

Kissinger: Volume 1: The Idealist, 1923-1968

Few figures provoke as much passionate disagreement as Henry Kissinger. Equally revered and reviled, his work as an academic, national security adviser, diplomat, and strategic thinker indelibly shaped America's role in the 20th century. Kissinger's counsel knew few boundaries: His advice was sought by every president from Kennedy to Obama. Yet the man and his ideas remain the object of profound misunderstanding.


Drawing on 50 archives around the world, including Kissinger's private papers, my new book, "Kissinger: Volume 1: The Idealist, 1923-1968," argues that America's most controversial statesman, and the cold war history he witnessed and shaped, must be seen in a new light. In this first of a two-volume history, you'll learn that:

Kissinger was far from a Machiavellian realist. At least in the first half of his career, he was an idealist, opposed to philosophies that see human actions and events as determined by factors beyond our control, such as laws of history or economic development. Kissinger rejected the idea that such "necessity" was the crucial element in human affairs. He exalted the role of human freedom, choice, and agency in shaping the world.
Kissinger worried that the United States was forfeiting its moral leverage by accepting a Soviet-framed contest over economic productivity. In a remarkable interview with ABC's Mike Wallace in July 1958, he made the startling argument that the U.S. was being insufficiently idealistic in its Cold War strategy. "I think we should go on the spiritual offensive in the world," he said. "We should identify ourselves with the revolution." The aim was not to win a contest between rival models of economic development but above all to "fill…a spiritual void," for "even Communism has made many more converts through the theological quality of Marxism than through the materialistic aspect on which it prides itself."
Kissinger believed deeply in the importance of applied history to good statecraft: "When I entered office, I brought with me a philosophy formed by two decades of the study of history," he wrote in "White House Years." "History is not, of course, a cookbook offering pretested recipes. It teaches by analogy, not by maxims. It can illuminate the consequences of actions in comparable situations, yet each generation much discover for itself what situations are in fact comparable."
A proper understanding of American history – indeed, of America's ebbing and flowing faith in itself – requires a proper understanding of Kissinger. As I note in Volume One, "In researching the life and times of Henry Kissinger, I have come to realize that … I had missed the crucial importance in American foreign policy of the history deficit: the fact that key decision-makers know almost nothing not just of other countries' pasts, but also of their own. Worse, they often do not see what is wrong with their ignorance…. What is most needed, for students of economics and international relations alike, is a stiff dose of applied history."

I am pleased to be partnering with Harvard Kennedy School's Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs to help build a project that does just that.

I invite you to read "Kissinger: Volume One," and welcome your thoughts.

Learn More

Sincerely,
Niall Ferguson
Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History, Harvard University
Member of the Board, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs