A busca por um navio negreiro no Brasil em 1852 - Terrence McCoy, Sammy Westfall The Washington Post

 

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By Terrence McCoy with Sammy Westfall  Email The underwater hunt for the lost ship of an American slave trafficker An aerial view of the mouth of the Bracuí River, near the island of Little Cunhanbebe, where the likely Carmargo shipwreck was found almost 200 years after it sank. It was one of the last ships to illegally transport enslaved Africans to the Americas. (Photographs by Rafael Vilela for The Washington Post) ANGRA DOS REIS, Brazil — Gilson Rambelli motored out into the dark waters, thinking of the crime that had haunted him for years. The evidence of it was down there, in the bay’s depths. That was where the researcher believed he’d find the Camargo, the long-lost slave ship of Nathaniel Gordon, the only person ever executed in the United States for the crime of trafficking enslaved Africans. As dense clouds muffled the December morning sky, Rambelli and his research team approached a small island off the coastline of Rio de Janeiro state. There wasn’t much to distinguish it from the dozens of others dotting this vast bay. But it was here that the crew dropped anchor. “This is it,” Rambelli said. For decades, Rambelli and others have researched the shipwreck. According to contemporaneous accounts, Gordon sailed his American-made vessel into Brazilian waters in December 1852. As authorities closed in on him, Gordon sold his “cargo” — more than 500 enslaved Mozambicans — to the coffee plantations in the mountains beyond. Then he burned and sank his ship somewhere in the bay and escaped arrest dressed as a woman, scandalizing Brazil’s government and leading to its first crackdown on the country’s illegal slave trade. The remarkable story is part of a forgotten chapter in the history of America and slavery, when American ships and the American flag were used to illegally transport enslaved Africans to Brazil by the tens of thousands. In the first half of the 19th century, after much of the world had banned the transatlantic slave trade but before the end of slavery, a highly lucrative contraband trade continued to supply Brazil with enslaved Africans. Some of its most important players, according to historians and a Washington Post review of thousands of pages of records, were American merchants and sailors. They sold ships, captained slaving voyages and ultimately assumed such an active role in the illegal commerce that senior U.S. diplomats at the time suggested it couldn’t have happened without them. ADVERTISEMENT   “The African slave trade ‘thickens around us,’” wrote U.S. Brazil Minister Henry A. Wise in an 1845 letter to Secretary of State John C. Calhoun. “Without the aid of our citizens and our flag, it could not be carried on with success at all.” In all, between 1831 and 1850, American-made ships brought approximately 430,000 enslaved Africans to Brazil — nearly as many as were shipped to the United States during its entire history of slavery, Brazilian historian Leonardo Marques has found. During the latter half of that period, according to Marques’s review of British consular reports, more than one-third of all slaving vessels that made landfall in Rio de Janeiro did so under an American flag. Hunting in December for one of the most notorious of those vessels, Rambelli and colleague Luís Felipe Santos pulled on their wet suits. This expedition, scheduled to last four days, was their fourth attempt to find the Camargo in two years. All previous efforts to retrieve physical evidence of the ship had failed. Funding opportunities were drying up. If they didn’t find the Camargo soon, the team worried that the tale could again slip through the cracks of history — and deprive a nearby community of descendants of enslaved Africans of answers about its role in Brazil’s history. “When our elders told us stories of this ship, we thought it was just another tall tale,” said Marilda de Souza Francisco, a leader of the Santa Rita do Bracuí community in the city of Angra dos Reis. “Now we find out it could be true.” ADVERTISEMENT   The men fastened on their compressed air tanks. They pulled down their goggles. Jumping overboard, they vanished beneath the water. Santa Rita do Bracuí, a community founded by descendants of enslaved Africans, has passed down the story of the Camargo for generations. Here, community members Maria Madalena da Silva and Natalina Adriano da Silva sit in pews after Sunday Mass. (Rafael Vilela for The Washington Post) ‘Our flag is preferred over any other’ How U.S. nationals became “leaders in fomenting the illicit slave trade” and “permanently transformed Brazil for all time,” in the words of historian Gerald Horne, was largely a function of two historic developments. The first was a diplomatic dispute. In the early 1800s, Great Britain led an international campaign to end the transatlantic slave trade. It signed accords with several of the world’s naval powers, allowing British patrols to inspect suspected slaving vessels. But wary of British influence, the United States refused to sign on, effectively placing ships sailing under the American flag beyond the reach of the crown. The second was innovation in American ship engineering, with American shipyards pumping out vessels built for speed. The Baltimore Clipper, which could easily outrun British patrols, grew popular among merchants moving high-profit, low-volume goods. Few were as lucrative as enslaved Africans.  Seizing the opportunity, American merchants based in Rio de Janeiro sold U.S.-made vessels to slavers sailing for Africa. The proliferation of the American ship and flag — used by slavers of all nationalities — in the illicit commerce soon provoked alarm among diplomats. “Our flag is preferred over any other,” complained Gorham Parks, the U.S. consul in Rio de Janeiro, in an 1848 letter. Half of all enslaved Africans brought to Brazil, estimated U.S. diplomat David Tod in January 1850, “are introduced through the facilities directly and indirectly afforded by the American flag.” What ultimately ended the involvement of U.S. nationals in the trade was Brazil’s passage in 1850 of a new anti-trafficking law. An early test of Brazil’s commitment to enforcing it came in late 1852, when the Camargo neared the Rio de Janeiro coastline. With authorities in pursuit, Gordon dropped anchor at the mouth of the Bracuí River. His human cargo was brought ashore to the farm of Santa Rita do Bracuí. Then Gordon set fire to his ship and fled. “He escaped in woman’s clothes,” a U.S. diplomat at the time reported, “hastily put on in the cabin.” The Camargo sank to the depths of the bay, where researchers believed it had sat, undisturbed, ever since. Gilson Rambelli, right, and a colleague prepare to search the Brazilian waters for the Camargo. (Rafael Vilela for The Washington Post) A hunt decades in the making The search for the Camargo began by happenstance. In the summer of 1994, historian Martha Abreu was scouring old newspaper clippings at Brazil’s national library, working on her dissertation, when she learned of an untold history that left her stunned. It was, in her understanding, Brazil’s first real attempt to crack down on the illegal slave trade. At the center of the tale were an American captain and his ship. After the Caramgo burned, Brazilian police launched an operation to rescue the Africans sold by Gordon and searched the region’s coffee plantations. The action was seen as a direct challenge to Brazil’s powerful slaveholding elite and helped establish a new precedent in a country that had allowed enslavers to do as they pleased. Police ultimately found 75 people whom Gordon had sold into slavery. Most of them were children. The youngest was 11.  The rest were lost. Abreu published a book chapter on the fallout and moved on to other projects. But she never stopped thinking about the Camargo or its captain. She later learned that Gordon continued his slaving exploits until he was convicted in federal court in New York of slave trading in 1861. The punishment was death. No one had ever suffered that consequence. But this time was different. “Any man, who, for paltry gain and stimulated only by avarice, can rob Africa of her children to sell into interminable bondage, I will never pardon,” Abraham Lincoln said, according to author Ron Soodalter, denying Gordon’s pleas for clemency. Nearly 150 years later, Abreu was researching how slavery was remembered along the Rio de Janeiro coastline when, at the mouth of the Bracuí, the story of the Camargo again found her. In the community of Santa Rita do Bracuí, founded by descendants of enslaved Africans on what had once been the farm of Santa Rita do Bracuí, she met a bald patriarch named Manoel Moraes, 85. He told her a story he first heard in his youth. He didn’t know the name of the boat that had gone down. But all the details aligned. Moraes was describing the Camargo. “I got goose bumps,” Abreu said. “I said, ‘It’s not possible.’” Then Moraes, now deceased, provided a bit of information even more tantalizing: He knew where the Camargo had sunk. “People often talked about that boat,” he said, “because it was a good spot to fish.” “It sank at the point of an island” named Cunhanbebe. For generations, the people of Santa Rita do Bracuí have told and retold the story of the Camargo. Their version, recounted in spartan homes set against a misted mountain, included details not found in any historical text. The sinking of the Camargo was more chaotic than recorded. Many of the captured Africans perished. The fate of those who survived was little better. “They were brought into the mountains beyond and put to work up there,” said Flavia da Silva Adriana, who’d heard the tale from her grandmother. “But first, they were brought here.” The land on which this village was built was then a crucial entry point in Brazil’s illegal slave trade. The Souza Breves family, among Brazil’s largest enslavers, had used its Santa Rita farm to receive and revive newly arrived enslaved Africans. Many came ashore so emaciated, Moraes once told researchers, that “they’d lost their value” and had needed a “fattening station” before being sold into labor. This story and others, told in informal settings, helped form a cultural framework through which the community came to understand its place in Brazil’s history. But many of the tales were impossible to prove. “They were myths,” said Emerson Luís Ramos. “We didn’t have any documents.” As a result, residents said, the community had always been easy to ignore. The people never secured official ownership of the land, and a federal highway cleaved it in two. Many have only known poverty and struggle. But then, several years ago, came a new story, this one told by visiting researchers: The Camargo was not a myth. And the evidence was there in the bay, waiting to be found — proof of the historic injustices suffered and witnessed by the people of Santa Rita do Bracuí. “If God wills it,” said Adriana, “we will find the ship.” Ruins of an old sugar mill known as Engenho Central do Bracuí, which was built in 1885 by enslaved people. Nowadays, members of the Santa Rita do Bracuí a community say they are unable to visit the site due to a high entrance fee. (Rafael Vilela for The Washington Post) Desperation, then sudden hope With time running out, the researchers remembered Abreu’s research and Moraes’s clue.  One local man, who had once told them he’d fished over the Camargo as a child, brought them to the spot he remembered, near Little Cunhanbebe. But again, nothing. As the prospect of failure hardened into reality, a fisherman approached their vessel. “I know what you’re looking for,” the man shouted. Then he continued on, without stopping to talk. The next morning, on the last day of the expedition, the researchers again saw the fisherman. This time, the man, Luiz Henrique de Freitas, did stop. He’d grown up on Big Cunhanbebe, where his family had lived for generations, and had fished the bay’s waters his entire life. He knew where the Camargo had sunk and, after hours of conversation, agreed to lead the researchers there. They motored to just 500 meters from where they’d looked the day before and dropped anchor. There, on their first dive, they came upon something, buried in the muck. It was a hard, wooden. They grabbed a few pieces of the debris. What they saw when they emerged elicited shrieks of euphoria. The wood was blackened and charred. The sunken ship they’d discovered had been burned. “We found it!” Rambelli yelled. In the weeks to come, the researchers would alert government authorities and designate the area as an official excavation site to ward off potential treasure hunters. They’d test the wood fragments, revealing traces of copper — the material that had encased the Camargo’s hull. And in partnership with the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture and GWU researchers, they would plan another expedition in May to further examine the remains, to study the hull and engineering and hopefully render a final conclusion on whether it’s the Camargo. The true scholarly work was only now just beginning. But for this moment, they sat on the boat, cherishing the discovery and what it meant. “This is an answer for the communities here, that the stories they’ve always told were true,” Felipe said. “They weren’t just stories.

Guardamoria: "clausulas sociais" em navios negreiros - Paulo Werneck

Transcrevo, do meu amigo Paulo Werneck, re-descobridor de coisas velhas, como eu, esta postagem interessante:

Medidas para Regular os Negreiros
Paulo Werneck: Guardamoria
Posted: 07 Jan 2017 05:34 PM PST
 

Rugendas: Navio Negreiro
Fonte: Wikipedia

Charles Ralph Boxer (1904—2000), na página 6 de The Golden Age of Brazil faz referência a uma lei de 1664 que tentou limitar a carga dos navios que transportavam escravos negros de Angola para o Estado do Brasil.Esses navios também eram chamados tumbeiros, em inglês undertakers, em face da alta mortalidade dos negros durante a travessia, decorrente das condições insalubres e alimentação parca.

Encontrei a norma referida numa compilação publicada em 1857. Trata-se do Alvará de 23 de Setembro de 1664:

EU EL-REI faço saber aos que esta minha Provisão virem, que, tendo respeito ao que me representaram os moradores da Cidade de S. Paulo da Assumpção do Reino de Angola. em razão de se ter introduzido nelle, depois de sua restauração, despacharem os navios que sahem do porto da mesma Cidade dobradas peças de escravos do que requerem suas capacidades; e que, posto que se faça arqueação de seus portes, é feita por pessoas nomeadas pelos mestres, sem se fazer vestoria da aguada que levam; de que resultam consideraveis damnos, com o morte e perda de tantos escravos, em que a tem muito grande os homens de negocio, e os moradores d'aquelle Reino, attenuando-se com isso muito o Commercio. em diminuição dos direitos de minha Fazenda. - E respeitando ao que allegam, e informação que sofre a materia mandei tomar - hei por bem, e mando ao meu Governador do Reino de Angola. e ao Provedor de minha Fazenda delle, façam ter particular cuidado e vigilancia no despacho dos ditos navios, para que nenhum possa sahir do porto do Cidade de S. Paulo, sem levar, para cada cem peças, vinte e cinco pipas de agua, bem acondicionadas e arqueadas, e que nenhum leve mais peças do que seu porte podér levar, para que os ditos escravos possam ir à sua vontade, e não haver tanta mortandade nelles. E esta minha Provisão se cumprirá muito inteiramente como nella se contem, etc.

Anlonio Serrão a fez, em Lisboa, a 23 de Setembro de 1664. O Secretario Manoel Barreto de Sampayo a fez escrever. = REI.
Liv. XXV da Chancellaria. fol. 442.

Note-se que a norma não tem como base preocupações humanísticas, mas antes com os interesses da Coroa com a tributação - os negros eram mercadorias que seriam tributadas ao chegar ao Brasil - e com os interesses dos comerciantes, que perdiam as suas mercadorias frente à ganância dos transportadores.

A Cidade de S. Paulo da Assumpção do Reino de Angola refere-se à cidade de São Paulo da Assunção de Loanda, fundada em 25 de janeiro de 1576 pelo fidalgo e explorador português Paulo Dias de Novais, hoje conhecida como Luanda.

Restauração refere-se ao episódio da reconquista de Angola em 1648, após a expulsão dos holandeses, pelos portugueses (da península, do Estado do Brasil, até índios) comandados por Salvador Correia de Sá e Benevides.

Arqueação é um processo de medida do capacidade de carga de um navio, o que permitia definir quantos escravos poderiam ser transportados com relativa segurança quanto à integridade física deles, tendo em conta a ventilação, comida e água.

Aguada é o carregamento de água potável, para ser bebida, usada na cocção dos alimentos e higiene.

Peça é a quantidade de escravos. Um negro ou uma negra entre 15 e 25 anos de idade correspondia a uma peça; entre 8 e 14 e entre 26 a 35, tres contavam como duas peças; com menos de 8 anos ou entre 36 a 45, dois contavam como uma; de 46 em diante, ou doentes, eram avaliados por árbitros. Bebês não contavam e eram despachados com as mães e não eram valorados.

Boxer assevera que essa lei não pegou. Seja como for, outra foi baixada em 1684 e será oportunamente divulgada.

Um agradecimento especial aos responsáveis pelos sites www.iuslusitaniae.fcsh.unl.pt, donde foi extraída a norma, e www.newocr.com, que disponibilizou a ferramenta OCR para o trabalho pesado de conversão da imagem para texto.

Fontes:

BOXER, C. R. The Golden Age of Brazil • 1695-1750. Growing Pains of a Colonial Society. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1964.

PORTUGAL. Alvará de 23 de Setembro de 1664. Providências sobre despacho dos navios de escravos em Angola, para evitar a mortandade deles in SILVA, José Justino de Andrade. Collecção Chronologica da Legislação Portugueza. Segunda série (conclusão) 1675-1683. Suplemento à Segunda Série 1641-1685. Lisboa: Imprensa de F. X. de Sousa, 1857.