O que é este blog?

Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida;

Meu Twitter: https://twitter.com/PauloAlmeida53

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quinta-feira, 25 de abril de 2013

Educacao: professor brasileiro de primario e' premiado... nos EUA


Prêmio

Obama entrega troféu a melhor professor dos EUA

Veja.com, 21/04/2013

Brasileiro Alexandre Lopes desbancou mais de 180.000 mil docentes e ficou entre os quatro finalistas da competição

Obama entrega troféu ao professor Jeff Charbonneau
Obama entrega troféu ao professor Jeff Charbonneau (AFP)
O presidente dos Estados Unidos, Barack Obama, participou nesta terça-feira de uma cerimônia na Casa Branca, em Washington, em homenagem ao melhor professor do ano do país. O eleito foi Jeff Charbonneau, que leciona química e física a alunos dos ensinos fundamental e médio em escolas públicas de Washington. Entre os quatro finalistas, estava o brasileiro Alexandre Lopes, de 44 anos, especialista em educação infantil inclusiva. Antes de chegar à etapa final da competição, Lopes desbancou mais de 180.000 profissionais e foi eleito o melhor professor da Flórida. Esta foi a 63ª edição do prêmio, organizado anualmente peloThe Council Of Chief State School Officers (CCSSO), espécie de conselho de secretários estaduais de educação.

Leia também:
Alexandre Lopes: "Professores precisam parar com desculpas"


Ao entregar o troféu à Charbonneau, Obama parabenizou também os outros professores presentes no evento. "Se há algo que deve ser sempre dito aos professores de nosso país, porque nunca será suficiente, é obrigado", afirmou. O presidente também ressaltou a necessidade de se pensar em melhores formas de recrutar, preparar e recompensar os educadores.

Segundo o CCSSO, Charbonneau foi eleito o melhor professor dos Estados Unidos em 2013 pela forma inovadora com que lida com as dificuldades de aprendizagem de seus alunos. O docente trabalha para quebrar o paradigma de que as disciplinas de química e física são as mais difíceis da grade curricular. "No vocabulário meu e dos meus alunos não existem as palavras ‘não consigo, ‘é muito difícil’ ou ‘é impossível’. A minha filosofia de ensino é baseada em promover a autoconfiança deles e a colaboração dentro e fora da sala de aula", afirmou.
=========

Entrevista: Alexandre Lopes

'Professores precisam parar com desculpas', diz brasileiro que concorre a prêmio de melhor docente dos EUA

À frente de turmas que misturam crianças com autismo, adotivas e imigrantes, ele afirma que, a despeito das condições adversas, missão do educador segue sendo a de desenvolver o potencial máximo dos alunos

Lecticia Maggi

Venezuela: uma agenda carregada para o novo "presidente"

Venezuela: a herança maldita de Chávez 

Veja.com, 24/04/2013
Hugo Chávez chegou ao poder na Venezuela em fevereiro de 1999 e, ao longo de catorze anos, criou gigantescos desequilíbrios econômicos, acabou com a independência das instituições e deixou um legado problemático para seu sucessor. Confira alguns dos desafios que o novo presidente terá de enfrentar:

1) PDVSA em ruínas
O petróleo, extraído quase inteiramente pela PDVSA, a Petrobras da Venezuela, é responsável por 50% das receitas do governo venezuelano. Além do prejuízo de uma economia não diversificada, Chávez demitiu em 2003 40% dos funcionários da companhia após uma greve geral e os substituiu por aliados. A partir daí, as metas de investimento não foram cumpridas e a produção estagnou.
O plano de investimentos da PDVSA divulgado em 2007 previa a produção de 6 milhões de barris por dia este ano, mas entrega menos da metade. A exploração de petróleo caiu de 3.2 milhões de barris diários (em 1998) para 2,6 milhões (dado de 2011). O caudilho foi beneficiado, no entanto, pelo aumento do preço do produto e usou a fortuna para financiar programas assistencialistas e comprar aliados na América Latina. 
Os candidatos já disseram que vão manter as 'misiones', como são conhecidos os programas assistencialistas. O desafio será fazer isso sem afetar a capacidade de investimento na petrolífera e aumentando a produção. 

2) Desmonte das instituições
Em 1999, Chávez aprovou uma nova Constituição que eliminou o Senado e estendeu seu mandato para seis anos, além de conseguir uma lei que lhe permitia governar por decreto. A concentração de poderes promovida pelo caudilho, no entanto, não se restringiu ao Legislativo. O Judiciário foi tomado por juízes alinhados ao chavismo. A cúpula das Forças Armadas também demonstrou lealdade ao coronel logo depois de anunciada sua morte, quando as tropas foram colocadas nas ruas com o objetivo declarado de "manter a ordem". "Vida longa, Chávez. Vida longa, revolução", bradou o ministro da Defesa, Diego Alfredo Molero Bellavia. A oposição em várias oportunidades pediu a obediência à Constituição.
A imprensa também não escapou do controle imposto por Chávez. Em 2007, o governo não renovou a concessão do maior canal de televisão venezuelano, a RCTV. Recentemente, a Globovisión, única emissora que ainda mantém uma linha crítica ao governo, admitiu que está negociando a venda do canal, inviabilizado pelas constantes pressões e prejudicado pelo combalido mercado de anunciantes na Venezuela. 

3) Criminalidade alta
A criminalidade disparou na Venezuela ao longo dos 14 anos de governo Chávez. Em 1999, quando se elegeu, o país registrava cerca de 6.000 mortes por ano, a uma taxa de 25 por 100.000 habitantes, maior que a do Iraque e semelhante à do Brasil, que já é considerada elevada. Segundo a ONG Observatório Venezuelano de Violência (OVV), em 2011, foram cometidos 20.000 assassinatos do país, em um índice de 67 homicídios por 100.000 habitantes. Em 2012, a organização registrou 21.672 homicídios, ou 73 a cada 100.000 habitantes. 
O Ministro de Interior e Justiça divulgou a ocorrência de 16.072 homicídios no país em 2012, contra 14.092 registrados em 2011, um aumento de 14%. Com isso, a taxa de homicídios passou de 48 para 54 a cada 100.000 habitantes. Os números de outro órgão oficial são diferentes. Dados do Corpo de Investigações Científicas, Penais e Criminalísticas, citados pelo jornal El Universal, apontam 21.600 assassinatos em 2012, contra 18.850 em 2011.

4) Inflação galopante
A economia venezuelana tem um histórico de inflação alta, desde antes de Chávez chegar ao poder. Contudo, a gastança pública aliada a uma política expansionista e estatizante fez com que a alta dos preços atingisse níveis absurdos. Segundo o FMI, a inflação anual venezuelana fechou 2012 a 26,3%. Para 2013, a projeção é que o índice chegue a 29%. Os números poderiam ser muito piores se não fosse o controle de preços exercido pelo governo. No entanto, essa regulação afetou a produção e levou a escassez de alimentos básicos como leite e carne. A desvalorização de mais de 30% da moeda, que entrou em vigor em fevereiro, fez com que alguns preços duplicassem.

5) Crise elétrica
Entre o final de 2009 e início de 2010, a Venezuela sofreu uma crise no setor elétrico, agravada pela estiagem que reduziu drasticamente os níveis dos rios que alimentam as hidrelétricas. Preocupado em ajudar financeiramente os aliados latino-americanos, o governo Chávez deixou de investir em novas usinas. E as companhias do setor elétrico, sob a praga da gestão chavista, tiveram queda na produção por falta de manutenção, corrupção e aumento escandaloso do número de funcionários. A crise foi tão grave que paralisou vários setores da economia e obrigou o governo a declarar estado de emergência no país.
Para contornar a situação, Chávez propôs o "banho socialista" de três minutos, pediu para os venezuelanos usarem lanternas para ir ao banheiro no meio da madrugada e exortou as grandes empresas a gerar sua própria eletricidade. Em 2012, Chávez reconheceu que a Venezuela ainda sofria com problemas elétricos, mas disse que, se não tivesse chegado ao poder em 1999, o país se iluminaria com lanternas e cozinharia com lenha.
O fato é que ainda hoje apagões são registrados em todo o país. O discurso de Nicolás Maduro agora é colocar a culpa nos "inimigos da pátria", que estariam sabotando o sistema de energia. Na reta final da campanha, o governista acusou a oposição a planejar um grande apagão e ordenou que as estações elétricas fossem ocupadas por militares.

6) Exportação do bolivarianismo
Boa parte dos recursos do petróleo venezuelano foi usada por Chávez para comprar aliados na região e ampliar o alcance de sua 'revolução bolivariana'. O maior beneficiário é Cuba, cuja mesada vinda dos cofres venezuelanos equivale a 22% do PIB - a ilha foi o destino do coronel ao longo de todo o tratamento contra o câncer e a oposição venezuelana denuncia a interferência dos irmãos Castro na política do país. Chávez também abasteceu o caixa de campanha de candidatos presidenciais populistas na América Latina e Central, como Cristina Kirchner, na Argentina, Evo Morales, na Bolívia, e  Daniel Ortega, na Nicarágua. Na última semana, o principal candidato opositor às eleições presidenciais, Henrique Capriles, afirmou que a Argentina deve 13 bilhões de dólares ao país pelos convênios para envio de petróleo.

7) Endividamento estatal
Durante a era Chávez, o endividamento do governo subiu de 37% para 51% do PIB. A dívida pública externa oficial está em 107 bilhões de dólares, sem contar a dívida da PDVSA com fornecedores e sócios e os débitos do governo com empresas expropriadas. No total, a conta deve chegar a 140 bilhões de dólares, um grande desafio ao próximo presidente venezuelano, seja de que lado ele estiver.

O novo Blackberry, para os addicted - David Pogue


Typing, Made Easy


BlackBerry will start offering its Q10 next month.When I reviewed the BlackBerry Z10 in January, I wrote that it was a surprisingly complete, elegant, attractive phone, considering that the company was on its deathbed. (The BlackBerry’s share of the smartphone market was a dismal 2.9 percent, down from 85 percent a few years ago.)
  • BlackBerry will start offering its Q10 next month.

  • The key benefits of the Z10:
    • Swappable battery
    • Memory-card slot for expansion
    Over 100,000 apps in its app store
  • Clever word-completion system
  • Ingenious BlackBerry Hub: a single in-box for everything (calls, texts, e-mail, Twitter and Facebook posts) that’s always available with a swipe in from the left side
  • Separate on-screen “worlds” for work and personal use
  • 80 million BlackBerry fans already
I’m still not sure that the Z10 will save BlackBerry. It’s awfully late, and its offerings aren’t so much more advanced than iPhone or Android that the masses are likely to risk betting on this dark horse.
FDDP
The Times’s technology columnist, David Pogue, keeps you on top of the industry in his free, weekly e-mail newsletter.
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But next month, BlackBerry will improve its odds by offering the Q10 (around $250 with contract). It’s a sister phone to the Z10, with all the same advantages. But instead of a full-height touch screen, this one has the classic BlackBerry design: half-height screen above, physical keyboard below.
That is a feature few rivals offer. Touch-screen phones with physical keyboards, especially from the most popular brands, are rare, and they’re usually not especially successful.
The Q10’s screen is 720 by 720 pixels — the biggest, sharpest screen ever on a keyboard phone, according to BlackBerry. The battery is bigger than the Z10’s; since the screen (the single most power-hungry component) is also smaller, that means the Q10 lasts much longer on a charge — 13.5 hours of talk time (compared with eight hours on the iPhone 5).
And then there’s the keyboard. Yes, that’s something BlackBerry is really good at. After so many years of fussing with typing on glass and making fidgety corrections, it really is sweet to have real keys. They’re not only useful when you’re writing; they also let you use all the beloved BlackBerry keyboard shortcuts: “T” for top of message, “R” for reply, “F” for forward, “L” for reply all, and so on.
Autocorrect is much less important when you have a real keyboard, of course. But at your option, the Q10 still displays, just above the keyboard, the three most likely completions of the word you’re typing. You tap one of these words to insert it into what you’re writing.
And man, is it smart. I wanted to type “Unfortunately, the company is notprepared to comment.” All I had to type were the letters shown here in boldface — six letters in total. In each case, the phone correctly predicted the next word I wanted — and even punctuation — requiring only one tap each. (That is, I typed “Un,” and the options included “Unfortunately.” I tapped that one, and then the button options included a comma. I tapped that one, and the choices included “the.” And so on.)
I’ll come right out and say it: no phone on the market offers a better combination of speed and accuracy for entering text.
As a bonus, the Q10 lets you type out shortcut commands from the home screen. “BBM Chris” lets you jump into a BlackBerry Messenger (instant message) chat with Chris. And so it goes with “Email Robin,” “tweet” (to enter a Twitter post), “txt” (to send a text message), “call 556-1000,” “Facebook” (to make a Facebook post), “li” (to say something on LinkedIn). Efficiency freaks everywhere should be rejoicing.
The Q10 comes with BlackBerry 10.1 software, an upgrade from what arrived on the Z10. (The Z10 will get this upgrade eventually.)
The enhancements are pretty minor. You can now paste a phone number into the dialing pad. You can opt to have your ActiveSync e-mail keep only the last 30 or 60 days’ worth of e-mail. And the BlackBerry Balance feature (the one that keeps your personal and corporate worlds separate) has been enhanced to let companies enforce even more restrictions on what your phone can do.
Now there’s a high-dynamic-range (HDR) mode in the camera app, which combines the brights and darks from three photos, taken with different exposures, for richer shots.
Now the big drag with a physical keyboard is, of course, that you lose half the screen space. You pay the price when you try to look at a map, a photo or, in particular, a movie. You also lose the niceties of an on-screen keyboard, like the ability to switch its keys to a different alphabet.
But there are thousands of people who use a smartphone mostly for e-mail, texts and typing — thousands who’ve been waiting for a physical keyboard on a modern smartphone. If the screen-space trade-off is worth it to you, and if you don’t mind betting on an underdog, you’ll find no better keyboarded phone than the BlackBerry Q10.

O mercado de diplomas falsos no Brasil: uma industria muito prospera

De alguns tempos para cá, eu comecei a receber muitas mensagens de pessoas interessadas em comprar diplomas. 
De início pensei que se tratasse de alguma conspiração contra este autodidata absoluto, que despreza todos os títulos e diplomas, e valoriza o conhecimento pelo conhecimento, apenas. Depois, vi que não só existem idiotas que acreditam em qualquer coisa, como fraudadores em busca desse tipo de mercadoria. Mas volto ao que dizia.
De fato, se dependesse de mim, nem empresas privadas, nem instituições públicas exigiriam qualquer tipo de diploma, de quem quer que fosse, para qualquer cargo imaginável. Nada, nadicas de peterebas, só exame, ponto.
Não confiando no ensino, aqui ou alhures (embora eu mesmo seja um grande promotor de sistemas educativos de qualidade), acho que as escolas, de qualquer nível, existem mesmo para dispensar conhecimento, e eventualmente algum certificado de proficiência nos estudos, já que as pessoas adoram um papel qualquer, carimbado melhor ainda. Mas, em se tratando de concurso para a seleção de candidatos a exercer um cargo qualquer em uma instituição qualquer, creio que bastariam exames reforçados, ou entrevistas, para selecionar os melhores candidatos ao cargo, com a dispensa de qualquer diploma, mesmo de alfabetização primária. Nada, nenhum, zero.
Eu sei, eu sei, um sou um iconoclasta: acho que até os diplomatas podem ser selecionados sem precisar mostrar qualquer tipo de diploma: apenas os exames, rigorosos, claro, e uma entrevista para barrar os malucos que conseguem decorar listas telefônicas, bastariam para selecionar os melhores candidatos à diplomacia. Ponto.

E por que estou dizendo isso em relação aos diplomas?
Sim, agora volto ao meu assunto principal.
Tempos atrás, quase um ano atrás, postei um anúncio de diplomas, de todos os tipos, para qualquer candidato.
O anúncio era claro que se tratava de uma armação, de diplomas falsos, e eu mesmo coloquei o aviso na indexação.
O post era este aqui (agora removido, para não fazerem mais conspirações contra mim): 


segunda-feira, 4 de junho de 2012

Ensino eficientissimo: qualquer diploma em uma semana (basta pagar, claro...)
Minha introdução era bem clara (como transcrita abaixo), e ainda mais os indexadores, que diziam especificamente isto:   diplomas falsosfraudadores

Os companheiros vão acusar, mais uma vez, o neoliberalismo, claro, falando que o mercado invade tudo, até o fornecimento de diplomas. 
Mas caberia ao seu governo vigiar pelo menos o Diário Oficial, para saber quem anda emitindo diplomas maravilhosos, com todas as garantias (de mercado). Metade do que está escrito é mentira, e todos os diplomas são de mentira, mas sempre tem gente interessada em mentiras, a começar pela perfeição da saúde e a notável progressão no ensino.
Recém recebido em minha caixa:

From: Diploma Rapido <pralmeidaT4QD@dollconnection.com>
Subject: RE: Seguro e garantido
Date: 4 de junho de 2012 02:45:01 GMT+02:00d
To: Paulo R. Almeida - Mac 
Reply-To: ensinoeficiente@hotmail.com 

Substancialmente, ela dizia o seguinte, na linguagem sem vergonha dos fraudadores: 


Ensino Moderno Oferece Diploma de:
Nivel Superior por R$480 reais até o dia 06/06/2012, após a data R$1.280,00 reais
Nivel Médio por R$280 reais até o dia 06/06/2012, após a data R$600,00 reais
Nivel Técnico por R$380 reais até o dia 06/06/2012, após a data R$890,00 reais

Retorne este email, que informaremos mais detalhes!
Registrado por instituição pública ou particular;
Data retroativa ou atual;
2ª Via direto com a Universidade;

Prazo de 8 a 15 dias, bacharel, Doutorado, Mestrado, MBA e Especializações;
Enviamos Diploma, Declaração, Histórico; Timbrado, assinado e carimbado.

Publicado no DOU ( Diario Oficial da União)
Fique este ano de 2012 diplomado para entrar em concursos de até R$21.500,00 reais
Temos equipe de Pós venda para melhor atender. Vai ficar fora dessa!
Nos temos vários clientes concursados, recebendo mais de 21.500.00 reais (vinte e um mil reais)

Dividimos o pagamento em duas vezes, a segunda parcela, você só paga após receber o documento. Trabalhamos com endereço fixo e website.
Ensino Moderno! 


Pois bem: essa postagem foi uma das mais vistas deste blog relativamente obscuro e desconhecido: 1766

Passou-se o tempo, e eu já tinha esquecido dessa porcaria, quando começo a receber mensagens deste tipo: 


On 25/04/2013, at 20:44, Dxxxx Rxxxxx <dxxxx@hotmail.com> wrote:
Boa noite!

Achei na internet procurando por diplomas no google seu anuncio e tenho interesse em adquirir um diploma de 3 grau(administração de empresas) por alguma faculdade ou universidade de Salvador-BA.
Tem como? qual preço? o que precisa? forma de pagamento no recebimento?
Aguardo e agradeço.
Att. Dxxxx
7x-8xxx-6xxx


Ou seja, os candidatos a fraudadores nem se dão ao trabalho de ler a mensagem por inteiro, a conferir o que escrevi, nada: eles só querem um diploma, qualquer um, sob pagamento, claro.
Agora, mesmo tendo removido o post, vou provavelmente continuar recebendo pedidos do tipo acima.
Pelo menos eliminei a conspiração: 
A página que você está procurando neste blog não existe.
E o MEC, a PF, onde andarão?
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

O maior ladrao de livros de toda a historia da humanidade - Premio Noble de roubalheira intelectual


The curious tale of the stolen books

Image from weekly illustrated newspaper The Graphic, from 1886, showing a librarian in the library in Lambeth Palace's Great Hall
London's Lambeth Palace, home to the Archbishop of Canterbury, also has a leading historic book collection. The palace's library was the scene of a major crime that stayed undiscovered for decades.
A sealed letter that arrived at one of Britain's most historic libraries in February 2011 was to leave its staff stunned.
The letter had been written before his death by a former employee of Lambeth Palace Library. Forwarded shortly after he died by the man's solicitor, it revealed the whereabouts of many of the library's precious books.
Staff had known since the mid-1970s that dozens of its valuable books had been stolen. But they had no idea of the true extent of the losses until the letter led them to the man's house in London.


"We were staggered," says Declan Kelly, director of libraries and archives for the Church of England. "A couple of my colleagues climbed into the attic. It was piled high to the rafters with boxes full of books. I had a list of 60 to 90 missing books, but more and more boxes kept coming down."
They contained some 1,000 volumes, made up of 1,400 publications, many from the collections of three 17th century archbishops of Canterbury - John Whitgift, Richard Bancroft and George Abbot.
They included an early edition ofShakespeare's Henry IV Part Two, finely illustrated books - such as Theodor de Bry's America, which chronicles the earliest expeditions to the New World - and medical books, such as The French Chirurgerye.
"The scale of the theft is quite extraordinary," says Robert Harding, director of Maggs Bros, a London rare book dealer. "It's one of the biggest such thefts in recent decades."
Harding says that if undamaged, the copy of de Bry's America could be worth £150,000, while the Shakespeare would be worth about £50,000. He says others are also worth five-figure sums.
One of the most intriguing aspects of the case is how a member of staff was able to get away with stealing so many valuable and often large books.
During World War II, Lambeth Palace's Great Hall - which housed much of the library's early collection - took a direct hit from an incendiary bomb.
It was roughly estimated that up to 10,000 books were destroyed or badly damaged. In the years after, if a book was discovered to be missing it was easy to assume it had been destroyed in the war.

The library in Lambeth Palace's Great HallFounded in 1610, Lambeth Palace's library is the principal repository of the Church of England's documentary history and houses more than 120,000 books
1/5
But early in 1975 the then librarian noticed that some of the most important books which were known to have survived, including the Shakespeare, had been taken.
The thief had also removed the index cards of the books, making it even more difficult to work out exactly what had been stolen. It was concluded that it was a matter of just tens of books.
"The police did an investigation and interviewed all the staff, but drew a blank and nothing from the library had ever come up for sale in the book trade," Kelly says.
Security was reviewed at the library in 1975 and in 2011.

Prof James Carley, a Canadian academic, has been researching the history of the library. "In the 1970s it was very easy. There were no [detector] devices, nothing to stop you walking out with a book," he says.
London-based antiquarian bookseller Tim Bryars says: "It would take years to do it one or two books at a time, but it would have been much easier if he had the keys and took significant quantities at a time.
"There would have been a great deal of confusion for some time after the war. It could have happened when the books were being stored in the crypt."
The trail stayed cold for more than 35 years until the arrival of the letter.
Even though the true extent of the thief's exploits was discovered more than two years ago, it is only now being made public. "We've delayed quite a while telling the story because we wanted to get to the point where we can start to make the books available again," Kelly says.
Map showing putative route to China via Frobisher’s Straightes, from 8. Sir George Best, • A True Discourse of the Late Voyages of Discoverie for the Finding of a Passage to Cathaya (London, 1578)
He declines to say anything about the identity of the thief. "He was a former low-level employee. I don't think he was there for that long after the theft was discovered.
"We don't want to cause any distress to anyone still alive and connected with the thief. We want to look forward, not back."
But Bryars has another theory. "I can understand why they didn't reveal his name as there are other people out there who have stolen similar material, who if they saw someone else being named and shamed - even posthumously - that material could be for the bonfire," he says.

The thief's true motives have also gone to the grave with him, but the fact that he damaged so many of the books provides a clue. He had removed or tried to remove marks of ownership using chemicals, cut off the coat of arms of the archbishops from covers and removed the bindings from some books.
"The fact they were defaced suggests he was intending to sell them. He may have had a go and been questioned and given up. The fantasy of the secret collector who wants to gloat over his private collection is not common in reality," Harding says.
Some of the stolen books are still missing. The thief removed index cards for the books he stole and these were found at his house. But not all the corresponding books were recovered. The remainder may have been sold.
"Damage affects the value a lot. A book without the arms may have lost 90% of its value. It's cultural vandalism," Harding adds.
Carley says the thief appeared to be interested in books and this may have saved them. "I think he just decided at the end of the day that he couldn't destroy them, so why not give them back?"
Some 10% of the retrieved books have now been repaired and 40% of them have been entered in the library's online catalogue.
"It's great to have this stuff back and scholars and others can now access them to see what was available to people at the time to inform themselves," Kelly says.

Prof James Carley was interviewed on the BBC World Service programme Newshour

Lambeth's recovered books

A map of the city of Cusco, in Theodor de Bry's America. (Frankfurt, 1590)

  • Key works now back at the Palace include:
  • 10 volumes from Theodor de Bry's America, which contain many engraved illustrations of early expeditions to the New World
  • A volume with quarto edition ofShakespeare's Henry IV Part 2, apparently presented to Archbishop Richard Bancroft in 1610
  • A True Discourse of the Late Voyages of Discoverie for the Finding of a Passage to Cathaya, about Martin Frobisher's 16th Century search for a north-west passage to the Orient
  • The "spymaster's scrapbook", a collection of engravings illustrating conflicts involving the Spanish Netherlands, which belonged toElizabeth I's spymaster Sir Francis Walsingham
  • The Frenche Chirurgerye by Jacques Guillemeau, describing skills and instruments of 16th Century surgeons, with many fine engravings

Portugal suspenso do Ciencia Sem Fronteiras

Sem comentários:

Portugal é suspenso do Ciência sem Fronteiras

Segundo Mercadante, mudança é temporária e visa a estimular bolsistas a aprender outras línguas

24 de abril de 2013 | 18h 50
Lisandra Paraguassu, de O Estado de S. Paulo


BRASÍLIA - O Ministério da Educação (MEC) anunciou nesta quarta-feira, 24, a concessão de mais 17.282 bolsas do programa Ciência sem Fronteiras (CsF) em vários países. Com isso, o número de bolsas para este ano soma mais de 41 mil.
Ainda estão abertos para este ano editais com 3.970 bolsas para China, Irlanda, Áustria, Bélgica e Finlândia. O ministério decidiu, porém, não conceder as bolsas que estavam previstas para 2013 em Portugal. A intenção é obrigar os estudantes a estudar uma nova língua, além de se formarem em sua área. “Queremos que os estudantes enfrentem a questão da língua, que todos aprendam uma nova língua”, afirmou o ministro Aloizio Mercadante. Nos últimos processos seletivos, Portugal, apesar de estar longe da excelência universitária de países como EUA e Alemanha, era um dos mais procurados.
Segundo Mercadante, a maior parte dos que queriam uma vaga em Portugal aceitou migrar para outro país. Pouco mais de 600 ainda resistem, mas, como não haverá mais vagas para instituições portuguesas, terão de escolher outras ou não serão aceitos pelo CsF.
O MEC decidiu oferecer um curso online de inglês para ajudar os candidatos a uma bolsa do programa. De acordo com o ministro, o mesmo será feito com línguas como espanhol, alemão, francês e até mandarim.
O ministro aproveitou a divulgação dos dados do CsF, em um auditório da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal do Ensino Superior, para rebater críticas feitas ao programa.
Citando uma reportagem do Estado, afirmou que não há como o MEC usar convênios já existentes entre universidades brasileiras e estrangeiras para evitar o pagamento do curso porque esses acordos são “pontuais” e servem apenas para estudantes das instituições conveniadas. “Em geral, conseguimos o abatimento de taxas”, garantiu, citando especificamente o caso de um contrato com a Fundación Universidad, da Espanha, que ajuda a administrar o programa naquele país.
“Eles nos ofereceram um seguro saúde por 420, quando o normal seria 1.080 por estudantes. Além disso, eles fazem pesquisas de vagas, toda a tramitação de documentos e vistos e os pagamentos para as diferentes universidades. No cômputo geral, o valor é inferior ao que pagaríamos”, garantiu, acrescentando ainda que há convênios semelhantes nos EUA, Alemanha, França e Grã-Bretanha.

Em defesa da hegemonia - Robert Kaplan


Anarchy and Hegemony

Stratfor, April 17, 2013 | 0901 GMT
By Robert D. Kaplan
Chief Geopolitical Analyst
Everyone loves equality: equality of races, of ethnic groups, of sexual orientations, and so on. The problem is, however, that in geopolitics equality usually does not work very well. For centuries Europe had a rough equality between major states that is often referred to as the balance-of-power system. And that led to frequent wars. East Asia, by contrast, from the 14th to the early 19th centuries, had its relations ordered by a tribute system in which China was roughly dominant. The result, according to political scientist David C. Kang of the University of Southern California, was a generally more peaceful climate in Asia than in Europe.
The fact is that domination of one sort or another, tyrannical or not, has a better chance of preventing the outbreak of war than a system in which no one is really in charge; where no one is the top dog, so to speak. That is why Columbia University's Kenneth Waltz, arguably America's pre-eminent realist, says that the opposite of "anarchy" is not stability, but "hierarchy."
Hierarchy eviscerates equality; hierarchy implies that some are frankly "more equal" than others, and it is this formal inequality -- where someone, or some state or group, has more authority and power than others -- that prevents chaos. For it is inequality itself that often creates the conditions for peace.
Government is the most common form of hierarchy. It is a government that monopolizes the use of violence in a given geographical space, thereby preventing anarchy. To quote Thomas Hobbes, the 17th century English philosopher, only where it is possible to punish the wicked can right and wrong have any practical meaning, and that requires "some coercive power."
The best sort of inequality is hegemony. Whereas primacy, as Kang explains, is about preponderance purely through military or economic power, hegemony "involves legitimation and consensus." That is to say, hegemony is some form of agreed-upon inequality, where the dominant power is expected by others to lead. When a hegemon does not lead, it is acting irresponsibly.
Of course, hegemony has a bad reputation in media discourse. But that is only because journalists are confused about the terminology, even as they sanctimoniously judge previous historical eras by the strict standards of their own. In fact, for most of human history, periods of relative peace have been the product of hegemony of one sort or another. And for many periods, the reigning hegemonic or imperial power was the most liberal, according to the standards of the age. Rome, Venice and Britain were usually more liberal than the forces arranged against them. The empire of the Austrian Hapsburgs in Central and Eastern Europe often protected the rights of minorities and prevented ethnic wars to a much greater degree than did the modern states that succeeded it. The Ottoman Empire in the Balkans and the Middle East frequently did likewise. There are exceptions, of course, like Hapsburg Spain, with its combination of inquisition and conquest. But the point is that hegemony does not require tyrannical or absolutist rule.
Stability is not the natural order of things. In fact, history shows that stability such as it exists is usually a function of imperial rule, which, in turn, is a common form of hierarchy. To wit, there are few things messier in geopolitics than the demise of an empire. The collapse of the Hapsburgs, of the Ottoman Turks, of the Soviet Empire and the British Empire in Asia and Africa led to chronic wars and upheavals. Some uncomprehending commentators remind us that all empires end badly. Of course they do, but that is only after they have provided decades and centuries of relative peace.
Obviously, not all empires are morally equivalent. For example, the Austrian Hapsburgs were for their time infinitely more tolerant than the Soviet Communists. Indeed, had the Romanov Dynasty in St. Petersburg not been replaced in 1917 by Lenin's Bolsheviks, Russia would likely have evolved far more humanely than it did through the course of the 20th century. Therefore, I am saying only in a general sense is order preferable to disorder. (Though captivating subtleties abound: For example, Napoleon betrayed the ideals of the French Revolution by creating an empire, but he also granted rights to Jews and Protestants and created a system of merit over one of just birth and privilege.)
In any case, such order must come from hierarchal domination.
Indeed, from the end of World War II until very recently, the United States has performed the role of a hegemon in world politics. America may be democratic at home, but abroad it has been hegemonic. That is, by some rough measure of international consent, it is America that has the responsibility to lead. America formed NATO in Europe, even as its Navy and Air Force exercise preponderant power in the Pacific Basin. And whenever there is a humanitarian catastrophe somewhere in the developing world, it is the United States that has been expected to organize the response. Periodically, America has failed. But in general, it would be a different, much more anarchic world without American hegemony.
But that hegemony, in some aspects, seems to be on the wane. That is what makes this juncture in history unique. NATO is simply not what it used to be. U.S. forces in the Pacific are perceived to be less all-powerful than in the past, as China tests U.S. hegemony in the region. But most importantly, U.S. President Barack Obama is evolving a doctrine of surgical strikesagainst specific individuals combined with non-interference -- or minimal interference -- in cases of regional disorder. Libya and Syria are cases in point. Gone, at least for the moment, are the days when U.S. forces were at the ready to put a situation to rights in this country or that.
When it comes to the Greater Middle East, Americans seem to want protection on the cheap, and Obama is giving them that. We will kill a terrorist with a drone, but outside of limited numbers of special operations forces there will be no boots on the ground for Libya, Syria or any other place. As for Iran, whatever the White House now says, there is a perception that the administration would rather contain a nuclear Iran than launch a military strike to prevent Iran from going nuclear.
That, by itself, is unexceptional. Previous administrations have been quite averse to the use of force. In recent decades, it was only George W. Bush -- and only in the aftermath of 9/11 -- who relished the concept of large-scale boots on the ground in a war of choice. Nevertheless, something has shifted. In a world of strong states -- a world characterized by hierarchy, that is -- the United States often enforced the rules of the road or competed with another hegemon, the Soviet Union, to do so. Such enforcement came in the form of robust diplomacy, often backed by a threat to use military power. Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush were noted for American leadership and an effective, sometimes ruthless foreign policy. Since the Cold War ended and Bill Clinton became president, American leadership has often seemed to be either unserious, inexpertly and crudely applied or relatively absent. And this has transpired even as states themselves in the Greater Middle East have become feebler.
In other words, both the hegemon and the many states it influences are weaker. Hierarchy is dissolving on all levels. Equality is now on the march in geopolitics: The American hegemon is less hegemonic, and within individual countries -- Egypt, Syria, Libya, Iraq, Tunisia and so on -- internal forces are no longer subservient to the regime. (And states like Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan are not in the American camp to the degree that they used to be, further weakening American hegemony.) Moreover, the European Union as a political organizing principle is also weakening, even as the one-party state in China is under increasing duress.
Nevertheless, in the case of the Middle East, do not conflate chaos with democracy. Democracy itself implies an unequal, hierarchal order, albeit one determined by voters. What we have in the Middle East cannot be democracy because almost nowhere is there a new and sufficiently formalized hierarchy. No, what we have in many places in the Middle East is theweakening of central authority with no new hierarchy to adequately replace it.
Unless some force can, against considerable odds, reinstitute hierarchy -- be it an American hegemon acting globally, or an international organization acting regionally or, say, an Egyptian military acting internally -- we will have more fluidity, more equality and therefore more anarchy to look forward to. This is profoundly disturbing, because civilization abjures anarchy. In his novel Billy Budd (1924), Herman Melville deeply laments the fact that even beauty itself must be sacrificed for the maintenance of order. For without order -- without hierarchy -- there is nothing.
Read more: Anarchy and Hegemony | Stratfor 

Robert D. Kaplan

July 13, 2012 | 2110 GMT
Chief Geopolitical Analyst
Robert D. Kaplan is the author of Monsoon: The Indian Ocean and the Future of American Power, which was published by Random House in October 2010, and released in paperback in September 2011. His newest book, The Revenge of Geography: What the Map Tells Us about Coming Conflicts and the Battle Against Fate, was published by Random House in 2012. In 2011 and 2012, Mr. Kaplan was chosen by Foreign Policy magazine as one of the world's "Top 100 Global Thinkers."
He is Chief Geopolitical Analyst for Stratfor, a non-resident senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security in Washington, D.C., and has been a foreign correspondent for The Atlantic for over 25 years. In 2009, he was appointed to the Pentagon's Defense Policy Board, which advised former U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates on key issues. Mr. Kaplan served on the board through 2011. From 2006 to 2008, he was the Class of 1960 Distinguished Visiting Professor in National Security at the U.S. Naval Academy.
Mr. Kaplan is the best-selling author of 14 books on international affairs and travel, which have been translated into many languages. In the 1980s, Mr. Kaplan was the first American writer to warn in print about a future war in the Balkans. Balkan Ghosts was chosen by The New York Times Book Review as one of the best books of 1993. The New York Times also chose The ArabistsThe Ends of the EarthAn Empire WildernessEastward to Tartary and Warrior Politics as notable books of the year. The Washington Post and The Los Angeles Times chose An Empire Wilderness as one of the best books of 1998. The Wall Street Journal named The Arabists as one of the best five books written about America's historical involvement in the Middle East.
Read more: Robert D. Kaplan | Stratfor