O que é este blog?

Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Meus livros podem ser vistos nas páginas da Amazon. Outras opiniões rápidas podem ser encontradas no Facebook ou no Threads. Grande parte de meus ensaios e artigos, inclusive livros inteiros, estão disponíveis em Academia.edu: https://unb.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida

Site pessoal: www.pralmeida.net.

segunda-feira, 2 de junho de 2025

How Ukraine’s Drone Strike Shattered Russia’s Nuclear Arsenal on June 1, 2025 - Jason Jay Smart (Substack)

 

How Ukraine’s Drone Strike Shattered Russia’s Nuclear Arsenal on June 1, 2025

A detailed analysis of the unprecedented operation that crippled Russia’s strategic bombers, nuclear submarines, and command systems—rewriting the rules of modern deterrence.

Multiple attacks against Russia’s strategic aircraft and nuclear fleet by Ukraine today are gamechangers in the war.

On June 1, 2025, Ukraine executed one of the most daring and consequential military operations of the modern era. Operation ПАВУТИНА—a coordinated, long-range drone strike—pierced deep into the heart of Russia’s strategic nuclear capabilities, crippling critical airbases and naval facilities in a single, devastating night.

This wasn’t just another strike. It was a seismic event that rewrote the very rules of nuclear deterrence and modern warfare.

Watch my video presentation of this article above! Please like and subscribe on YouTube!

The Scale of the Attack

The operation targeted six of Russia’s most vital military installations, including:

  • Olenya Air Base (Murmansk Oblast): Home to Tupolev Tu-160 “Blackjack” and Tupolev Tu-95MS “Bear-H” strategic bombers—the airborne backbone of Russia’s nuclear triad. Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence Directorate (GUR) confirmed at least four Tu-95MS bombers destroyed, severely undermining Russia’s second-strike capability.

  • Severomorsk Naval Base (Murmansk Oblast): Headquarters of Russia’s Northern Fleet and a critical nuclear submarine hub. Multiple explosions rocked the base, and unconfirmed videos suggest damage to a Project 667BDRM “Delfin”-class nuclear ballistic missile submarine—one of Russia’s key sea-based nuclear deterrents.

  • Dyagilevo Air Base (Ryazan Oblast): Hosting Tupolev Tu-22M3 “Backfire-C” bombers and Ilyushin Il-78 “Midas” aerial refueling tankers, this base’s destruction crippled Russia’s ability to extend its air strike range deep into NATO airspace.

  • Ivanovo Severny Air Base (Ivanovo Oblast): Destroyed a Beriev A-50 “Mainstay” airborne early warning and control aircraft, effectively blinding Russian air command over large swathes of territory.

  • Belaya Air Base (Irkutsk Oblast): Three Tu-22M3 bombers destroyed, damaging Russia’s Pacific strike projection.

  • Voskresensk Airfield (Moscow Region): Destroyed an Ilyushin Il-76 “Candid” strategic airlifter, disrupting logistics and rapid troop deployments.

    The attacks transpired across Russia’s vast territory.

What Was Lost?

In total, Ukraine damaged or destroyed roughly 10 to 15 percent of Russia’s nuclear delivery platforms in one night, a historic blow without precedent since the Cold War.

  • At least four Tu-95MS bombers, critical for nuclear strikes, were lost.

  • Multiple long-range bombers and tankers that extend strike range were destroyed.

  • Command and control airborne assets such as the A-50 were eliminated.

  • A nuclear submarine base suffered damage to critical assets, threatening Russia’s sea-based nuclear deterrent.

Strategic Implications

This operation strikes at the core of Russia’s Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) doctrine, which depends on the credibility of a retaliatory second strike to deter nuclear war. With 10-15% of its strategic aviation and naval nuclear forces compromised, Russia’s ability to project nuclear power against NATO and to sustain attacks on Ukraine is seriously impaired.

The loss of aerial refueling tankers reduces bomber range and effectiveness. The destruction of airborne early warning assets blunts Russia’s air defense coordination. Damage to the Severomorsk naval base threatens the viability of the sea-based second-strike leg—the silent cornerstone of Russia’s nuclear strategy.

Historical Context

To grasp the scale, compare this to:

  • The devastating first day of Operation Barbarossa (June 22, 1941), when the USSR lost 10-15% of its air force to surprise German attacks.

  • The START treaties of the Reagan-Gorbachev era, which saw Russia negotiate away approximately 30% of its nuclear delivery systems over years.

  • In one night, Ukraine destroyed half of that reduction’s worth of strategic assets—with no negotiations, no diplomacy, just decisive action.

    Ukraine’s intelligence service, the SBU, prepared more than a year and a half for the attacks.

The Tactics Behind Operation Spider Web

Far from a conventional strike, this was an asymmetric masterpiece:

  • Drones smuggled piece-by-piece across Russian territory, assembled covertly.

  • Launched from hidden trailers and vehicles, exploiting radar blind spots.

  • Equipped with AI-assisted thermal imaging and encrypted communication relays.

  • Coordinated attacks across five time zones, with drones in the air for up to four hours.

What Comes Next?

The Kremlin’s silence is telling. Panic is rippling through the Federal Security Service and military command, with investigations and emergency briefings underway. The loss isn’t just material—it’s psychological and strategic.

NATO and global security analysts must reassess Russian nuclear deterrence credibility. This operation sets a new precedent for modern warfare, proving that high-tech asymmetric tactics can neutralize the most formidable strategic arsenals.

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Watch my full video breakdown for an in-depth analysis:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=10dnhFUBgH0

Uma perspectiva militar sobre a guerra de agressão da Rússia contra a Ucrânia - debate no Senado dos EUA

Uma perspectiva militar sobre a guerra de agressão da Rússia contra a Ucrânia: general americana SACEUR em depoimento no Senado americano no começo de maio de 2025.

Aos interessados nos aspectos militares da guerra de agressão da Rússia contra a Ucrânia, ofereço este depoimento de um alto general americano, SACEUR, num Comitê do Senado americano, explicando exatamente o que ocorre no terreno da frente militar. Uma informação interessante, em meio ao longo depoimento: Putin perdeu, até o momento 4 MIL TANQUES, o que é o inteiro estoque de tanques nas FFAA dos EUA, para dar uma ideia da escala envolvida até aqui no conflito, o maior na Europa desde a IIGM, como já várias vezes destacado. Resumo da história: não sabemos ainda se a Ucrânia vai vencer esta guerra, mas já sabemos que a Rússia NÃO VAI VENCER.


General americano comandando a OTAN na Europa explica a história por trás da guerra entre Rússia e Ucrânia! Uma visão sobre por que a Rússia é uma ameaça aos EUA!!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7laUFudTdGo
Um comentário ao video:
"SACEUR is not just any "US General". It stands for Supreme Allied Commander Europe. This means that he commands all NATO troops and operations from all branches of the military in the whole European theatre (which includes NATO HQ and the vast majority of member states and thus arguably the most important part of NATO worldwide)."
Um outro comentário:
"The general was very well prepared. He answered to the point. Not a word too many, and not a word too few. Anyone who listened carefully will realize that the administration's statements are an absolute joke. Ukraine is fighting for all of us, not just for Europe. This courageous country deserves support. Thank you very much, General! America can be proud to have such soldiers. Thank you for your service."

domingo, 1 de junho de 2025

Rewriting the Rules of Foreign Aid: Geopolitics, Power, and the New Diplomacy - Felix Broson Manurung (Modern Diplomacy)

Rewriting the Rules of Foreign Aid: Geopolitics, Power, and the New Diplomacy

In the world of international relations, foreign aid is not simply about altruism.

Modern Diplomacy, May 31, 2025

https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2025/05/31/rewriting-the-rules-of-foreign-aid-geopolitics-power-and-the-new-diplomacy/

 In the world of international relations, foreign aid is not simply about altruism. It is a very complex thing, as Carol Lancaster points out in her fundamental work, Foreign Aid: Diplomacy, Development, and Domestic Politics: Aid is not just about pure altruism or even pure development. It is also about a country’s diplomacy, its domestic politics, and other broader strategic interests. In today’s evolving global landscape, this diplomatic element has increased even further. Today, the world is no longer dominated by one or just two superpowers, but rather a new multipolar order has taken shape, giving rise to a phenomenon or concept that we can call “competitive aid.”

Aid is no longer about who gives more, but rather about a high-stakes game in which countries use it to compete, gain advantage, and consolidate their influence in a country or region. Under these conditions, what does this increased competition mean for recipient countries? Does it really lead to better outcomes for developing countries? Or is it just creating a mess of fragmented efforts, redundant projects, and inappropriate prioritization by geopolitical shifting rather than actual development needs?

Foreign Aid Diplomacy in the New Global Era

To better understand “competitive aid,” we can recall where foreign aid diplomacy came from. For decades after World War II, especially during the Cold War, aid was largely a Western affair, with the United States in the lead. The narrative was often about rebuilding war-ravaged economies or, most importantly, preventing the spread of communist ideology. Aid is a key component of soft power, building alliances and promoting a particular vision of the global order.

Jump forward to the 21st century; the situation seems completely different. We have seen the rise of new economic giants, most notably China, as well as increasingly influential players such as India, Brazil, and the Gulf states. These are not just new faces on the list of donor countries. They bring very different philosophies, historical experiences, and, most importantly, strategic interests. China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a very clear example. It is a massive infrastructure financing project that often offers large-scale loans on easier political terms than the approach of traditional Western donors. On the other hand, the European Union emphasizes human rights and good governance in its development cooperation. Meanwhile, US aid often ties its assistance directly to national security concerns, such as stabilizing an unstable region or securing vital supply chains. This diversity of donors, each with their own geopolitical strategies, has undeniably increased competition for aid.

The Dynamics of “Competitive Aid”

So, what exactly does “competitive aid” look like on the ground? It is a complex form of diplomacy where development projects are likened to pawns on a global chessboard. Donor countries are not just writing checks; they are actively competing for influence by offering what they expect to be the most attractive terms, the most impactful projects, or the most strategically aligned visions. The most prominent example of this competitive dynamic is seen in the global scramble for infrastructure development and connectivity. China’s BRI, launched more than a decade ago, has poured massive investment into roads, railways, ports, and digital networks across the continent. While Beijing insists that it is purely about economic growth and trade, it is hard to disregard the undeniable geopolitical implications of expanding China’s economic reach and gaining political influence as a result. A simple example is the Hambantota port project in Sri Lanka. While the project has economic aspirations, its handover to Chinese control due to Sri Lanka’s debt problems has sparked a heated debate on “debt trap diplomacy” and potential strategic leverage for Beijing.

In response, Western powers did not remain silent. The G7’s “Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment” (PGII) and the EU’s “Global Gateway” are a direct response and counter-response. These initiatives explicitly aim to provide a “value-based” alternative to infrastructure financing, emphasizing transparency, environmental sustainability, and fair labor practices. It is a clear competition over who will build the next big highway or port, with recipient countries finding themselves persuaded by many different parties offering favors.

However, competitive aid goes beyond just concrete and steel alone. It is also fiercely played out in efforts to gain access to resources. Donors might sweeten the aid package with agreements that guarantee access to vital minerals—for example, cobalt in the Democratic Republic of Congo or lithium in Latin America—or other important energy supplies. This could manifest as direct investment in extractive industries or broader development programs designed to stabilize strategic resource-rich regions. And let’s not forget the drive to grow political influence and shape the international norm. This can involve financial support for democratic institutions, judicial reform, or civil society groups, all aimed at promoting the donor country’s preferred governance model. Sometimes, it is more transactional in nature, with aid subtly or overtly linked to the recipient country’s support for the donor country’s position on international forums, such as votes in the UN or alignment on key geopolitical issues. This competition is not just about physical assets; it is about hearts, minds, and diplomatic solidarity.

So, what does all this competition mean for aid effectiveness and how it is coordinated? To be honest, it’s a double-edged sword that offers both exciting possibilities and significant headaches for recipient countries. On the one hand, a diverse donor landscape can be a good thing. With many players offering aid, recipient countries may find themselves in a stronger bargaining position. They can potentially negotiate better terms, more flexible loan conditions, or projects that are truly aligned with their own development plans. This is a bit like a “buyer’s market” for development, which, in an ideal world, could lead to more aid flows and faster progress. Just imagine a country in need of a new national railroad, perhaps getting attractive bids from Chinese, European, and American consortiums, allowing them to choose the best fit. This competitive pressure may even encourage donors to be more responsive to local needs.

However, the drawbacks of competitive aid are often greater, creating real challenges for aid effectiveness. First, when donors focus primarily on their own strategic interests, it often leads to a lack of coordination that is ultimately underwhelming. Donors may ignore existing national development strategies or multilateral coordination mechanisms and prefer to work bilaterally to maximize their own visibility and influence. This can result in fragmented aid efforts, where projects are undertaken in isolation, without synergy or a cohesive approach to a country’s overall development. Imagine a scenario where multiple donors fund separate, unconnected health clinics in the same district, rather than collaborating to build a comprehensive and integrated healthcare system. This duplication of efforts and resources is simply very inefficient and certainly wasteful.

Second, competitive aid can easily lead to misplaced development priorities. Recipient countries, desperate for funds, may feel pressured to accept projects that primarily serve the donor’s strategic agenda, even if it is not the most urgent or beneficial for themselves. This can result in the infamous “white elephant” projects with large-scale infrastructure that look impressive but are economically unfeasible or poorly integrated into the local economy. They become more about donor prestige than real development goals. And then there is the obvious risk of an increased debt burden. While the “debt trap diplomacy” narrative (the idea that China deliberately traps countries in debt to seize assets) is the subject of ongoing academic debate, the reality is that large, non-transparent loans from multiple sources can pile up very quickly. If these projects do not generate sufficient economic returns, recipient countries can find themselves trapped in ongoing debt and forced to divert critical resources from social services to debt repayment.

Finally, this competitive dynamic could erode multilateralism and established international development norms. If powerful countries consistently prioritize interest-driven bilateral aid over collaborative efforts through multilateral bodies, it will undermine institutions designed to promote coordinated, principles-based development. This could erode trust, create parallel aid structures, and make it harder to address global challenges that truly require collective action, such as climate change or future pandemics, which demand a united front. The recent decline in official development assistance (ODA) from some traditional donors, partly due to domestic refugee costs and shifting geopolitical priorities, further underscores how fragile the aid landscape is in this competitive environment.

A Path Forward: Navigating the New Aid Landscape

It is clear that foreign aid diplomacy has undergone a profound transformation. What was once a tool for post-war reconstruction has become a central player in today’s complex geopolitical arena. The rise of new global powers has undeniably ushered in an era of “competitive aid,” where development assistance is increasingly becoming a strategic asset in the pursuit of influence and advantage. Despite the tempting promise that this competition might offer more choice and leverage to recipient countries, fragmentation, duplication, distorted priorities, and the continuing shadow of debt present formidable obstacles to proper and long-term development.

So, where do we go from here? Responsibility certainly lies on both sides. For recipient countries, it is crucial to develop strong strategic planning capacity and sharpen their negotiation skills. This is not just about receiving money but rather about ensuring that foreign aid actually serves their national development agenda rather than being a mere pawn in a larger geopolitical chess game. For donor countries, while national interest will always be a driving force, there is a strong argument for a renewed commitment to coordination, transparency, and adherence to internationally agreed principles of aid effectiveness. In conclusion, moving beyond a purely competitive mindset towards a more collaborative approach to foreign aid diplomacy is very essential. It’s not just about being generous. It is about how to effectively address global challenges together and build a more just and prosperous world for all. The shifting balance of power demands not only new strategies but also a careful re-evaluation of the purpose and practice of foreign aid itself.


sábado, 31 de maio de 2025

A saída de um excêntrico destruidor de instituições- Paulo Roberto de Almeida

 A despedida insólita de um aspone excêntrico e viciado em drogas no coração de um império ainda hegemônico, mas já declinante

Paulo Roberto de Almeida

        Musk, que deixa de comandar ao trabalho de sapa que vinha conduzindo desde janeiro, é apenas o desvario mais evidente de uma tropa de assessores excepcionalmente desqualificados para as funções que mal exercem, sempre vigiados e totalmente submissos a outros desvarios próprios ao ignorante, incompetente e malvado chefe que desgoverna uma grande nação. 

        Seus eleitores, fascinados com a conversa enganosa da restauração de glórias antigas, não atilam adequadamente sobre o mal que os atingem, mas é preocupante para o mundo que os plutocratas econômicos e os grandes caciques políticos não sejam capazes de atuar de modo decisivo para conter a sanha destrutiva do personagem. 

        É evidente a todos os observadores mais atentos que o ególatra no poder está destruindo tudo o que o império construiu pacientemente (e com alguns golpes por vezes mais contundentes) ao longo das últimas oito décadas, inclusive a sua capacidade de liderança. 

        Forças adversas contemplam o desmantelamento do multilateralismo perpetrado pelo megalomaníaco como forma indireta de reforçar o seu próprio poder sobre instituições e mecanismos de relações internacionais, abrindo espaço para a tal “nova ordem global multilateral” que pretendem criar. 

        Vai deixar terra arrasada atrás de si.

        Do ponto de vista das potências médias que contemplam o trabalho de destruição da ordem em vigor, algumas se coordenam entre si para reforçar a capacidade de resistência, embora algumas outras, mal avisadas por suas lideranças ignorantes ou mal instruídas pela diplomacia profissional, insistam em se aliar a um ou aos dois impérios alternativos.

        A história não se repete; ela pode até rimar, como pretendem alguns. Mas, dado seu caráter insólito e totalmente imprevisível, ela pode dar alguns soluços bizarros, sob a ação de fatores contingentes, como os que atualmente se apresentam, sob a forma de cleptocratas imperiais e agressivos e de auxiliares solícitos insuspeitados.

Paulo Roberto Almeida

Brasília, 31/05/2025