Torturando a ultima flor do Lacio (agora extinta, definitivamente, junto com a logica aristotelica...)

Sempre tive dificuldades para entender certas frases, como esta aqui:

“Eu chamei os governadores todos do Nordeste. Eu chamei os governadores e falei: olha, alguns governadores, como o do Ceará, também tinham essa mesma informação, por causa do serviço deles, ele também tem um bom serviço meteorológico, o Cid Gomes”.

Agora, parece que não estou sozinho:

Dilmês castiço

21 de abril de 2013 | 2h 09

Editorial O Estado de S.Paulo

Já se tornou proverbial a dificuldade que a presidente Dilma Rousseff tem de concatenar ideias, vírgulas e concordâncias quando discursa de improviso. No entanto, diante da paralisia do Brasil e da desastrada condução da política econômica, o que antes causaria somente riso e seria perdoável agora começa a preocupar. O despreparo da presidente da República, que se manifesta com frases estabanadas e raciocínio tortuoso, indica tempos muito difíceis pela frente, pois é principalmente dela que se esperam a inteligência e a habilidade para enfrentar o atual momento do País.

No mais recente atentado à lógica, à história e à língua pátria, ocorrido no último dia 16/4, Dilma comentava o que seu governo pretende fazer em relação à inflação e, lá pelas tantas, disparou: "E eu quero adentrar pela questão da inflação e dizer a vocês que a inflação foi uma conquista desses dez últimos anos do governo do presidente Lula e do meu governo". Na ânsia de, mais uma vez, assumir para si e para seu chefe, o ex-presidente Luiz Inácio da Silva, os méritos por algo que não lhes diz respeito, Dilma, primeiro, cometeu ato falho e, depois, colocou na conta das "conquistas" do PT o controle da inflação, como se o PT não tivesse boicotado o Plano Real, este sim, responsável por acabar com a chaga da inflação no Brasil. Em 1994, quando disputava a Presidência contra Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Lula chegou a dizer que o Plano Real era um "estelionato eleitoral".

Deixando de lado a evidente má-fé da frase, deve-se atribuir a ato falho a afirmação de que a inflação é "uma conquista", pois é evidente que ela queria dizer que a conquista é o controle da inflação. Mas é justamente aí que está o problema todo: se a presidente não consegue se expressar com um mínimo de clareza em relação a um assunto tão importante, se ela é capaz de cometer deslizes tão primários, se ela quer dizer algo expressando seu exato oposto, como esperar que tenha capacidade para conduzir o governo de modo a debelar a escalada dos preços e a fazer o País voltar a crescer? Se o distinto público não consegue entender o que Dilma fala, como acreditar que seus muitos ministros consigam?

A impulsividade destrambelhada de Dilma já causou estragos reais. Em março, durante encontro dos Brics em Durban (África do Sul), a presidente disse aos jornalistas que não usaria juros para combater a inflação, sinalizando uma opção preferencial pelo crescimento do Produto Interno Bruto (PIB). Em sua linguagem peculiar, a fala foi a seguinte: "Eu não concordo com políticas de combate à inflação que olhem a questão da redução do crescimento econômico. (...) Então, eu acredito o seguinte: esse receituário que quer matar o doente, ao invés de curar a doença, ele é complicado. Eu vou acabar com o crescimento no país? Isso está datado, isso eu acho que é uma política superada". Imediatamente, a declaração causou nervosismo nos mercados em relação aos juros futuros, o que obrigou Dilma a tentar negar que havia dito o que disse. E ela, claro, acusou os jornalistas de terem cometido uma "manipulação inadmissível" de suas declarações, que apontavam evidente tolerância com a inflação alta - para não falar da invasão da área exclusiva do Banco Central.

O fato é que o governo parece perdido sobre como atacar a alta dos preços e manter a estabilidade a duras penas conquistada, principalmente com um Banco Central submisso à presidente. Por razões puramente eleitorais, Dilma não deverá fazer o que dela se espera, isto é, adotar medidas amargas para conter a escalada inflacionária. Lançada candidata à reeleição por Lula, ela já está em campanha.

Num desses discursos de palanque, em Belo Horizonte, Dilma disse, em dilmês castiço, que a inflação já está sob controle, embora todos saibam que não está. "A inflação, quando olho para a frente, ela está em queda, apesar do índice anualizado do ano (sic) ainda estar acima do que nós queremos alcançar, do que nós queremos de ideal", afirmou. E completou: "Os alimentos também começaram a registrar, mesmo com todas as tentativas de transformar os alimentos no tomate (sic), os alimentos começaram uma tendência a reduzir de preço". Ganha um tomate quem conseguir entender essa frase.

Uma desgraca nacional a caminho de ser oferecida universalmente: Lula e Bono

Não, não vou falar do Mensalão e da sua nova etapa, envolvendo desta vez o chefe de todos os chefes, inclusive porque já estou convencido da culpa do chefe e certo de que ele escapará incólume desse pequeno percalço em sua trajetória de sucesso histórico, mesmo sendo uma das maiores fraudes da história do Brasil.
Deixo isso de lado, para fazer apenas uma previsão imprevisível.
A principal herança maldita deixada pelo lulo-petismo para a economia e a sociedade brasileiras, o curral eleitoral que se chama Bolsa-Família corre o risco de ser universalizado, por obra e graça do principal promotor, agora reforçado por um desses cantores de sucesso, que como muitos de seus congêneres é tão idiota em temas econômicos e sociais como certos Prêmios Nobel literários.
Seria a disseminação do keynesianismo de botequim, levando a humanidade a ser um pouco mais parecida com o Brasil: uma classe média trabalhadora e uma massa indistinta de assistidos sociais, cada vez mais numerosa e dependente das prebendas oficiais. Ou seja, um desastre completo.
Essa, com a outra idiotice do "freirismo pedagógico", parece ser nossa contribuição para piorar o mundo...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Mensalão

Em Londres, Lula foge de perguntas sobre mensalão

Ex-presidente teve agenda de eventos, com palestras e reunião com o cantor Bono, da banda U2, e com o executivo Mansour Ojjeh, da MacLaren

Lula e o cantor Bono, em Londres. Ex-presidente não fala sobre o mensalão (Ricardo Stuckert/Instituto Lula)

O ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva manteve nesta terça-feira seu tradicional silêncio quando questionado sobre escândalos ocorridos durante o seu governo. Em visita a Londres, Lula se recusou a comentar o pedido de abertura de inquérito feito pela Procuradoria da República no Distrito Federal à Polícia Federal para investigar as acusações de ter intermediado o repasse de 7 milhões de reais de uma fornecedora da Portugal Telecom ao PT. "Não vou falar sobre isso", disse.

Leia também: Lula teve despesas pagas pelo mensalão, diz Valério

A frase foi dita pelo ex-presidente durante a abertura de uma exposição do fotógrafo brasileiro Sebastião Salgado no Museu de História Natural de Londres. Após se negar a responder aos jornalistas sobre a abertura de inquérito para apurar seu envolvimento no mensalão, seguranças do ex-presidente barraram repórteres, impedindo novas perguntas sobre o tema.

Mais cedo, Lula fez uma palestra em evento do Banco BTG e teve um encontro com o cantor Bono, da banda U2, e com o executivo Mansour Ojjeh, da empresa automobilística MacLaren. Com o cantor, Lula falou sobre o plano de Bono de um "Bolsa Família mundial" . O conteúdo da conversa com o empresário não foi divulgado.

Investigação - A Procuradoria da República no Distrito Federal pediu na última sexta-feira à Polícia Federal a abertura de inquérito para apurar a acusação do empresário Marcos Valério,segundo a qual o ex-presidente Lula teria negociado, no início de seu mandato, repasses para o PT com Miguel Horta, então presidente da Portugal Telecom. É o primeiro inquérito aberto formalmente para investigar o conteúdo do depoimento que Valério prestou à Procuradoria Geral da República, em setembro do ano passado. Além de Lula, o ex-ministro Antonio Palocci Filho também é citado no caso. A Polícia Federal recebeu o pedido na segunda-feira . 

As novas acusações contra Lula surgiram no ano passado, na fase final do julgamento do mensalão. Já condenado, o publicitário Marcos Valério resolveu contar ao menos parte do que sabe ao Ministério Público. Ele disse que o então presidente não só sabia da engrenagem criminosa como se envolveu diretamente na montagem do esquema.

Os arquitetos da potencia economica dos EUA: Hamilton e Gallatin (book review)

Uma resenha com muitas lições, mas uma grande: a qualidade dos homens faz diferença...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Title: The Founders and Finance: How Hamilton, Gallatin, and Other Immigrants Forged a New Economy

Published by EH.Net (April 2013)

Thomas K. McCraw, The Founders and Finance: How Hamilton, Gallatin, and Other Immigrants Forged a New Economy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012.  ix + 485 pp. $35 (hardcover), ISBN: 978-0-674-00692-2.

Reviewed for EH.Net by W. Elliot Brownlee, Department of History, University of California, Santa Barbara.

Thomas McCraw, the Straus Professor of Business History Emeritus at the Harvard University Business School, passed away in November 2012, the year this book appeared. Over his career of more than four decades McCraw often used biography as a tool to reveal and explain important trends and developments in the history of American business and economic life. No historian working in the fields of business and economic history has done so as effectively. His last book, The Founders and Finance: How Hamilton, Gallatin, and Other Immigrants Forged a New Economy, also mobilizes biography as an interpretive tool. The result is a work that lives up to the high standards McCraw set in books likeProphets of Regulation: Charles Francis Adams, Louis D. Brandeis, James M. Landis, and Alfred E. Kahn (Harvard University Press, 1984) and Prophet of Innovation: Joseph Schumpeter and Creative Destruction (Harvard University Press, 2007).

“The United States government started out on a shoestring and almost immediately went bankrupt,” McCraw writes in the first sentence (p. 1) of The Founders and Finance. He goes on to suggest that the severe financial problems might have fragmented the new nation except for “a handful of people who understood finance and also grasped the economic potential of the American national future,” and adds that “a disproportionate number of them were recent arrivals from almost a dozen different places overseas.” The objective of the book is to show “how they put the United States on a sound institutional footing to manage its finances, and how some of their ideas grew out of their experience as immigrants” (p. 2).  From among this “handful” McCraw focuses on two: Alexander Hamilton (born in the West Indies, probably on the British island of Nevis, and an immigrant to New Jersey in 1772) and Albert Gallatin (born in Geneva, then an independent republic, and an immigrant to Massachusetts in 1780). They were two of the first four secretaries of the treasury, with Gallatin’s service of nearly 13 years the longest in American history.  “What Hamilton’s policies achieved,” McCraw concludes, “was the promotion of long-term business confidence, setting the stage for the release of immense economic energy” (p. 132). McCraw argues that as secretary of the treasury Gallatin “dominated public financial affairs” and “did more than any other federal official to oversee settlement and economic growth in the West and to turn America’s public lands into a force for the public good” (p. 179).

McCraw’s extended discussions of the institutional innovations of Hamilton and Gallatin add little information that will be new to scholars of the early republic, but no one has written about their careers in a more engaging and literate way, and with as much care regarding the vast scholarship that is available on both careers. McCraw’s attention to Gallatin’s monumental efforts on behalf of fiscal consolidation, financing of the Louisiana Purchase, reorganization of land sales, promotion of western economic development, and financing of the War of 1812 is particularly refreshing in a study that writes so admiringly of Hamilton. McCraw’s juxtaposition of the careers of Hamilton and Gallatin works superbly well.  In the realm of public finance, for example, McCraw correctly views Hamilton as the primary architect of what Joseph Schumpeter called the “tax state” and Gallatin as complementing Hamilton’s work, crafting what I would describe as a kind of “asset state” based on the nation’s great wealth in public lands. The juxtaposition also works well for McCraw in contrasting their national security strategies. While Hamilton, “preoccupied with preserving independence against European threats, looked eastward, toward Europe,” Gallatin “looked consistently not toward the Atlantic but toward the West.” But, McCraw nicely observes: “Both believed that military effectiveness depended on economic strength” (pp. 359-60).  McCraw also appreciates the similarity of their views on the power of credit and the virtues of central banking. And, McCraw suggests looking at the “American System” of Henry Clay and others as a kind of fusion of Hamilton’s and Gallatin’s policies. Except for its program of tariff protection, the system “mirrored the policies of both Hamilton and Gallatin” (p. 363). More generally, it reflected their powerful nationalism and their shared belief in the potential of vigorous, coherent public-private cooperation to advance the national interest.

For a history of innovation in financial policy, the scope of the book’s attention to the personal lives of the innovators is admirably broad. Because of his ambitious biographical approach, McCraw is able to break new interpretive ground through his emphasis on the significance of their immigrant backgrounds. Hamilton dominates Part I of The Founders and Finance. In McCraw’s narrative, several elements of Hamilton’s formative experiences outside continental North America played crucial roles. First, in St. Croix (a Danish colony where British settlers became powerful) Hamilton’s immersion in the business of a New York trader provided an opportunity for him to learn about “bookkeeping, inventory control, short-term finance, scheduling, and the pricing of merchandise” (p. 15), to become proficient in calculating exchange rates and coping with the arcane world of bills of credit, and even to acquire, when a teenager, a great deal of personal responsibility within the decentralized organization of international trade. During the Revolution he would follow up on his business experience with extensive reading of European authorities on finance. As early as 1780, McCraw suggests, Hamilton’s ideas foreshadowed the main elements of his programs as secretary of the treasury. Second, his life in the West Indian hot house of international commerce fostered cosmopolitan attitudes – attitudes that “the roiling mix” (p. 19) of New York would further encourage. During the political and financial crises after the Revolution Hamilton’s “immigrant origins served him well, giving him a more national orientation – a more single-minded devotion to the Union than that of perhaps any other founder” (p. 44). McCraw suggests that in the process of drafting, adopting, and ratifying the Constitution, Hamilton along with the “other immigrant delegates” (most notably, Robert Morris, born in England) “took a more national perspective than their native-born counterparts” (p. 83). Third, Hamilton’s experiences in the Caribbean, famously described by historian Eric Williams as “the cockpit of Europe,” and Hamilton’s service in General George Washington’s headquarters, convinced him of the importance of “national security in a world of warring empires” (p. 95).

Albert Gallatin takes over the flow of McCraw’s narrative in Part II. Gallatin arrived on the American scene in 1780, too late to play a major role in either the Revolution or the political consolidation of the new nation during the 1780s. Like Hamilton, McCraw argues, Gallatin’s cosmopolitan, immigrant background led him to take a national view of economic issues. But the assets and aspirations that Gallatin brought in immigrating to North America differed greatly from those of Hamilton. He grew up in an aristocratic circle in Geneva and had the benefit of an elite education and the certainty of a financial inheritance. His American goal was, McCraw suggests, becoming a rich landowner, realizing “Rousseau’s notions about the moral virtues of nature” and “doing well by doing good.” But his experiences in the financial center of Geneva had also given him a familiarity with the economic benefits of banking, and after more than ten years in the United States, he finally took advantage of this knowledge and realized that “his gifts” were in finance (p. 183).

The structure of McCraw’s book weakens in the four very short, and perhaps hastily written, chapters of Part III (“The Legacies”). One of the four (“Immigrant Exceptionalism?”) poses the important suggestion that Hamilton and Gallatin had an advantage as financial experts because “much of the best American talent gravitated toward land development and away from trade, finance, and manufacturing” (p. 335). However, the chapter fails to provide the analysis required to sustain the point. Opportunities for land acquisition, trading, and development were certainly powerful economic magnets throughout the British colonies and new republic of the late eighteenth century. But farmers, merchants, and artisans on the mainland colonies often had diverse talents and diverse experiences in a wide range of activities, including international trade and finance (and proto-industrialization) as well as agriculture and land development or speculation. And American merchants did, in fact, contribute significantly to the young nation’s pool of financial talent. One example of such talent was the Philadelphia merchant Thomas Willing who became the first President of the Bank of North America (the first federally chartered bank, established in 1782) and later the first, and quite successful, President of Hamilton’s Bank of the United States.. Another example may have been Robert Morris, who played a central role in financing the Revolution and was George Washington’s first choice as secretary of the treasury. McCraw, however, counts him as an immigrant despite the fact that his father was a British tobacco factor living in Oxford, Maryland, which was then British territory, before young Robert joined him there at 13 years of age. Perhaps McCraw should have sharpened definition of an immigrant.

In this chapter McCraw also raises the interesting question of whether or not the United States was unique in calling on “foreign-born financial talent.” He observes that “From the seventeenth century down to the present, outsiders have been summoned to straighten out financial disarray in many countries,” explaining that “their lack of ties to existing national interest groups has, almost by itself, made them more neutral judges of what must be done.” He cites numerous examples, including the “money doctors” of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and the IMF (p. 338). McCraw might have noted, however, that the quality of advice that Hamilton and Gallatin gave was far higher than that of many of the “money doctors” (Joseph Dodge, for example, in the occupation of Japan) and certainly the cookie-cutter neo-liberalism of the IMF.  But McCraw does go on to emphasize a key point:  in pressing for a centralized and effective fiscal state during the 1780s Hamilton, despite his West Indian birth, was definitely not an outsider. In contrast with the later “money doctors,” by the time he rendered financial advice he was a committed citizen of the nation he studied. McCraw might have taken the additional step of emphasizing that Hamilton’s financial advice was superb in large part because he was very much an insider:  an experienced leader of a national interest group that had formed to promote financial consolidation in the face of the commercial and financial challenges that the federal government experienced under the Articles of Confederation. With more time, McCraw might have explored in greater depth the composition, sources, objectives, methods, and results of this powerful entrepreneurial interest group, and thus even more effectively situated Hamilton within the political economy of the emerging republic.

At the end of his life McCraw apparently was pursuing further research on the important topic of immigrant entrepreneurship. This endeavor might well have provided him with an opportunity to develop the various intriguing issues that he was able to consider in only a tentative way in Part III. Even without such analysis, we are very much in McCraw’s debt for The Founders and Finance. McCraw’s brilliantly paired biographies of Hamilton and Gallatin add significantly to our understanding of the development of the financial underpinnings of the American republic.

W. Elliot Brownlee, Emeritus Professor of History at UC-Santa Barbara, is editor (with Eisaku Ide and Yasunori Fukagai) ofThe Political Economy of Transnational Tax Reform: The Shoup Mission to Japan in Historical Context to be published by Cambridge University Press in May 2013.

Copyright (c) 2013 by EH.Net. All rights reserved. This work may be copied for non-profit educational uses if proper credit is given to the author and the list. For other permission, please contact the EH.Net Administrator (administrator@eh.net). Published by EH.Net (April 2013). All EH.Net reviews are archived at http://www.eh.net/BookReview

Hispanic imigrants in the USA: the new Italians - David Leonhardt (NYT)

CAPITAL IDEAS

Hispanics, the New Italians

By DAVID LEONHARDT

Published: April 20, 2013

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THE German immigrants of the 19th century were so devoted to their native language that Americans wondered if the new arrivals would ever assimilate. The Irish who followed were said to be too devoted to a foreign pope to embrace American democracy.

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Graphic

Comparing Generations

Many Italians not only were Roman Catholic but also returned home for the winter, when construction work here slowed. The Chinese and Jews, skeptics argued, were of an entirely different race than many successful immigrants who came before them.

With the arrival of millions of Latinos in recent decades, there have been multiple reasons to wonder if they would assimilate and thrive — including legitimate economic issues that go well beyond ethnic stereotypes. Unlike previous generations of immigrants, today’s can remain in daily telephone and video contact with their homeland. And unlike those in the past, today’s immigrants face legal obstacles, and their pathway to a middle-class life involves college tuition. A decade ago, the political scientist Samuel P. Huntington described the newfound issues with assimilation as simply the “Hispanic challenge.”

Yet as the Senate begins to debate a major immigration bill, we already know a great deal about how Latinos are faring with that challenge: they’re meeting it, by and large. Whatever Washington does in coming months, a wealth of data suggests that Latinos, who make up fully half of the immigration wave of the past century, are already following the classic pattern for American immigrants.

They have arrived in this country in great numbers, most of them poor, ill educated and, in important respects, different from native-born Americans. The children of immigrants, however, become richer and better educated than their parents and overwhelmingly speak English. The grandchildren look ever more American.

“These fears about immigrants have been voiced many times in American history, and they’ve never proven true,” Alan M. Kraut, a history professor at American University, in Washington, told me. “It doesn’t happen immediately, but everything with Latinos points to a very typical pattern of integration in American life in a generation or two.”

Immigrant Latino households have a median income that trails the national median by $24,000 (or more than 40 percent). Among second-generation Latino households, the gap is only $10,000, according to a recent Pew Research Center report. Similarly, only 7 percent of Latino immigrants marry someone of a different ethnicity; a whopping 26 percent of the second generation does. “It’s a very reassuring set of metrics,” said Paul Taylor, the Pew center’s executive vice president.

Even one alarming trend among the children of Latino immigrants highlights their increased American-ness: younger Latinos are having more children outside marriage than their parents did, just as whites and African-Americans are.

If anything, these snapshots of today’s different generations tend to understate immigrants’ progress. Over the last several decades, Mexico and other Latin-American countries sending migrants here, like El Salvador, have also become richer and more educated. As a result, the immigrants of the past — and, by extension, their children and grandchildren — started out even further behind than today’s newcomers.

To gauge the progress of an immigrant group, the ideal comparison is not between the second and third generations in 2013 and the first generation in 2013; it is between the later generations and their actual parents and grandparents. James P. Smith, an economist at the RAND Corporation, has done such complex, longitudinal work and finds that the trajectory of Latinos most closely resembles that of Italians, who also arrived with comparatively little education.

FOR decades, the average Latino immigrant has had slightly more than a junior-high school education. An average child of a Latino immigrant today completes high school and attends almost one year of college. A typical grandchild attends more college, Mr. Smith found. In the last decade alone, according to the Pew study, the number of Latinos graduating from college hasroughly doubled, to more than 250,000.

Latino immigrants, of course, still trail other groups in a number of metrics, including education and income. And there is no guarantee that they or their descendants will close the gaps completely.

They have advantages that previous immigrant waves did not, starting with a national culture less accepting of discrimination than in the past. But they also face new obstacles. Perhaps most important, earlier groups of immigrants were not breaking the law by living in this country.

For the myriad ways that the country accepts illegal immigrants as part of society, their status still brings enormous disadvantages that inhibit climbing the economic ladder. Parents without legal status are less willing to become involved in their children’s schools. They are less willing than legal workers to ask for a raise or to leave one job for another that brings more opportunity. They are less easily able to start a business.

Whether you consider those costs too small or too large for people who enter the country without permission, the bipartisan bill introduced in the Senate last week would clearly reduce them. Long before they won citizenship — which would take years — many of today’s 11 million illegal immigrants would be able to lawfully register as residents.

“The change would be very significant for them, and it would happen immediately after they register,” said Doris M. Meissner, a former commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service who is now at the Migration Policy Institute. “They would no longer be clandestine.”

The Senate bill is a long way from becoming law. The most probable outcome seems to be a bill that will help many recent immigrants, either substantially or modestly. No matter what, the overall direction for the modern wave of American immigrants is unlikely to change.

The notion of a unique “Hispanic challenge” is not wrong. But neither was the notion of a unique Italian challenge, Chinese challenge or Jewish challenge.

To be an impoverished immigrant who does not speak English and has few labor-market skills is not easy. Over time, the specific challenges — legal, cultural and educational — have changed. Yet the core parts of the story have not, including its trajectory.

David Leonhardt is the Washington bureau chief of The New York Times.

A version of this op-ed appeared in print on April 21, 2013, on page SR5 of the New York edition with the headline: Hispanics, the New Italians.

Mark Twain: falecido num 21 de Abril, 1910 (NYT)

Este dia na História: 

ON THIS DAY

On This Day: April 21, 1910

Updated April 20, 2013, 2:28 PM

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On April 21, 1910, author Samuel Langhorne Clemens, better known as Mark Twain, died in Redding, Conn.

Mark Twain is Dead at 74

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End Comes Peacefully at His New England Home After a Long Illness

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Conscious a Little Before

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Carlyle's "French Revolution" Lay Beside Him -- "Give Me My Glasses" His Last Words

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SURVIVING CHILD WITH HIM

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Tragic Death of his Daughter Jean Recently did Much to Hurry his End

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OTHER HEADLINESDear Cotton Hits Big Firm: Tefft-Weller Co., with $5,000,000 Assets, Forced to Reorganize, Friends Supervising: No Doubt of its Solvency: Quick Realization on its Heavy Stock Planned for the Benefit of Creditors: Bears in a Bad Flight: Liverpool Importations to Fill Short Contracts Have Caused Heavy Losses in Last Two Weeks Turbulence in Parliament Pittsburgh Jury Locked Up: Had Failed to Agree Over Bribery Charges Against Simon After 24 Hours No Surveyor Chosen Yet: MacVeagh Has a Conference with Taft on New York Post Haywood in Steel Strike: Arouses Foreign Element -- Many Return to Work -- Others Keep Out Ovation in Paris to Mr. Roosevelt: No Reigning Sovereign Ever Had a More Enthusiastic Welcome There: Treated Like a Monarch: Calls on President Fallieres and Occupies the Presidential Box at the Comedie Francaise Time We Awoke to Oriental Progress:Melville Stone, Back from a World Trip, Sounds a Warning to Americans: Asiatics Take Our Methods: Rapidly Adopting Modern War Measures and Making Strides in Commercial Expansion Untermyer Sues Peabody for Libel:Demands $50,000 Damages for Reflection on His Conduct in Mutual Life Election: Says Truth Will Come Out: And Mr. Peabody Will Have an Opportunity for Much Explaining- Insurance President Tartly Retorts. Havens for Hughes Reforms: Makes Him Available for Governorship, His Supporters Say Fender Saves 5-Year-Old: Scooped Her Up When the Car Hit Her -- Motorman Asked to Supper Fred Gebhard Near Death: Former Well-Known Society Man Suffering From Pneumonia Aviator's Sea Trip:Vanderborn Takes a Passenger on a Twenty-Minute Flight The Sommelsdyk Burned: Holland-America Steamer, About to Sail for Boston, Destroyed Mrs. Rockefeller Improves: Wife of Oil King Goes to Pocantico Hills After Long Illness Big Standard Oil Fire:Mammoth Reservoir in California Burning -- Loss May Be $3,000,000 Elevated Car Jumps Track: Passengers Tossed About, but Not Hurt -- Road Blocked for Two Hours Inquiry Into Egg Trust:Federal Officers Said to Have Undertaken it in Chicago Treaty to End Tong War: It Will Be Signed To-day in the Chinese Consulate- Terms Unknown

Danbury, Conn., April 21 -- Samuel Langhorne Clemens, "Mark Twain," died at 22 minutes after 6 tonight. Beside him on the bed lay a beloved book- it was Carlyle's "French Revolution" -and near the book his glasses, pushed away with a weary sigh a few hours before. Too weak to speak clearly, "Give me my glasses," he had written on a piece of paper. He had received them, put them down, and sunk into unconsciousness from which he glided almost imperceptibly into death. He was in his seventy-fifth year.

For some time, his daughter Clara and her husband, Ossip Cabrilowitsch, and the humorist's biographer, Albert Bigelow Paine, had been by the bed waiting for the end, which Drs. Quintard and Halsey had seen to be a matter of minutes. The patient felt absolutely no pain at the end and the moment of his death was scarcely noticeable.

Death came, however, while his favorite niece, Mrs. E. E. Looms, and her husband, who is Vice President of the Delaware, Lackawanna & amp; Western Railway, and a nephew, Jervis Langdon, were on the way to the railroad station. They had left the house much encouraged by the fact that the sick man had recognized them, and took a train for New York ignorant of what happened later.

Hopes Aroused Yesterday

Although the end had been foreseen by the doctors and would not have been a shock at any time, the apparently strong rally of this morning had given basis for the hope that it would be postponed for several days. Mr. Clemens awoke at about 4 o'clock this morning after a few hours of the first natural sleep he has had for several days, and the nurses could see by the brightness of his eyes that his vitality had been considerably restored. He was able to raise his arms above his head and clasp them behind his neck with the first evidence of physical comfort he had given for a long time.

His strength seemed to increase enough to allow him to enjoy the sunrise, the first signs of which he could see out of the windows in the three sides of the room where he lay. The increasing sunlight seemed to bring ease to him, and by the time the family was about he was strong enough to sit up in bed and overjoyed them by recognizing all of them and speaking a few words to each. This was the first time that his mental powers had been fully his for nearly two days, with the exception of a few minutes early last evening, when he addressed a few sentences to his daughter.

Calls for His Book

For two hours he lay in bed enjoying the feeling of this return of strength. Then he made a movement asked in a faint voice for the copy of Carlyle's "French Revolution," which he has always had near him for the last year, and which he has read and re-read and brooded over.

The book was handed to him, and he lifted it up as if to read. Then a smile faintly illuminated his face when he realized that he was trying to read without his glasses. He tried to say, "Given me my glasses," but his voice failed, and the nurses bending over him could not understand. He motioned for a sheet of paper and a pencil, and wrote what he could not say.

With his glasses on he read a little and then slowly put the book down with a sigh. Soon he appeared to become drowsy and settled on his pillow. Gradually he sank and settled into a lethargy. Dr. Halsey appreciated that he could have been roused, but considered it better for him to rest. At 3 o'clock he went into complete unconsciousness.

Later Dr. Quintard, who had arrived from New York, held a consultation with Dr. Halsey, and it was decided that death was near. The family was called and gathered about the bedside watching in a silence which was long unbroken. It was the end. At twenty-two minutes past 6, with the sunlight just turning red as it stole into the window in perfect silence he breathed his last.

Died of a Broken Heart

The people of Redding, Bethel, and Danbury listened when they were told that the doctors said Mark Twain was dying of angina pectoris. But they say among themselves that he died of a broken heart. And this is a verdict not of popular sentiment alone. Albert Bigelow Paine, his biographer to be and literary executor, who has been constantly with him, said that for the last year at least Mr. Clemens had been weary of life. When Richard Watson Gilder died, he said: "How fortunate he is. No good fortune of that kind ever comes to me."

The man who has stood to the public for the greatest humorist this country has produced has in private life suffered overwhelming sorrows. The loss of an only son in infancy, a daughter in her teens and one in middle life, and finally of a wife who was a constant and sympathetic companion, has preyed upon his mind. The recent loss of his daughter Jean, who was closest to him in later years when her sister was abroad studying, was the final blow. On the heels of this came the first symptoms of the disease which was surely to be fatal and one of whose accompaniments is mental depression. Mr. Paine says that all heart went out of him and his work when his daughter Jean died. He has practically written nothing since he summoned his energies to write a last chapter memorial of her for his autobiography.

He told his biographer that the past Winter in Bermuda was gay but not happy. Bermuda is always gay in Winter and Mark Twain was a central figure in the gayety. He was staying at the home of William H. Allen. Even in Bermuda, however, Mr. Clemens found himself unable to write and finally relied on Mr. Allen's fifteen-year old daughter, Helen, to write the few letters he cared to send.

His health failed rapidly and finally Mr. Allen wrote to Albert Bigelow Paine that his friend was in a most serious condition. Mr. Paine immediately cabled to Mrs. Babrilowitsch, his surviving daughter, who was in Europe, and started himself on April 2 for Bermuda, embarking with the humorist for the return to New York immediately after his arrival. On the trip over Mark Twain became very much worse and finally realized his condition.

"It's a losing game," he said to his companion. "I'll never get home alive."

Mr. Clemens did manage to summon his strength, however, and in spite of being so weak that he had to be carried down the gangplank he survived the journey to his beautiful place at Redding. The first symptom of angina pectoris came last June when he went to Baltimore to address a young ladies school. In his room at the hotel he was suddenly taken with a terrible gripping at the heart. It soon passed away, however, and he was able to make an address with no inconvenience. The pains however, soon returned with more frequency and steadily grew worse until they became a constant torture.

One of the last acts of Mark Twain was to write out a check for $6,000 for the library in which the literary coterie settled near Redding have been interested for a year; fairs, musicales, and sociables having been held in order to raise the necessary amount. The library is to be a memorial to Jean Clemens, and will be built on a site about half a mile from Stormfield at ... Cross Roads.

It is certain to be recalled that Mark Twain was for more than fifty years an inveterate smoker, and the first conjecture of the layman would be that he had weakened his heart by overindulgence in tobacco. Dr. Halsey said to-night that he was unable to say that the angina pectoris from which Mark Twain died was in any way [related to] nicotine poisoning. Some constitutions, he said, seem immune from the effects of tobacco, and his was one of them. Yet it is true that since his illness began the doctors had cut down Mark Twain's daily allowance of twenty cigars and countless pipes to four cigars a day.

No deprivation was a greater sorrow to him. He tried to smoke on the steamer while returning from Bermuda, and only gave it up because he was too feeble to draw on his pipe. Even on his death bed when passed the point of speech, and it was no longer certain that his ideas were held, he would make the motion of waiving a cigar, and smiling expel empty air from under the mustache still stained with smoke.

Where Mark Twain chose to spend his declining years was the first outpost of Methodism in New England, and it was among the hills of Redding that Gen. Israel Putnam of Revolutionary fame mustered his sparse ranks. Putnam Park now incloses the memory of his camp.

Mark Twain first heard of it at the dipper given him on his seventeenth birthday, when a fellow-gaest who lived there mentioned its beauties and added that there was a vacant house adjoining his own, "I think you may buy that old house for me," said Mark Twain. Sherwood Place was the name of that old house, and where it stood Mark Twain reared the white walls of the Italian villa he first named Innocence at Home, but a first experience of what a New England Winter storm can be in its whitest fury quickly caused him to christen it anew Stormfield.

Where Mark Twain Died

The house had been thus described by Albert Bigelow Paine: "Set on a fair hillside with such a green slope below, such a view outspread across the valley as made one catch his breath a little when he first turned to look at it. A trout stream flows through one of the meadows. There are apple trees and gray stone walls. The entrance to it is a winding, [text unreadable] lane."

"Through this lane the 'Innocent at Home' loved to wander in his white flannels for homely gossip with the neighbors. They remember him best as one who above all things loved a good listening, for Mark Twain was a mighty talker, stored with fairy tales for the little maids he adored, and [text unreadable], ruder speech for more [text unreadable] masculine ears. It is a legend that he was vastly proud of his famous mop of white hair, and used to spend the pains of a court lady in getting it to just the proper stage of artistic disarray.

The burial will be in the family plot at Elmira, N.Y., where lie already his wife, his two daughters, Susan and Jean, and his infant son, Langhorne. No date has yet been set, as the family is still undecided whether or not there should be a public funeral first in New York City.

It is probable that Stormfield will be kept as a Summer place by Mrs. Gabrilowitsch, who is very fond both of the house, and the country, although her husband's musical engagements make it necessary that she spend a part of each year abroad.

Mr. Paine said to-night that Mark Twain had put his affairs in perfect order and that he died well off, though by no means a rich man. He leaves a considerable number of manuscripts, in all stages of incompleteness and of all characters, many of them begun years ago and put aside as unsatisfactory.

Mrs. Gabrilowitsch will aid Mr. Paine in the final decision as to what use shall be made of these.

Mark Twain's Career

Long Life, Struggles, and Achievements of Samuel Langhorne Clemens

Samuel Langhorne Clemens was considered the best-known American man of letters. Often he was referred to as the "Dean of American literature." He was known far beyond the boundaries where English is spoken as the greatest humorist and satirist living. His famous telegram to a newspaper publishing a report of his death, when happily it was intrigue, has been quoted and requoted almost everywhere. "The report of my death," he wired, "is greatly exaggerated."

The father of Mark Twain was John Marshall Clemens, who migrated from Virginia to Kentucky, and then on to Adair County, Tennessee, when a young man. There he married a young woman named Langhorne, who brought him family prestige and many broad acres. But with the prevalent spirit of unrest among pioneers, the couple crossed over into Missouri, settling at Florida, Monroe County, where, [text unreadable] their [text unreadable] famous son was born. Mark Twain's life, however, really did not begin until [text unreadable] years later, when the family moved to Hannibal, Marion County. Hannibal has been described many times as a typical river town of that day, a sleepy place, filled with drawling, lazy, picturesque inhabitants, black and white.

Young Clemens, so the record runs, went to school there and so also the record runs studied just as little as he could if he studied at all. He had been painted in that period of his career as an incorrigible truant, roaming the river banks and bluffs, watching the passing steamboats, and listening keenly to the trials that went on in the shabby office where the Justice of the Peace, his father, settled the disputes and punished the misdemeanors of his neighbors. In that period, while the ambition to be a pilot on the great river burned in him, was stored in his memory the material which in after years crystallized into "Tom Sawyer," "Huckleberry Finn," and "Pudd'nhead Wilson."

Mark Twain's school days ended when he was 12. The father died, leaving nothing behind save the reputation of being a good neighbor and an upright man and his children at once became bread winners. "Sam" was apprenticed as a printer at 50-cents a week in the office of The Hannibal Weekly Journal, doing as he afterward said, "a little of everything." After three years with a capital of a few dollars in his pocket, he became what was then a familiar sight, a wanderer from one printing office to another. About this period he paid his first visit to New York, having been drawn here by stories of a great exposition then in progress.

He worked here for a while, then moved on to Philadelphia, and later, obeying always the wandering instinct which finally carried him around the world and into all hands, to nearly all the larger cities of the South and West, including New Orleans. The trip down the river awakened the old desire to be a pilot, which had slumbered since the Hannibal days, and his career as a printer was ended. He paid in cash and promised $500 to a Mississippi pilot to take him on as an assistant and "teach him the river." He became a pilot and stuck to it until the outbreak of the civil war, earning $250 a month, but chief of all he got here his material for "Life on the Mississippi."

His experience as a Confederate soldier was brief and inglorious. Hardly had he enlisted before he was captured. Released on parole, he broke the parole and returned to the ranks, and soon was recaptured. He was in imminent peril, for recognition meant immediate and ignominious execution, but he got away, and determined never to take the risk again. He stopped flight only on reaching Nevada, where several letters of his to The Virginia City Enterprise resulted in an offer from the editor of that paper of a place on the staff. From that day forward Clemens earned his living with his pen, but with the exception of several excursions [text unreadable].

From Nevada, Mark Twain moved out to San Francisco where, after a brief service on the local staff of The Call, he was discharged as useless. Then he and Bret Harte were associated in the conduct of The Californian, but both soon deserted the paper to make their fortunes mining if they could. Neither did, and Mark Twain was soon back in San Francisco penniless and ill. This was in [text unreadable.] The Sacramento Union sent him to the Sandwich Islands to write a [text unreadable] of letters on the sugar trade- an arrangement which this time he filled to the editor's satisfaction- and returned restored to health.

That Winter, however, was one of "roughing it" for him. He could get little to do as reporter or editor, and finally took to lecturing in a small way. He was a success from the start. He spoke in many of the small towns of California and Nevada, earning more than a living, and meantime writing sketches for Eastern papers. These attracted considerable notice, and in March of 1867 he issued his first book, containing the "Jumping Frog" and other stories. Its reception was so cordial that Mark Twain decided to try his fortunes in the East. On reaching New York he learned that a secret excursion was about to start for the Holy Land in the steamer Quaker City. He persuaded the Alta California, for which he had been writing, to advance him the price of the ticket for this trip - [text unreadable]- to be paid in letters at $15 each. He made his trip, which proved the beginning of his fortune, for "Innocents Abroad," his first famous book, had taken shape in his mind before his return.

To write the book, however, and to live at the same time was a problem, but Senator W. M. Stewart of Nevada, becoming interested in the project, obtained for him a six-dollar-a-day committee clerkship, while the work was "farmed" out to another man at $100 a month.

"Innocents Abroad" Instant Success

The book was finished in August, 1868, but a publisher was hard to find. At last, the American Publishing Company of Hartford agreed to issue it. Its success was instant and overwhelming. Edition after edition was sold in such rapid succession that the presses could not turn them out fast enough. Mark Twain had become a man of note over night.

Among Mark Twain's friends on the Holy Land trip had been Judge Jervis J. Langdon of Elmira, N.Y., and his two children, Dan of the "Innocents" and Lizzie. Mark Twain fell in love with the latter, and it was said afterward that his desire to be near her led him to accept editorial connection in 1869 with the Buffalo Express. But Judge Langdon, who was rich, did not at first favor the union of his daughter and the nearly penniless journalist, and Miss Langdon twice rejected him. He sought a wife as he had sought a publisher, and his third proposal was accepted. His father-in-law gave him a handsome home in Buffalo, but the young couple remained there but a year, going to Hartford where they lived for many years and where Mark Twain did perhaps his most ... work... [unreadable.]

His Fortune Swept Away

Two years later the firm failed and Mark Twain's fortune was swept away. With courage as unbroken as when he could not get a job as reporter in San Francisco many years before he again took to the lecture field to regain his fortunes.

He received generous offers to go on tour and everywhere was greeted by large and enthusiastic audiences. He made a new fortune, paid his debts, as Sir Walter Scott had done and left the publishing business to others while he worked hard at his desk as ever. In 1896 appeared "The Personal Recollections of Joan of Arc", "More Tramps Abroad" and "Following the Equator in 1897 and "The Man Who Corrupted Hadleyburg," 1900. After an extended trip to Europe he published in 1902 "A Double-barreled Detective Story," and in recent years, besides writing frequently for magazines, particularly the Harper publications, the Harper Brothers having been his publishers for the last decade or more, he had been engaged with Albert Bigelow Paine, his literary assistant, in writing his autobiography. Much of it has already been published. It was estimated three years ago that he had then written 250,000 words, and was still turning out something like 1,000 a day, when he worked.

Mark Twain had outlived most of his family. His wife died some years ago and on the morning before Christmas, last year, his daughter, Miss Jean Clemens, was drowned in a bathtub in their home at Redding, Conn. Broken himself, in health, and utterly crushed by this sudden affliction, he wrote on that day: "She was all that I had left, except Clara, who married Mr. Gabrilowitsch lately, and has just arrived in Europe."

In 1905 Mark Twain celebrated his seventieth birthday with a notable gathering of literary folk. Two years later he was honored by Oxford University with the degree of Doctor of Laws. Though in his younger days he was a great traveler, and was known personally to nearly all the crowned heads of Europe, of late years he had confined his journeys chiefly to Bermuda, whither he was often accompanied by one of his best friends, the late H. H. Rogers, as long as he lived. In nearly all his public appearances in the last five years he had worn white flannel, and even had a dress suit, claw-hammer and all, made of this soft white material, whose evident cleanliness appealed so strongly to him.

Twain as Printer's Devil

His Own Stories of His Exploits in Boyhood as Acting Editor

One of the most interesting of all Mark Twain's books or series of personal sketches relate to the crucial, but happy-go-lucky period of his life. At 12 he began on his own account. He has told this characteristic story of his first literary venture, when the "devil" got out the paper.

"I was a very smart child at the age of 13- an unusually smart child, I thought at the time. It was then that I did my first newspaper scribbling, and most unexpectedly to me, it stirred up a fine sensation in the community. It did, indeed, and I was very proud of it, too. I was a 'devil' in a printing office, and a progressive and aspiring one. My uncle had me on his paper, (the Weekly Hannibal Journal, $2 a year, in advance- 500 subscribers, and they paid in cordwood, cabbages, and unmarketable turnips.) and on a lucky Summer day he left town to be gone a week, and asked me if I thought I could edit one issue of the paper judiciously. Ah, didn't I want to try! Higgins was the editor on the rival paper. He had been jilted, and one night a friend found an open note on the poor fellow's bed, in which he stated that he could no longer endure life and had drowned himself in Bear Creek.

"The friend ran down there and found Higgins wading back to shore. He had concluded he wouldn't. The village was full of it for a few days, but Higgins' did not suspect it. I thought this was a fine opportunity. I wrote an elaborately wretched account of the whole matter, and then illustrated it with villainous cuts engraved on the bottoms of wood type with a jackknife- one of them a picture of Higgins wading out into the creek in his shirt, with a lantern, sounding the depth of the water with a walking stick.

"Next I gently touched up the newest stranger, the lion of the day, the gorgeous journeyman tailor from Quincy. He was a simpering coxcomb of the first water, and the "loudest" dressed man in the State. He was an inveterate woman killer. Every week he wrote lushy 'poetry' for The Journal about his newest conquest. His rhymes for my week were headed, 'To Mary in H-1,' meaning to Mary in Hannibal, of course. But while setting up the piece I was suddenly riven from head to heel with what I regarded as a prefect thunderbolt of humor, and I compressed it into a snappy footnote at the bottom thus:

"'We will let this thing pass, just this once, but we wish Mr. J. Gordon Runnels to understand distinctly that we have a character to sustain, and from this time forth when he wants to commune with his friends in h-1, he must select some other medium than the columns of this journal.'

"The paper came out, and I never knew any little thing to attract so much attention as those playful trifles of mine. For once the Hannibal Journal was in demand- a novelty it had not experienced before. The whole town was stirred. Higgins dropped in with a double-barreled shotgun early in the forenoon. When he found that it was an infant (as he called me) that had done him the damage, he simply pulled my ears and went away, but he threw up the situation that night and left town."

Associate Editor of Morning Glory

On the advice of a physician, Mark Twain said he went South shortly after his week as "devil" and editor in chief in one, landing finally as associate editor on the Morning Glory and Johnson County [text unreadable], Tennessee. He gave this description of his "chief":

"When I went on duty I found the chief editor sitting tilted back in a three-legged chair with his feet on a pine table. There was another pine table in the room and another afflicted chair, and both were half buried under newspapers and scraps and sheets of manuscript. There was a wooden box of sand, sprinkled with cigar stubs and old soldiers, and a stove with its door hanging by its upper hinge. The chief editor had a long black cloth frock coat on and white linen pants. His boots were small and neatly blacked. He wore a ruffled shirt, a large seal ring, a standing collar of obsolete pattern, and checkered neck kerchief with ends hanging down. He told me to take the exchanges and skim through them and write up the 'Script of the Tennessee Press.' I wrote as follows:

"'The editors of The Semi-Weekly Earthquake evidently labor under a mistaken apprehension with regard to the Ballyhack Railroad. It is not the object of the company to leave Buzzardville off to one side, on the contrary, they consider it one of the most important points along the line, and consequently can have no desire to slight it. The gentlemen of The Earthquake will, of course, take pleasure in making the correction.'

"I passed my manuscript over to the chief editor for acceptance, alteration, or destruction.

"'Thunder and lightning,' he exclaimed. 'Do you suppose I am going to speak of those cattle that way? Do you suppose my subscribers are going to stand such gruel as that? Give me the pen.'"

"While he was in the midst of his work somebody shot at him through the open window and marred the symmetry of my ear.

"'Ah,' said he, 'that is that scoundrel Smith of the Moral Volcano; he was due yesterday.' And he snatched a navy revolver from his belt and fired. Smith dropped, shot through the thigh. The shot spoiled Smith's aim, who was taking a second chance, and he crippled a stranger. It was me. Merely a finger was shot off.

"'Now, here's the way this stuff ought to be written,' said the chief editor.

"I took the manuscript. It was scarred with erasures and interlineations till its mother wouldn't have known it if it had had one. It now reads as follows:

"The inveterate liars of the Semi-Weekly Earthquake are evidently endeavoring to palm off upon a noble and chivalrous people another of their vile and brutal falsehoods with regard to the most glorious conception of the nineteenth century, the Ballyhack Railroad. The idea that Buzzardville was to be left off at one side originated in their own fulsome brains- or rather, in the settlings which they regard as brains. They had better swallow this lie if they want to save their abandoned reptile carcasses the cowhiding they so richly deserve."

Mark Twain says he had written this way of the editor of an "esteemed contemporary":

"John W. Blossom, Esq., the able editor of the Higginsville Thunderbolt and Battle Cry of Freedom arrived in the city yesterday. He is stopping at the Van Buren House."

His chief editor changed it to read:

"That ass, Blossom, of the Higginsville Thunderbolt and Battle Cry of Freedom is down here again sponging at the Van Buren."

"Now, that is the way to write," he said, "peppery and to the point. Mush-and-milk journalism gives me the fantods."

Blow to His Friends Here

New York Editors and Authors Extol the Man and the Writer

The news of Samuel L. Clemens death shocked all his friends and literary associates with its suddenness. Although it had been known that he was in a serious condition, no one seemed to expect that his illness would terminate fatally so soon.

E. Hopkinson Smith, who has known Mr. Clemens for thirty years- ever since, in fact, the great humorist first came to this city and lectured at Cooper Union, -was dining at the home of Mr. and Mrs. George Clark at 1,027 Fifth Avenue when he first heard of Clemen's death.

"It does not seem possible that Sam is dead," said Mr. Smith. "We had been friends ever since he first came from San Francisco and gave his readings of 'The Jumping Frog' on the lecture platform. He had the kindest heart in the world. The reading public knew him more for his humor. But his friends knew him as a big-hearted, human man. His attitude toward everyone was the kindest. In live and in art it was always the human that appealed to him most. The humor of his books was the real, the genuine humor. Humor to be lasting, must be clean. Clemens humor was essentially clean. It will be lasting for that reason. It was the humor of human nature. There was never anywhere in it any double entendre. It was always kindly. It never ridiculed anyone. It never made fun of the littleness of men. Twain did not make fun of Tom Sawyer painting the back yard fence. He brought out the human note in the boy. And that's what makes us always remember that passage with joy and read it over and over."

Col. George M. Harvey of Harper & amp; Brothers, who was Mr. Clemens's publisher, is abroad. But Henry M. Alden, editor of Harper's, at his home in Metuchen, N.J., last night spoke with emotion of the man who had been not only a contributor, but a friend.

"In Mr. Clemens's death I have lost a dear friend," Mr. Alden said. "I feel a deep sense of personal loss. And I can't express my sense of the loss to literature. As for our personal relations, they were much more than those of editor and contributor. Nobody could tell anything about Mark Twain better than he could tell it himself-or; indeed, half so well. He has always been writing his autobiography, I have always believed that literature has lost much by not having had more of his imaginative creations on a higher plane- more works like 'Joan of Arc,' for example."

Mr. Alden has published his personal recollections of Mr. Clemens in The Book News Monthly for April.

"Mark Twain was, with one exception, the best-known American of his time, and, without exception, outside of Poe and the New England school, he was our most distinguished writer," said Robert Underwood Johnson, of the Century. "He had the singular distinction of having, so to speak, naturalized American humor in many lands. This, it seems to me, was due to the fact that his humor was not greatly dependent on difficult dialects, but on large underlying ideas and on a keen appreciation of human nature, and on a skillful use of the incongruous.

"In dramatic effect, in surprise, and in climax he was unequaled and inexhaustible. I think that these things are likely to give more than usual permanency to his writings. We have outgrown many once popular humorists. But I can't conceive of a generation of readers to whom, on the whole, his work will not be of enjoyable interest. While literally he has added to the gayety of nations and made us all his debtors, he has also in his serious work, revealed an admirable and tender sympathy for children and a chivalry toward the oppressed. So much has he become a part of our lives that it is difficult to think of a world without Mark Twain."

His Countrymen's Tributes

Express Deep Sense of What Mark Twain Means to Americans

Mark Twain's death has meant to Americans everywhere and in all walks of life what the death of no other American could have meant. His personality and his humor have been an integral part of American life for so long that it has seemed almost impossible to realize an America without him. Something of this feeling is expressed in the tributes to his memory which, following hard upon his end, have come from all parts of the country. Some of these tributes are printed below:

William Lyon Phelps, Professor of English Literature at Yale University: "The death of Mark Twain is a very great loss to American letters. I regarded him as our foremost representative in literature at the present day. "Tom Sawyer" and "Huckleberry Finn," his two masterpieces, will live for many years as illustrative of a certain phase of American life."

Col. Thomas Wentworth of Higginson in Boston: "It is impossible to exaggerate the loss to the country."

Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, now in her ninety-first year, in Boston: "The news of Mark Twain's death will be sad to many people. He was personally highly esteemed and much beloved; a man of letters with a very genuine gift of humor and of serious thought as well."

Handin Garland, novelist, in Chicago: "Mark Twain's death marks the exit of a literary man who was as distinctly American as was Walt Whitman. The work of most writers could be produced in any country, but I think we, as well as everybody in foreign lands will look upon Twain's work as being as closely related to this country as the Mississippi River itself. We who knew him personally hardly need to speak of him as a man, for all the world knew him. No one ever heard him speak without being inspired, and no one ever saw him without being proud of him."

George Ade, at Kentland, Ind: "I read every line Twain wrote, for he was a kind of literary god to me. His influence has already worked itself into the literature of our day. We owe much of our cheerfulness, simplicity, and hope to him. Most of all, Twain grew old beautifully, showing his simple, childlike faith for ultimate success throughout all his adversities."

Booth Tarkington, at Indianapolis: "He seemed to me the greatest prose writer we had, and beyond that a great man. His death is a National loss, but we have the consolation that he and his genius belonged to and were of us."

Charles Major, at Indianapolis: "He created a new school of humor, the purpose of which was not only to be funny but to be true. He could write nothing that he did not at least feel to be true. All that he wrote was half fun and whole earnest."

James Whitcomb Riley: "The world has lost not only a genius, but a man of striking character, of influence, and of boundless resources. He knew the human heart and he was sincere. He knew children, and this knowledge made him tender."