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Mostrando postagens com marcador assassinatos políticos. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador assassinatos políticos. Mostrar todas as postagens

quarta-feira, 12 de março de 2014

Venezuela: um pais dividido, com mortos dos dois lados (9 a 1 contra a oposicao)

Infelizmente, teremos muitos mortos mais na Venezuela, com mais de 90% de vítimas sendo manifestantes pacíficos, mortos pelos mercenários armados do e pelo governo fascista, até que se consiga afastar a corja de totalitários que se apossou do poder, com esta especial distinção que eles são dominados pela máfia cubana que controla o país.
Os totalitários, que também existem no Brasil, e que estão justamente apoiando seus companheiros fascistas da Venezuela, começam dividindo o país entre eles e o resto da população, sendo que o resto, isto é nós, somos classificados como inimigos do poder, representantes das elites e coisas do gênero. Os fascistas, os divisionistas, os mafiosos são eles. Basta ver o que está acontecendo no Brasil: um clima de greves que nos faz relembrar os anos conturbados de 1961-1964. Até quando Brasil?
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

AMERICAS

Fears Spread That Venezuela Is Approaching Bloody Face-Off

The New York Times



Photo

Government opponents in Caracas, Venezuela.CreditRodrigo Abd/Associated Press
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Continue reading the main story
CARACAS, Venezuela — The gunmen descended a street on Monday night toward a park taken over by student demonstrators in the western city of San Cristóbal, the crucible of the protests that have shaken Venezuela. They opened fire, and a 23-year-old student leader, Daniel Tinoco, fell. Hit in the upper body, he died before he got to a hospital, fellow protesters said.
Less than a week earlier, in Caracas, someone opened fire and killed a 25-year-old soldier, Acner López, who was riding on a motorcycle. Residents said he was in a group of soldiers shooting tear gas at demonstrators and apartment buildings. The shot that killed him, investigators believe, came from someone in one of the apartments.
These two deaths, among more than 20 that the government says are linked to over a month of protests, are emblematic of a spiral of violence that people on both sides of this country’s bitter political divide seem increasingly willing to accept.
“We don’t want dialogue if there are dead students,” said Christy Hernández, 21, a protester who saw Mr. Tinoco fall and went to find a car to take him to the hospital. She said demonstrators, many of whom want President Nicolás Maduro out of office, would keep up the pressure on the government despite the cost. “We already lit the fuse,” she said. “It’s now or never, and we’ve decided it should be now.”
A few days earlier, in Caracas, near the spot where Mr. López was gunned down, Ana Karina Urquia stood in the entryway of her apartment house, talking about the possibility that one of her neighbors on the block might have fired the fatal shot. Police and National Guard officers and soldiers swarmed the street, some of them eyeing the surrounding buildings nervously.
“This is desperation, collective fatigue on both sides,” Ms. Urquia said of the violence. “I think both sides are looking for it to explode.”
She said she wanted a peaceful solution to the nation’s problems but feared that the country was veering toward more bloodshed. “There will be more deaths,” she said, “but there will be a solution.”
Each side accuses the other of feeding a climate of violence.
While Mr. Maduro has said he wants dialogue, he often speaks with a fiery anger about the protesters in daily television appearances, labeling them fascists and conspirators. His government has begun holding a series of meetings, often televised, that it terms a national peace conference, but most prominent opposition figures have boycotted them, as have student protest leaders.
At the same time, his government has continued to clamp down on the rallies and other protests.
In Caracas on Saturday and on Monday, marches were blocked by hundreds of police officers and soldiers. And in San Cristóbal, where the government held some of its peace conference meetings last week, residents say security forces have continued harsh tactics, entering residential neighborhoods to clear demonstrators’ barricades, arresting protesters and firing tear gas and plastic buckshot.
Many in the opposition believe that the government uses groups of armed civilian supporters to intimidate protesters, and there have been several episodes around the country in which, protesters say, they were fired on by armed men in civilian clothes. In other cases, protesters have been accused of shooting at government supporters.
The mayor of San Cristóbal, Daniel Ceballos, posted a message on his Twitter account on Monday night saying the members of an armed pro-government group were in the area when Mr. Tinoco was killed.
Many details of the nighttime attack remain unclear, but accounts of protesters and residents agreed on several points.
One woman said that she saw about 10 men arrive in a white pickup and dismount, and that they were accompanied by two motorcycles. Others said a group of men on foot had approached the area controlled by the protesters.
Ms. Hernández said the student protesters, who have maintained a camp for weeks in a park on a wide avenue, heard three gunshots and saw the men approaching. They shot back with small bags of explosive powder, sometimes used as fireworks, propelled from hand-held metal tubes that the protesters call mortars.
Ms. Hernández said the men answered with gunfire. She said that one of the protesters had a gun and fired back.
At that point, she said, “a rain of bullets came down; we couldn’t move.”
She said that one of the protesters started to move up the street toward the gunfire when another protester pulled him into the shelter of a building. Mr. Tinoco was just behind them, she said, and was hit. “He is in a better place than us,” she said. “We’re not going to give up the fight.”
In an interview about two weeks before he was killed, Mr. Tinoco, a mechanical engineering student, said that while the students were armed with stones, gasoline bombs, homemade mortars and other crude weapons, the goal was to defend themselves against soldiers or armed government supporters who might try to dislodge them from their protest camp and the barricades they had built to stop traffic.
A burly young man, Mr. Tinoco was in charge of a group of students whose job was to protect the camp.
“We watch for when they come to attack us, and we defend ourselves,” he said. Asked if he was afraid, Mr. Tinoco said that “there is no brave man who is not afraid.”

sábado, 30 de junho de 2012

Autobiografia (nao terminada) de Bachar Al-Assad - Tahar Ben-Jelloun


Bachar Al-Assad, intime

LEMONDE | 18.02.12 | 14h41   •  Mis à jour le 18.02.12 | 16h21

Le président syrien Bachar Al-Assad, en mars 2009.
Le président syrien Bachar Al-Assad, en mars 2009.REUTERS/KHALED AL-HARIRI

C'est par effraction que je suis entré dans la tête du président syrien. C'est une forteresse inaccessible. Avant d'arriver à s'en approcher, il faut passer pas moins de sept barrages. Haute sécurité. Peur et méfiance. Comme son père, Hafez, il se tient à distance. On raconte qu'un jour Hafez Al-Assad a fait fusiller les sept soldats qui devaient filtrer le passage des personnes qui avaient rendez-vous avec lui. Hafez aimait jouer aux échecs avec un ami d'enfance. Chaque après-midi, l'ami se présentait et se faisait fouiller sept fois avant d'arriver à la salle de jeu. Un jour, à force de le voir, les soldats le laissèrent passer sans faire leur travail.

Lorsque Hafez le sut, ordre fut donné d'exécuter les malheureux gardes qui avaient manqué à leur devoir. Le petit Bachar connaît cet épisode, un parmi tant d'autres, aussi sanglants les uns que les autres. Lui aussi est injoignable. Il y a de quoi. Quand on tue, on risque d'être tué. Alors on prend les précautions nécessaires et même plus.
Sa tête n'est pas très grande. Elle est occupée par du foin, des épingles et des lames de rasoir. Je ne sais pas pourquoi. Son cerveau est calme. Pas de stress, pas de nervosité. Je ne sais pas d'où il tient cette tranquillité. Question d'hérédité, ou bien a-t-il suivi des cours du soir pour apprendre à tuer sans que cela le dérange, sans qu'il soit le moins du monde inquiété par le malheur qu'il sème. Je me suis fait tout petit et j'ai tendu l'oreille. Car le petit pense et n'hésite pas à avoirdes idées audacieuses :
J'ai tout appris de feu mon père, un grand homme d'Etat, un homme sensible, cultivé et grand stratège. Je me souviens qu'Henry Kissinger l'appréciait beaucoup. Il m'avait dit que lui aussi aimait bien le secrétaire d'Etat américain dont il admirait l'intelligence et le réalisme politique. Ils s'entendaient bien tous les deux. Mon père me rappelait comment cet homme a fait éliminer physiquement Salvador Allende et l'a remplacé par Pinochet.
Ces derniers temps, j'entre en communication avec mon père. Il est génial. C'est lui qui me dicte ce que je dois faire. Il m'encourage et m'indique des pistes à suivre. Il m'a dit dernièrement, au cas où les choses viendraient à empirer, de retourner au Liban, car ni lui ni moi n'avions admis la manière dont notre armée a été expulsée de ce pays en 2005. Même la mort d'Hariri et de quelques autres ingrats n'a pueffacer la honte que ces Libanais nous ont infligée.
Pour le moment, ça va. Je tiens. Pas de panique. D'abord, je ne suis ni Saddam ni Kadhafi. Vous ne me verrez pas ridiculisé par des agents américains en train dechercher des poux dans ma tête ou bien égorgé par des fanatiques. Ces deux-là se sont fait avoir parce que leur niveau d'intelligence n'était pas des meilleurs. Je suis de la famille Al-Assad, une famille et un clan unis et solidaires. Une grande famille, forte et puissante, qui a des traditions. Je ne fais pas n'importe quoi. Je résiste contre un complot international. J'ai des preuves. Aucune envie de voir mon pays devenir une république islamique dirigée par des analphabètes ou bien un bastion de cette gauche stupide juste bonne à parader dans les salons européens.
Mon père m'a appris que, en politique, il faut avoir un coeur de bronze. Le mien, je l'ai habitué à ce qu'il ne se brise jamais. Pas de sentiments, pas de faiblesse. Car je joue ma tête et la vie de toute ma famille. Les voyous qui mettent la Syrie à feu et à sang n'ont que ce qu'ils méritent. On parle de "printemps arabe" ! C'est quoi cette histoire ? Où voit-on un printemps ? Ce n'est pas parce que des agitateurs inconscients occupent des places publiques que les saisons ont changé de rythme et de sens. Chez moi, ce qu'ils appellent "le printemps" ne passera pas.
J'ai donné l'ordre de suspendre cette saison jusqu'à la victoire. Pourquoi le printemps serait synonyme de ma disparition ? Non seulement je ne vais pasmourir, mais je tuerai tout le monde avant. Il est dit dans l'islam que s'il faut sacrifierles deux tiers d'un peuple pour n'en garder qu'un tiers bon, il ne faut pas hésiter. J'applique cette loi vieille comme les Arabes. Je rappelle que la Syrie est un pays laïque, comme la France qui, tout à coup me trahit et me fait la morale. Et le pauvre Obama qui me condamne et parle d'atrocités ! De quoi se mêle-t-il ? Il n'a pas vu ce que son armée a fait en Irak et en Afghanistan ?
Que me reproche-t-on ? De donner l'ordre à l'armée de tirer sur les manifestants ? Si je ne fais pas ça, je perds ma place, je ne me ferai plus respecter. Regardez comment mon ami Moubarak s'est retrouvé du jour au lendemain éjecté de son palais. Il a manqué de détermination et de volonté. L'armée l'a trahi. Le pauvre, quelle déchéance, malade, déprimé, on le traîne sur une civière pour être jugé ! Les peuples sont ingrats. Ils oublient vite ce que les présidents font pour eux. Mon armée est composée en majorité d'hommes fidèles. Ceux qui ont déserté l'ont payé très cher. Je n'ai pas d'états d'âme. Je me défends, je dirai même, c'est de la légitime défense.
J'ai pris la précaution de mettre à l'abri Asma, ma femme, et mes trois enfants, Hafez, Zeyn et Karim. C'est normal, je réagis en bon mari et en bon père de famille. Je vois comment des pères irresponsables poussent leurs enfants à manifestertout en sachant pertinemment qu'ils peuvent tomber sous des balles perdues. On m'a dit que des enfants sont morts. Je n'arrive pas à le croire, et je rends leurs parents responsables de ce malheur, car il n'y a pas pire malheur que de perdre un de ses enfants ; je me souviens de la douleur de mon père le jour où mon frère aîné, Bassel, est mort dans un accident de voiture. Il a pleuré. Oui, j'ai vu mon pèrepleurer face à l'injustice du destin qui lui a ravi son fils bien-aimé.
Mon père, cet homme exceptionnel qui a fait de la Syrie un grand pays et qui a rendu la vie dure au voisin israélien, ce président a pleuré parce qu'il ne pouvait même pas se venger. Bassel mort, tué par la route. Il n'allait tout de même pasbombarder la route qui fut fatale au fils qu'il préparait pour lui succéder. Il n'a pas supporté d'être contrarié. Moi non plus. Je ne supporterai jamais d'être critiqué ou combattu.
Les Nations unies ont essayé de me salir et me demandent de me retirer. C'est de l'ingérence dans les affaires strictement internes de la Syrie. Que cette assemblée de fantoches me laisse en paix. Partir ? Pour aller où ? Elles me prennent pour unBen Ali ? Je ne vais tout de même pas monter dans un avion et mendier l'asile politique dans le monde !
Heureusement que la Russie de mon ami Poutine et la Chine ont opposé leur veto. Mon ami Ahmadinejad aussi est avec moi ; il m'appelle souvent et me dit de ne pascéder. Il y a quand même une justice. Les insurgés sont des terroristes, des agents payés par l'Europe et même par certains pays arabes qui ont des comptes à régleravec moi. Vous n'avez qu'à suivre les émissions d'Al-Jazira pour comprendre que le complot existe.
On me parle de tortures ! C'est tout à fait normal de torturer pour éviter des massacres, pour que des innocents ne tombent pas sous les balles des mauvais Syriens.
Je tiens le pays ; je tiens tête à ceux qui veulent instaurer un autre régime ; on devrait me remercier et m'aider à protéger la Syrie du danger islamiste. Je sais ce que les islamistes feront avec ma tribu des alaouites ainsi qu'avec les minorités chrétienne et arménienne. Le Vatican devrait venir à mon secours au lieu de mecondamner. Heureusement ce ne sont que des mots. Autre chose que ce que font actuellement les Européens en gelant mes avoirs chez eux et en essayant d'asphyxier le peuple en empêchant les échanges commerciaux. C'est mesquin et malhonnête. On m'en veut parce que la Syrie a toujours tenu tête à l'ennemi sioniste. Elle ne s'est jamais courbée face à Israël.
Mon père m'a dit au lendemain du massacre d'Hama, j'avais 17 ans : tu vois, mon fils, si je n'avais pas réagi avec cette fermeté, ce soir, nous ne serions plus là. Il a eu raison. Moi aussi, si je ne bombarde pas Homs, je sais où je dormirai ce soir : à la morgue ! Alors, il faut arrêter de dire n'importe quoi. 20 000 morts à Hama (à l'époque, personne n'avait réagi) ; à peine 8 000 entre Draa, Homs, Damas et Hama. Et tout ce tintamarre !
Vous savez pourquoi Asma, ma chère femme, m'a épousé ? Pour les valeurs que j'incarne. Elle l'a déclaré dans Paris Match du 10 décembre 2010. Ces valeurs se lisent sur mon visage. J'en suis fier.
Vous savez pourquoi j'ai fait ophtalmologie ? Parce que je suis allergique à la vue du sang.
En quittant cette tête, je me suis pris les pieds dans des fils électriques. Bachar est branché sur la centrale de la torture. C'est lui qui, pour passer le temps, appuie sur la pédale qui envoie des décharges dans les parties génitales des suppliciés. Il paraît que ça l'amuse et renforce sa détermination à débarrasser la Syrie des deux tiers jugés mauvais.
Ecrivain et poète francophone né à Fès (Maroc) en 1944, a enseigné la philosophie et étudié la psychiatrie sociale avant de devenir romancier. Il est membre de l'académie Goncourt depuis 2008. Il a reçu le prix Goncourt pour "La Nuit sacrée" (Points Seuil, 1987). Auteur de nombreux ouvrages, ses derniers livres parus sont : "L'Etincelle : révoltes dans les pays arabes", "Par le feu", "Que la blessure se ferme" (Gallimard)
Tahar Ben Jelloun

segunda-feira, 4 de junho de 2012

Siria: mais espaco para o "dialogo"

Parece que alguns membros permanentes do Conselho de Segurança, nisso apoiados por certo número de países não permanentes, acreditam que é preciso dar mais espaço para o diálogo entre o governo e a oposição na Síria.
O governo daquele país já encontrou os seus representantes para o diálogo: 

ASSAD'S PACT WITH THE DEVIL 


The regime of Syrian ruler Bashar Assad has enlisted gangs of murderous thugs known as 'Shabiha.' No assignment is too brutal or bloody for these men who are free to kill, plunder and rape. Assad knows that outright victory over the opposition is his only remaining chance to stay in power.
Der Spiegel, 4/06/2012

When the images and details of the massacre in the western Syrian town of Houla were released, the comparisons with other horrific killings were inevitable: My Lai, Srebrenica, Rwanda. More than 100 people, half of them children and a third of them women, were killed on the evening of May 25, after Friday prayers, in the Taldou neighborhood. Some died as a result of hours of shelling by tanks and Syrian army artillery, but most were killed by death squads from the surrounding villages, thugs who slit their neighbors' throats or shot them at close range.

The world was horrified. Even China and Russia, loyal allies of the Syrian system, agreed to a United Nations Security Council statement condemning the massacre, albeit without identifying those responsible. Even the generally reserved UN special envoy, Kofi Annan, spoke of a "turning point," while newly elected French President François Hollande promptly called for a military intervention.
Europe, the United States and perhaps even Kofi Annan are slowly realizing that there will be no compromise with Syrian President Bashar Assad, because there can be no compromise with Assad. Now that more than 10,000 people have died and tens of thousands have been tortured, the phase in which protesters were still staging peaceful demonstrations, and in which negotiations, transitional governments and compromises were possible is irrevocably over.
When the regime was still able to negotiate its own exit, it didn't want to. Now it no longer has that option, because any sign of weakness would lead to its overthrow.
This realization hasn't been triggered by the fact that the regime is massacring civilians to save itself. Similar bloodbaths have already taken place in the past. In April of last year, more than 60 people disappeared without a trace in Homs, after government troops had mowed down a group of peaceful protesters. In January, several families in a southeastern Homs neighborhood were massacred in a way that resembled the Houla killings. And when the Bab Amr neighborhood was captured by regime troops several weeks later, after having been almost destroyed by artillery fire, witnesses said that there were mass executions of those who hadn't fled.
'The Evidence is Clear'
What was different this time was that on Saturday morning, only hours after the killing frenzy, a team of UN observers managed to reach Houla, where they saw and counted the bodies, heard what the survivors had to say and saw the tracks the tanks had made. "The evidence is clear -- it is not murky," said German UN Ambassador Peter Wittig. "There is a clear government footprint in those killings." Whereas earlier massacres were only documented in reports by the Syrian opposition and video recordings that could not be corroborated, this was a different situation.
By failing, the UN mission appears finally to be having an impact. The roughly 300 unarmed observers cannot possibly monitor a nonexistent cease-fire, during which more than 2,000 people had been killed by the end of last week. The UN observers cannot prevent what is happening, but they can prevent it from being covered up. This isn't much, and for angry Syrians who burned images of Annan, it's far too little. "We called the observers during the massacre," a man from Houla who calls himself Abu Emad was quoted as saying, "but they refused to come and stop the murders. Damn then, and damn the entire mission!"
The observers eventually arrived. They were too late, but they came.
According to the overwhelmingly consistent statements of survivors and investigations by the UN observers, as well as the independent organization Human Rights Watch, people from several Houla neighborhoods demonstrated peacefully for the overthrow of the government around noon on May 25, after Friday prayers. Suddenly they came under fire, first from tanks and then from heavy artillery guns. Other witnesses said that soldiers had fired directly at demonstrators first.
After that, armed rebels with the Free Syrian Army (FSA) set out to attack the Assad troops' bases outside Houla. It is unclear whether they retreated when they came under fire from the tanks or were hiding in the difficult terrain, but only a few men remained in the Taldou neighborhood when the heavy shelling stopped in the afternoon and the armed men arrived.
Killers Went From House to House
The men, some in civilian clothing and others dressed in army uniforms, went from house to house, reported survivors like 11-year-old Ali, who told CBS News: "They came to our house at night. First they took out my father and then my oldest brother. My mother shouted: Why are you doing this? Then they shot both of them, and after that my mother. Then one of the men came in with a flashlight and saw my sister Rasha. He shot her in the head." Ali hid with his two little brothers. The man saw them and shot the brothers, but he missed Ali.
Other survivors who hid or played dead consistently gave the same accounts: The men combed through house after house and room after room, killing everyone, some with knives and some with guns. The massacre continued until the morning hours. When the UN observers arrived, they found nothing but corpses in the villages controlled by regime forces. The survivors had fled to neighborhoods held by the FSA, where they placed the bodies they had recovered on mats in the mosques before filming and burying them.
The regime in Damascus could not deny that the massacre had taken place. But Foreign Ministry spokesman Jihad Makdissi, parroting the government's standard position, promptly blamed the killings on "armed terrorists" and "Islamists." The Russian government, which had blocked every Security Council resolution condemning Syria, launched into a bizarre attempt to apportion the blame. The regime was apparently responsible for the assault by tanks and mortars, said Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. But the brutish murders, said Alexey Puchkov, chairman of the parliamentary committee on foreign affairs, "were definitely committed by the other side."
Igor Pankin, Russia's deputy UN ambassador, agreed: "We cannot imagine that it is in the Syrian regime's interest to sabotage Special Envoy Kofi Annan's visit to Damascus." And he is right in one respect. In PR terms, a massacre of children cannot be helpful to the Assad regime. But he was wrong in another sense, inadvertently putting his finger on Russia's growing frustration with its ally: Syria's leadership is no longer taking decisions that would make sense for a government hoping to reach a political solution to the crisis.
Violence the Only Option For Keeping Power
By gradually concentrating power in the hands of the Alawite minority, to which the Assad clan belongs, the regime is fomenting a religious war against the Sunni majority, the very conflict it claims it wants to prevent. Now Assad has backed himself into a corner from which he believes there is only way out: victory. This is why the latest proposal from Berlin and Washington to attempt the "Yemeni solution," which would be to depose Assad but keep the regime in power, will not work. The regime is relying solely on violence, accompanied by an outrageous propaganda narrative that blames foreign terrorists and al-Qaida for the uprising.
This conspiratorial obsession is nothing new. Starting in 2003, the intelligence services began secretly organizing the transfer of jihadists from Saudi Arabia, Libya and Kuwait across the Syrian border into Iraq, to deter the Americans from seeking regime change in Damascus as well. At the same time, the regime painted itself as a bulwark in the fight against al-Qaida. Foreigners who were later arrested reported how they had been kept in Syrian intelligence camps in Homs while waiting to be transferred into Iraq.
The attacks on several Scandinavian embassies in Damascus after the Danish cartoon controversy in early 2006 were blamed on an Islamist mob, but as it turned out, the regime had planted Islamists in the crowd. As a precaution, it also removed the guards from in front of a general's house next to the Norwegian Embassy. Although there was no evidence that the regime was behind the major bombing attacks in Damascus, Aleppo and Deir al-Zor in recent months, they had several strange elements in common: The bombers had immense quantities of explosives, which they easily managed to get through all government checkpoints, and they detonated most of their bombs in front of empty buildings. When the regime published its death tolls after the first attack on Dec. 23, they included the names of men who had already died elsewhere. During the ostentatious burial service at the Umayyad Mosque, signs attached to many of the coffins read "anonymous martyr." On May 9, just before a bomb exploded near the convoy of UN observer mission chief Robert Mood, the vehicles were detained at a military checkpoint just long enough so that they would be nearby at the time of detonation.
Conspiratorial violence is part of the Syrian regime's approach to survival, a paranoid trait that ties in with its history. When the current president's father Hafez Assad, a retired general in the Syrian air force, staged a coldly brilliant coup in November 1970, he brought his family, his clan and, ultimately, the Alawite minority into power after centuries of oppression. From then on, the Alawites defended their position at all costs, despite their relatively small share of the overall population.
Bashar Assad tried to preserve the illusion of a country that supposedly promotes reforms. Several months ago, he held a referendum to end decades of Baath Party control, and a few weeks ago he held bogus parliamentary elections. With the Houla massacre, however, all pretense at reform has evaporated again.
Murderous 'Ghosts'
What happened in Houla followed the pattern of earlier attacks like the one in Homs. First, the target is bombarded with tanks and artillery from a great distance. Then the regular troops move in and drive out or shoot the last remaining rebels. Finally, the regime sends in its helpers, the Shabiha ("ghosts"), over which it has less and less control.
What were once gangs of thugs and smugglers from the hills around Latakia, the home turf of the Assad clan, have turned into an army of irregular troops numbering in the thousands. The gangs are backed by the beneficiaries of the regime, those who profit the most from Syria's façade of a market economy, and who now have the most to lose. It's a Faustian bargain. As long as they are loyal to Assad, they are permitted to murder, loot and rape, as was the case in Houla, where the Shabiha came from neighboring villages to the south.

The Shabiha were also active in the capital Damascus in August 2011. Every evening during Ramadan, the Muslim month of fasting, dozens of them stood in front of mosques in Sunni neighborhoods, prepared to bludgeon and drag off anyone who said anything derogatory about the regime after emerging from prayers. At about 8 p.m., swarms of Shabiha thugs emerged from the intelligence service quarters, were loaded into requisitioned buses and driven to their deployment locations, where they lay in wait until the faithful dispersed after leaving the mosques.
The Shabiha are criminals and day laborers, mostly Alawites, but also Kurds with the PKK terrorist group, members of Sunni clans from Aleppo loyal to the regime, and some Christians. The Shabiha are the shadow force of a regime that no longer trusts its own army, but instead has created a monster that is taking on a life of its own, undermining the Syrian government long before it suffers a military defeat.
Months ago, the author and dissident Yassin al-Haj Saleh, who is in hiding in Damascus, wrote: "The current heads of the security services may very well reform themselves into a mafia-type organization after the collapse of the regime and continue to practice the violence, theft and discrimination at which they are so adept." Syria could eventually be controlled by marauding gangs, driven by greed and the fear of reprisal, which becomes more justified with each new wave of killings.
Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan