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Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida.

Mostrando postagens com marcador viva o capitalismo. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador viva o capitalismo. Mostrar todas as postagens

domingo, 19 de fevereiro de 2012

Capitalistas sao oportunistas: como os chineses, por exemplo


An Ambivalent China Affirms the Charisma of the Dalai Lama

HONG’AI, China — Despite the absence of road signs or promotional Web sites, a dozen or so people each day manage to find their way to this sleepy hamlet that sits in the fold of a dusky mountain in northwestern Qinghai Province.
Dan Levin
China rebuilt the Dalai Lama's ancestral home and fixed up all the houses in Hong'Ai, which now attracts tourists.
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They congratulate themselves for having found the place — and for evading the police — but then come face to face with Gonpo Tashi, a squat, no-nonsense barley farmer who guards the entrance to the house where his uncle, the 14th Dalai Lama, was born 76 years ago.
If the traveler speaks Tibetan, Mr. Tashi, 65, will peer warily out into the road before swinging open the heavy wooden doors and allowing entry to the modest home where China’s most reviled and revered spiritual leader spent the first three years of his life.
If the visitor is Han Chinese, the country’s dominant ethnic group, the gatekeeper might grumble vaguely about “the rules” but then relent.
But if the supplicant bears patently Western features, Mr. Tashi can be relied upon to throw up his hands with dramatic effect and shoo the interloper back toward the vehicle that made the hourlong drive from the provincial capital. “Leave, leave now,” he will shout. “If they come, you will be in trouble.”
“They” refers to the local public security personnel who occasionally block the road to Hong’Ai or stand outside the Dalai Lama’s ancestral home, especially when there is trouble brewing somewhere on the expansive plateau where most of China’s 5.4 million ethnic Tibetans live.
That this state-financed shrine to the Dalai Lama exists at all highlights Beijing’s complex and contradictory attitude toward a man it frequently describes as a terrorist, a separatist and “a wolf in monk’s robes.” Since relations between the exiled Tibetan leader and the Chinese government took a nose dive in the mid-1990s, even possession of the Dalai Lama’s picture is considered a crime.
The government’s official line is that the Dalai Lama is agitating for an independent Tibet, even as he insists that he is seeking only meaningful autonomy. In recent months, the government has sought to blame him for the self-immolations of about two dozen Tibetans, a ghastly act of protest against Chinese rule that he has condemned.
Hong’Ai, or Taktser as it is known in Tibetan, has long been on the receiving end of that official ambivalence. In the mid-1980s, when talks were proceeding reasonably well, the government rebuilt the Dalai Lama’s birthplace, which had been destroyed during the antireligious fervor of the Cultural Revolution.
In 2010, the local Communist Party poured 2.6 million renminbi, or about $410,000, into Hong’Ai, upgrading the town’s 54 residences, including the Dalai Lama’s homestead, with the aim of turning the place into a lucrative tourist attraction. The improvements included tall, white-tile gates for every home and a colorfully painted but imposing wall in front of the Dalai Lama’s home that prevents visitors from peering inside.
In an article about the town in 2010, the official Xinhua news agency boasted that the improvements to each house had cost more than 10 times as much as the average villager’s annual income. “Everyone was enthusiastic,” a township official was quoted as saying about the renovations.
Mr. Tashi, the caretaker, made out particularly well, having received a modern toilet to replace an arrangement that involved two planks over a trench. “Maybe when I am too old to squat, the flush toilet will be useful,” Xinhua reported him as saying.
Other official news accounts were slightly disparaging, calling him a “big shot” and pointing out that his family owns a car paid for with a handsome government salary augmented by visitor donations. Two of his three children, one article said, are Communist Party members.
That same account said that Mr. Tashi had visited his uncle twice in the 1990s in India and that he yearned for his return. “I miss him very much,” he said.
According to official figures, a majority of the town’s 274 residents are Han, and even those who describe themselves as Tibetan cannot speak their ancestral tongue. In his 1990autobiography, “Freedom in Exile,” the Dalai Lama said his family spoke no Tibetan, only a dialect of Mandarin. It was only when he and his family moved to Lhasa — after high-ranking lamas identified him as the reincarnation of the 13th Dalai Lama — that he learned the language.
In his book he described his hometown in bleak terms, recounting the crop failures and the harsh winters. His last visit was in 1955, four years before he fled to India during a failed uprising against Chinese rule.
Those who make it past Mr. Tashi’s temperamental door policy report that there are a few utilitarian rooms surrounding a courtyard, its center anchored by a pole draped in multicolored Tibetan prayer flags. Just as eye-catching is the late model Volkswagen, covered by plastic drop cloth, that sits in one corner. One room contains a bed, another a yellow throne and a Buddhist shrine.
Most of the two-story house is off limits to visitors, and the only nod to the Dalai Lama is a small painting of him on the ceiling. Photographs are forbidden.
Those villagers willing to speak to foreign visitors were proud of their connection to a man who, under different circumstances, might have been the most powerful religious figure in the land. A 46-year-old woman who gave her name as Chobai and described herself as a distant cousin said she had once traveled overland to India to visit him.
“We are all waiting for him to come back one day,” she said with a smile.
Another woman a few doors down offered a tour of her home and the shrine that includes two photographs of the Dalai Lama, a distant relative.
After a trio of Dutch tourists pounded on the front gate and refused to retreat, Mr. Tashi’s 45-year-old nephew stepped outside and watched with a mixture of curiosity and annoyance.
When the police failed to materialize, he seemed to relax as one of the tourists, Lisanne de Wit, described a recent visit to Dharamsala, India, where the Dalai Lama lives. Ms. de Wit, a 19-year-old theology student, then made one last plea for entry, describing how she had endured a weeklong bus ride from Sichuan Province to reach this corner of Qinghai.
The nephew shrugged and offered a sympathetic smile. “The order has come from above,” he said before shutting the door. “And there’s nothing you or I can do about it.”
Mia Li contributed research.

quarta-feira, 24 de agosto de 2011

Cuba: a via rapida da transicao ao capitalismo...

Primeiro leio a manchete e o headline:

Cuba: Raúl Castro muestra impaciencia por lento ritmo reformas
El presidente cubano, Raúl Castro, se ha mostrado impaciente en los últimos meses con el lento ritmo de las reformas económicas domésticas debido a la burocracia y a la resistencia a los cambios.

Eu não gostaria de me intrometer nos assuntos internos de Cuba, tanto porque nunca aconselhei nenhum governo a sair do paraíso socialista para entrar no purgatório capitalista (o que seria até covardia, com os true believers del hombre nuevo), mas eu me permitiria a observação seguinte:

Raul Castro (e com ele toda a gerontocracia cubana) não está, na verdade, tentando reformar Cuba, sequer tentando restaurar o capitalismo. Como ele mesmo disse, só estão tentando aperfeiçoar o socialismo, torná-lo menos desumano, digamos assim.
De fato, o que a gerontocracia senil do Partido Comunista Cubano está tentando fazer é prevenir o fim da mesada venezuelana e substituí-la por transferências de renda de própria população cubana em favor do partido, "legalizando" aparentemente algumas atividades -- venda de imóveis, pequenos negócios, "consultorias" independentes --, para poder cobrar imposto com alguma justificativa "social".
Afinal de contas, atualmente, esses antipatriotas cubanos roubam descaradamente o Estado e o Partido Comunista, sem sequer atentar para os princípios socialistas e os valores imutáveis do sistema: "de cada um segundo suas capacidades, a cada um segundo suas necessidades".
Como os cubanos já não acreditam mais nesses bons princípios, eles estão tentando convencê-los de que vale a pena trabalhar um pouco mais, e distribuir alguns rendimentos aos companheiros do Partido, que serão magnânimos a ponto de lhes conceder algum trabalho individual.

Bem, agora que já expliquei o que está acontecendo em Cuba, vamos para a notícia completa.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Cuba: Raúl Castro muestra impaciencia por lento ritmo reformas
Reuters (InfoLatAm)
La Habana, 23 de agosto de 2011

Las claves
Los cubanos tienen varias teorías sobre quiénes se oponen a las reformas, que van desde el ex presidente Fidel Castro hasta ciudadanos comunes que prefieren las cosas tal y como están.

El presidente cubano, Raúl Castro, se ha mostrado impaciente en los últimos meses con el lento ritmo de las reformas económicas domésticas debido a la burocracia y a la resistencia a los cambios.

En recientes declaraciones públicas, Castro acusó a los funcionarios del Gobierno de pereza, corrupción, negligencia y rigidez ideológica, al tiempo que instó a adoptar nuevas formas de pensar. [PRA: Uau! Esses funcionários públicos cubanos precisam aprender alguma coisa com os seus contrapartes brasileiros; que tal uma assessoria técnica do PT ao PCC?]

“Limpiémonos la cabeza de tonterías de todo tipo, no olviden que ya concluyó la primera década del siglo XXI, y es hora”, afirmó Castro con énfasis en un discurso ante la Asamblea Nacional (Parlamento) el 1 de agosto.

Las más de 300 reformas, algunas puestas ya en marcha aunque la mayoría aún pendientes, flexibilizan la línea de la economía de Cuba, de estilo soviético, y se centran en una mayor iniciativa privada, en la reducción de los subsidios y la descentralización de las empresas, así como en el recorte de un millón de empleos de las plantillas del Estado.

El objetivo es asegurar la continuidad del socialismo en la isla para cuando él y los principales líderes de su Gobierno no estén al frente del país.

Si bien ha sugerido paciencia en la implementación de los cambios en la isla, Castro dijo a la Asamblea Nacional que los problemas económicos mundiales requieren de mejoras más rápidas.

“El mayor obstáculo que enfrentamos (…) es la barrera psicológica formada por la inercia, el inmovilismo, la simulación o doble moral, la indiferencia e insensibilidad”, afirmó.
[PRA: Caramba! Pensei que isso não existisse no socialismo, só no capitalismo.]

En diciembre pasado, Castro, que reemplazó en la presidencia a su hermano Fidel en febrero del 2008, habló sin rodeos a la Asamblea Nacional sobre la falta de honradez en las filas del Gobierno.

“Hay que luchar por desterrar definitivamente la mentira y el engaño de la conducta de los cuadros (dirigentes), de cualquier nivel (…)”, destacó.

“NO MENTIR, NO ROBAR, NO SER HOLGAZAN” [PRA: Assim também já é demais.]
El mandatario mencionó seguidamente los tres principios de la civilización Inca -no mentir, no robar, no ser holgazán- y apuntó: “Están bien esos tres principios (…) Vamos a tratar de tenerlos presentes”.

En un congreso del gobernante Partido Comunista en abril, donde quedaron aprobadas las más de 300 reformas, Castro dijo que para preservar el socialismo cubano se “hace imprescindible cambiar la mentalidad (…) o lo que es lo mismo, desterrar el inmovilismo fundamentado en dogmas y consignas vacías”.

Pero a principios de este mes usó un lenguaje más fuerte frente a unos 600 diputados del Parlamento cuando dijo que a los funcionarios recalcitrantes y corruptos les sería mejor adaptarse a las reformas o pagarían un precio.

“Advierto que toda resistencia burocrática al estricto cumplimiento de los acuerdos del Congreso (…) será inútil”, destacó.

“Nunca he sido partidario del apresuramiento ni de los cambios bruscos (…) pero ante las violaciones a la Constitución (…) no queda otra alternativa que recurrir a la Fiscalía y los Tribunales, como ya empezamos a hacer”, agregó.

Los cubanos tienen varias teorías sobre quiénes se oponen a las reformas, que van desde el ex presidente Fidel Castro hasta ciudadanos comunes que prefieren las cosas tal y como están.

“La resistencia empieza con Fidel que piensa que todo el mundo debe ser igual”, dijo un miembro del Partido Comunista que requirió el anonimato.

Pero un trabajador de un restaurante culpó a los muchos años de ayuda del Gobierno. “Le han dado tanto a la gente que se han acostumbrado a no tener que trabajar”, dijo Ernesto Sáez.

Fidel ha apoyado públicamente las propuestas de su hermano, quien también dijo que “en tres o cuatro años, éste será el mejor país del mundo”.

[PRA: Se me permitem, gostaria de abrir um largo sorriso -- bota largo nisso -- ante esta última frase...]