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Mostrando postagens com marcador Espanha. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador Espanha. Mostrar todas as postagens

quarta-feira, 13 de dezembro de 2017

Espanha: de imperial a decadente, e agora ameacada de desmembramento - Manuel Muniz

A Espanha já foi um dos impérios mais poderosos do mundo. Começou a decair justamente por ser um império desmesurado, por ambição de seus dirigentes -- os imperadores que dominavam metade da Europa e metade do mundo, pelo menos teoricamente -- e pelo fato desses pretenderem ter mais do que podiam administrar, gastando recursos preciosos não para administrar bem o que já tinham, mas para aumentar ainda mais a extensão de seu poderio, em lugar de cuidar adequadamente da educação dos súditos espanhois. Foi derrotado pelo império americano em ascensão, e depois não conseguiu se corrigir no século XX, caindo ainda mais no enfrentamento das duas ideologias autoritárias desse "breve século XX", o fascismo e o comunismo. Triste Espanha, no dizer de Ortega y Gasset, invertebrada, talvez, mas sobretudo vítimas das ideologias. Pode ser que a Europa seja uma solução ao maior perigo que países ou impérios enfrentam: esse nacionalismo estreito, mas existe também outro, que é a mediocridade dos dirigentes, das elites... e esse perigo também é enfrentado por países não imperiais, como o Brasil.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 
Brasília, 13 de dezembro de 2017

Europe As A Solution To Nationalism




Manuel Muñiz
Manuel Muñiz
José Ortega y Gasset, one of Spain’s pre-eminent intellectuals of the 20th century, wrote in his 1922 seminal work “Invertebrate Spain” that what underpins the existence of nations is not a common history but rather a “compelling project for tomorrow”. For Ortega it was not a shared past that brought and kept diverse peoples together but a captivating vision for the future.
For him, Spain’s territorial decomposition, first with the loss of overseas possessions, and ultimately with the emergence of pro-independence movements in the Iberian Peninsula itself – mainly in Catalonia and the Basque Country – was a product of prolonged decline and the dissolution of the Imperial project. The Empire had acted for centuries as a centripetal force bringing together widely varied political communities under one same roof and justifying that co-existence through a civilizational narrative in which Spain’s role was central. As the Empire began to collapse this narrative was slowly eroded and different political communities started to build – or in some instances re-build – narratives of their own.
When one tries to understand the current troubles in Catalonia it is important to keep Ortega’s analysis in mind. It is no coincidence that Catalan pro-independence sentiment only began in earnest with the collapse of the Empire and that it has since ebbed and flowed according to the economic and political climate in Spain and Europe. The latest swing of that pendulum has been particularly strong. Before the financial crisis began in 2007 support among Catalans for an independent Catalonia was scarcely above 10%. Today, after what could be described as the worst economic crisis in recent Spanish history, it stands at just below 50%. This period of economic contraction has also seen a great deal of corruption scandals affecting national political leaders, political parties and institutions, which has strengthened the idea that Catalans might do better if they had their own state.

Original sin

The reason that led Ortega to write about nationalism was his deep concern about its consequences. He could see, just as many of his contemporaries, that in its desire to exacerbate national identities it carried the seeds of conflict. Nationalism lives off the creation of narratives that instead of including as many as possible seek to elevate a few over others that are depicted as different, inferior or less worthy. This is the reason why it flourishes in moments of pain and misery. Through the lens of nationalism, the origin of such evils is but the other, a certain minority, an external group or a corrupt political class. This adoration of the particular, of that which makes some people different to others, is nationalism’s original sin and the source of its many pernicious consequences.
Not all nationalists would subscribe to this description of their ideology and many believe their actions will in the end produce open and cosmopolitan societies. This is particularly true in the Catalan case with many pro-independence supporters proclaiming to be at the same time nationalists, liberals and globalists. And yet one cannot on the one hand proclaim the value of openness and on the other the impossibility of living within a democratic society shared by peoples that speak different languages or manifest different cultural traits. This is as contradictory as attempting to build a global Britain while at the same time extirpating the country from the world’s largest single market and its most diverse political community.
The parallels between the British and Spanish cases are actually startling in many regards. The United Kingdom was itself a product of the Imperial project. Perhaps the most powerful force that brought together the different nations of the British Isles was the prospect of empire. Scottish nationalism, despite its many claims to deeper roots, only really took hold after the 1950s and gained pace only after de-colonisation. Also, Scottish independence became a far more attractive proposition once the UK decided to leave the European Union and deprive the Scots of the overarching political framework they desired. By voting for Brexit the British hurt their Union more than they could have anticipated. This is particularly tragic in the case of English nationalists that in a display of great short-sightedness rabidly criticise European integration and at the same time praise British integration, when they are today more than ever two sides of the same coin.

Perverse politics

How one views the issue of diversity within a society is as a matter of fact one of the most defining features of one’s ideology. Those who find meaning in closed groups with strong and excluding identities are in one camp. Those that seek to build open, diverse and cosmopolitan societies are in the other. Given the historical record of nationalism and its perverse political and geopolitical consequences, it is somewhat startling to find people in the 21st century ascribing to the latter.
Ortega, himself a convinced liberal, was certain that nationalism was a force to be contained. He believed that imperialism was also perverse and that even though it had provided a solid narrative for the existence of numerous European nations, it did so at the expense of the rights of many others. So, for him the only solution to the troubles affecting Spain and other European powers was European political integration. Only together could Europeans build a peaceful and prosperous project and to matter in the world. He suggested moving in the direction of a European Union with a common foreign and defence policy and others. The alternative would be division, mistrust and ultimately conflict. It is of course tragic that Europeans opted at first for the latter and began two wars that ended up engulfing the entire world and costing millions of lives. It was from the ashes of those wars that the European integration spirit re-emerged in the 1950s.
The ultimate solution to the Catalan problem – and to that of many of Europe’s secessionist movements – is, therefore, the construction of a compelling political project for tomorrow and in particular the completion of a federal Europe. The European goal of an ever-closer union is now more important than ever. The alternative is not just a weaker EU but quite probably the breakup of many European states, dissension and conflict.

quarta-feira, 1 de fevereiro de 2017

James Steuart merece um coloquio, 250 anos depois? Em Sevilha, certamente...

Please note that the deadline for abstract submission for the conference,
JAMES STEUART AND AN ECONOMY WITHOUT INVISIBLE HANDS
Seville, 26-27 October 2017
has been extended to 15 February 2017.
https://www.upo.es/econ/Steuart/

Abstract submission is now open for a conference to be held in Seville on the 26-27 October 2017, to commemorate the 250th anniversary of the publication of An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Œconomy (1767). Please send an abstract of no more than 500 words to José Manuel Menudo, at jmmenpac@upo.es no later than 15 February 2017 (extended deadline).

The decision on acceptances will be sent to authors by 15 March 2017. The deadline for submission of full papers is 15 September 2017. Papers may be written in English, in Spanish or in French. The scientific committee offers a number of grants to young scholars interested in participating at the Conference.

James Steuart (1713 -1780) published An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Œconomy in 1767, the first systematic treatise on economics as a science, nine years before Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations.  The conference aims at discussing different approaches to the analysis of Steuart’s oeuvre within the context of the writings of other 18th-century authors (1680 to 1830). Steuart’s economic thought will be presented as an alternative approach to many key developments in economic theory.

Authors are invited to examine various aspects of the life, works and influence of James Steuart, including his links to other authors who conceive – as Steuart did – the economic system of “natural liberty” as an artificial creation.  Submissions are welcome in areas such as:
−    James Steuart and the World of the Enlightenment. The bank of Amsterdam, the East India Company, the Scottish parliament or the House of Stuart.
−    James Steuart and the physiocrats. Similarities and contrasts or the relationship between Steuart and the members of Quesnay's group/movement.
−    The diffusion of James Steuart’s works around the world. The reception of Steuart’s ideas and the translation of his works.
−    The authors opposed to Adam Smith's apologetic stance (in particular the theorists of the 18th and 19th centuries), that there is an invisible hand which coordinates needs and which underpins the unintended social benefits of individual actions.
−    James Steuart and Money. Real price and money price, the anti-quantity theory of money, fiat money and payment systems.
−    James Steuart's statesman. Subordination and dependence in hierarchical societies, response to social relations that are in continual flux, the duties of an active statesman, the imbalance between supply and demand, and the plan of political economy.

Scientific Committee: Manuela Albertone (Università di Torino), Christopher Berry (University of Glasgow), Jean Cartelier (Université de Paris X), Yutaka Furuya (Tohoku University), Rebeca Gomez Betancourt (Université Lyon 2), Claudia Jefferies (City, University of London), Alexandre Mendes Cunha (Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais), José M. Menudo (Universidad Pablo de Olavide), Bertram Schefold (Goethe University), Claire Silvant (Université Lyon 2), André Tiran (Université Lyon 2), Keith Tribe (Independent Scholar) and Ramón Tortajada (Université Grenoble-Alpes)

terça-feira, 30 de agosto de 2016

Espanha: sua importancia para o Brasil - Seminario na Funag, 31/08, 9h30-12h00

Seminário com a participação de:
Embaixador Sérgio Eduardo Moreira Lima, presidente da Funag: Abertura
Embaixador Seixas Corrêa: Brasil-Espanha nos tempos da União Ibérica (1580-1640)
Prof. José Carlos Brandi Aleixo: Anchieta e a influência dos jesuitas na educação
Vamireh Chacon: Ortega y Gasset e o pensamento espanhol no Brasil
Embaixador da Espanha Manuel de la Camara Hermoso: Relações Brasil-Espanha: atualidade e perspectivas
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segunda-feira, 18 de abril de 2016

Guerra Civil na Espanha (1936-39): Adam Hochschild (book excerpt, Delanceyplace)

Today's selection -- from Spain in Our Hearts by Adam Hochschild.
In 1936, Spain was still a new and fragile democracy when Francisco Franco led a military uprising of "Nationalists" against the government's "Republican" army, inaugurating the brutal, three-year Spanish Civil War. The government was the left-leaning Second Spanish Republic, and the Nationalists were supported by a number of conservative groups, including monarchists such as the religious conservative (Catholic) Carlists, and the Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-wing Groups. An estimated 500,000 people died in the war, including thousands upon thousands of civilians from murder, torture, and starvation. It is believed that the government of General Francisco Franco executed 100,000 Republican prisoners after the war, and another 35,000 Republicans died in concentration camps in the years that followed the war. The war was the chilling inspiration for such works as Picasso's painting Guernica and Hemingway's novel For Whom the Bell Tolls:

"[In 1938, Spain] is in flames. For nearly two years, the fractious but democratically elected government of the Spanish Republic has been defending itself against a military uprising led by Francisco Franco and backed by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Franco, who has given himself the title of Generalissimo, has a framed photograph of Adolf Hitler on his desk and has spoken of Germany as 'a model which we will always keep before us.'

Guernica, Pablo Picasso

"The skies above the Ebro this dawn are dark with warplanes, state-of-the-art fighters and bombers, flown by German pilots, that the Fuhrer has sent the Generalissimo. On the ground, tanks and soldiers from Italy, some of the nearly 80,000 troops the dictator Benito Mussolini will loan Franco, have helped launch the greatest offensive of the war. A powerful drive from the western two thirds of the country, which Franco controls, its goal is to reach the Mediterranean, splitting the remaining territory of the Spanish Republic in two.

"Franco's prolonged battle for power is the fiercest conflict in Eu­rope since the First World War, marked by a vindictive savagery not seen even then. His forces have bombed cities into rubble, tortured political opponents, murdered people for belonging to labor unions, machine-gunned hospital wards full of wounded, branded Republi­can women on their breasts with the emblem of his movement, and carried out death sentences with the garrote, a medieval iron collar used to strangle its victim.

"Battered by the new offensive, the Republic's soldiers are retreat­ing chaotically, streaming eastward before Franco's troops, tanks, and bombers. In some places, his rapidly advancing units have leapfrogged ahead. The Republican forces include thousands of volunteers from other countries, many of them Americans. Some have already been killed. Franco has just announced that any foreign volunteers taken prisoner will be shot."

Spain in Our Hearts: Americans in the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939
Author: Adam Hochschild
Publisher: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt
Copyright 2016 by Adam Hochschild
Pages xiii-xiv

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