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terça-feira, 4 de fevereiro de 2025

O Brasil na New York Review of Books, de 2002 (Kenneth Maxwell) a 2025 (Christopher de Bellaigue)

The New York Review of Books <newsletters@nybooks.com> 

Enviada por: Mauricio Dias David 

terça-feira, 4 de fevereiro de 2025

 

Christopher de Bellaigue on Brazil’s Future ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌

The New York Review of Books

For our February 27 issue, Christopher de Bellaigue traveled to Brazil in order to document how, in a decade in which one president was impeached, another was imprisoned after leaving office, and a third fomented an attempted coup, “the politicization of the law and the sleaziness of public life have left Brazilians deeply skeptical of their institutions.”

Bellaigue crisscrosses the country—visiting, among other places, the Square of the Three Powers in Brasília; the world headquarters of the Pentecostal Church of Deus é Amor in São Paulo; the metalworkers’ union in Sao Bernardo do Campo where the current president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, got his start; a cattle town in Mato Grosso; the soybean megafarms of Bahia; and, back in São Paulo, a fundraiser where he meets Jair Bolsonaro, “wearing a blue shirt and his biggest, most infantile smile”—and finds shrinking aquifers, the ashes of severe wildfires, powerful agribusiness and evangelical caucuses, a resurgent right wing, and no one in line to replace an aging leftist president.

Below, alongside Bellaigue’s essay, we have collected five articles from our archives about Brazil’s recent history.

 

Supporters of former president Jair Bolsonaro storming the presidential palace a week after the inauguration of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva

Christopher de Bellaigue
Brazil: The Threat from the Right

Former president Jair Bolsonaro and his allies have brought violence into Brazilian political discourse, with consequences that will endure.

 

 

 

Towels for sale featuring presidential candidates Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Jair Bolsonaro, São Paulo, Brazil, September 2022

Vanessa Barbara
Brazil at the Crossroads

Lula’s election comes as a relief to many Brazilians, but in this historically violent and unequal country, a void in the democratic field endures.

—February 23, 2023

 

Jair Bolsonaro, center, at a meeting with religious leaders in São Paulo, October 22, 2022

Vincent Bevins
Bigger than Bolsonaro

After four years in power, a movement created by elite campaigns has built a mass base.

—October 28, 2022

 

Jair Bolsonaro; drawing by Siegfried Woldhek

Larry Rohter
Brazil’s Brutal Messiah

“Bolsonaro, a truculent sixty-three-year-old congressional deputy from a small fringe party whom some have already taken to calling ‘the Trump of the Tropics,’ owed his ascent to a coalition that included the São Paulo financial elite, the rural landed interests that have devastated the Amazon over the past fifty years, and a growing population of evangelicals. But what put him over the top was the support of urban middle-class voters disgusted by rampant corruption, rising crime rates, and what at least some of them view as the coddling of the darker-skinned poor in recent years.”

—December 6, 2018

 

 

 

Cacareco, a Rhinoceros

Lilia M. Schwarcz
Politically Incorrect: Brazil’s Clown-Elect

“The unpredictable behavior of Brazilian voters can also lead to more baffling outcomes. In 1959, for example, Cacareco, a placid, middle-aged rhinoceros at the São Paulo zoo, was voted onto the city council, having won over 100,000 votes—and this is only the most famous case in Brazil’s long history of ‘protest votes.’ Cacerco has been succeeded by other non-existent candidates, along with candidates from outside the sphere of professional politics, such as soccer players, fashion designers, TV stars, brash pop singers, faded ex-models, and various C-list celebrities with zero knowledge or experience of political life.”

—October 14, 2010

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva; drawing by David Levine

Kenneth Maxwell
Brazil: Lula’s Prospects

“To understand Lula it is essential to realize that he is at the core a union man, a tough labor negotiator, a deep believer in the power of listening to different sectors of opinion and conciliating divergent interests through debate, a formidable forger of consensus, and a leader with a charismatic ability thereafter to mobilize the crowds in the direction chosen.”

—December 5, 2002

 

 

Dica de Leitura (1977) de Mauricio David: o mito Ché Guevara

 Review

Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life; Companero: The Life and Death of Che Guevara; The Motorcycle Diaries: A Journey Around South America

Reviewed by Kenneth Maxwell

November/December 1997Published on November 1, 1997

Jon Lee Anderson spent over five years researching his remarkable book on the life of Che Guevara, including a lengthy period in Cuba where he had access to government archives and many of Guevara's friends and family. His investigations and interviews in Bolivia led directly to the revelation that Guevara had not been cremated, as was often claimed, but had in fact been buried near a dirt airstrip outside the tiny mountain town of Vallegrande in central Bolivia. Anderson traces Guevara's life from his spoiled and rebellious youth in Argentina, through his adventures and misadventures in Guatemala and Mexico, to the success of the Cuban revolution. Anderson's account is well rounded and far from uncritical. Guevara's role as a hard-line orchestrator of the firing squads that dispatched perceived enemies is well described, as is his later estrangement from Castro and distrust of the Soviet Union. The book concludes with graphic accounts of the hitherto murky episode of Guevara's African debacles, and the grim story of his disastrous Bolivia insurgency, capture, and murder.

Castaneda covers much of the same ground in his fine life and death of Guevara, and while his book lacks the journalistic flair and hard legwork so evident in Anderson's account, he does often provide more context and much more comprehensive and explicit documentation. Castaneda seeks to explain the enduring mythos of Guevara and his role in the iconography of the generation of the 1960s worldwide. Anderson and Castaneda in this way complement each other, and both books deserve to be read sequentially.

There is very little political orthodoxy in Guevara's marvelously evocative, at times picaresque, and always fresh account of his journey through South America as he turned 24 years of age, a young man like many of his epoch moved by a grandly romanticized and burning desire to change the world, but unlike many others one who actually did something about it. These aspirations, reflected more clearly in his own words than in his biographies, provide the answer perhaps to the secret of his enduring appeal.

 


 

Companero: The Life and Death of Che Guevara  (Capa comum – Ilustrado, 27 outubro 1998)

Edição Inglês  por Jorge G Casta Eda (Autor)

 

By the time he was killed in the jungles of Bolivia, where his body was displayed like a deposed Christ, Ernesto "Che" Guevara had become a synonym for revolution everywhere from Cuba to the barricades of Paris. This extraordinary biography peels aside the veil of the Guevara legend to reveal the charismatic, restless man behind it.

Drawing on archival materials from three continents and on interviews with Guevara's family and associates, Castaneda follows Che from his childhood in the Argentine middle class through the years of pilgrimage that turned him into a committed revolutionary. He examines Guevara's complex relationship with Fidel Castro, and analyzes the flaws of character that compelled him to leave Cuba and expend his energies, and ultimately his life, in quixotic adventures in the Congo and Bolivia. A masterpiece of scholarship, Companero is the definitive portrait of a figure who continues to fascinate and inspire the world over.


  1. Número de páginas

496 páginas

  1. Idioma

Inglês

  1. Editora

Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group

  1. Data da publicação

27 outubro 1998

Descrição do produto

Capa Interna

By the time he was killed in the jungles of Bolivia, where his body was displayed like a deposed Christ, Ernesto "Che" Guevara had become a synonym for revolution everywhere from Cuba to the barricades of Paris. This extraordinary biography peels aside the veil of the Guevara legend to reveal the charismatic, restless man behind it.

Drawing on archival materials from three continents and on interviews with Guevara's family and associates, Castaneda follows Che from his childhood in the Argentine middle class through the years of pilgrimage that turned him into a committed revolutionary. He examines Guevara's complex relationship with Fidel Castro, and analyzes the flaws of character that compelled him to leave Cuba and expend his energies, and ultimately his life, in quixotic adventures in the Congo and Bolivia. A masterpiece of scholarship, Companero is the definitive portrait of a figure who continues to fascinate and inspire the world over.

Dica de leitura de Mauricio David: "American Leadership Is Good for the Global South" - Jorge G. Castañeda (FA)

 Dica de leitura : “A liderança americana é boa para o Sul Global – Porque o Mundo necessita que se fortaleça – e não se desfaça – a liderança dos Estados Unidos na Ordem Internacional ( por Jorge Castañeda, ex-chanceler do México, atualmente professor da Sciences Po-Paris, autor de uma reputada biografia do Che Guevara

MD

 

American Leadership Is Good for the Global South

Why the World Needs to Strengthen—Not Unwind—the U.S.-Led International Order 

Jorge G. Castañeda

February 4, 2025


Flags fluttering in Washington, D.C., November 2024Benoit Tessier / Reuters

JORGE G. CASTAÑEDA teaches at Sciences Po, in Paris, and is Global Distinguished Professor of Politics and Latin American and Caribbean Studies at New York University and the author of America Through Foreign Eyes. He served as Mexico’s Secretary of Foreign Affairs from 2000 to 2003.

 

The return of Donald Trump to the White House has been cast by many observers as the end of an era. The U.S.-led order, variously described as the rules-based order or the liberal international order, which rose to its feet after World War II and strode triumphantly around the world after the end of the Cold War, is no more. Indeed, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio described that order as “obsolete” during his confirmation hearings in January. A stark vision of the world has emerged in its absence: one in which national interest alone governs international relations, transaction is the name of the game, and might makes right.

For many in the developing world, the death of the U.S.-led order seems nothing to mourn. After all, as these countries often point out, the liberal international order was frequently not liberal, international, or ordered. It also struggled to include non-Western countries in meaningful ways. The governments of so-called middle powers, such as Brazil and India, have long complained that global institutions and structures remain disproportionately aligned with the interests of wealthy countries to the detriment of all others.

The global South is an amorphous and much-debated category, encompassing a very broad range of countries. Simply put, it describes the vast majority of the world’s people, living in countries that were by and large once colonized in Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America. Some observers add China to the mix—in the United Nations, China is listed as a member of the G-77, the coalition of developing countries—but its inclusion is confusing. The world’s main manufacturing economy can hardly be considered a developing country, even if Beijing insists to the contrary. But what seems to unite this enormous grouping of states is a shared dissatisfaction with the international order as it exists.

One way global South countries want to change that order is by reforming multilateral institutions, such as the UN Security Council, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, to make them more representative. That effort faces serious headwinds and seems unlikely to yield meaningful results in the near future. But these countries have also signaled an interest in replacing the dollar as a reserve currency and an instrument for trade. And wittingly or not, they are carrying China’s water by supporting its positions on contentious issues related to the environment, human rights, and democratic governance. In an era of great-power competition, such advocacy from the global South risks playing into Beijing’s hands, abetting China’s rise and speeding the United States’ decline.

Parte superior do formulário

This is a misguided, contradictory, and unnecessary effort. Instead of seeking a new international order, the global South should try to make the current one work—even as the new occupant of the White House seems ready to jettison international norms. Indeed, Trump’s reelection makes such a focus more urgent, even if the global South can’t expect great results while he is in office. The rules-based order may have been riddled with inconsistencies, but at least it had rules, especially in the form of international treaties aimed at securing the common good. It is in the interests of the global South to uphold and strengthen these treaties. The current international order needs much greater commitment from the United States; the world does not require less American involvement, but rather a good deal more.

A world regulated and organized around clear, well-defined, and rigorous laws that are respected by all, especially by the most powerful and wealthy, is much to the advantage of the globe’s poorer countries. Whether it be on trade, human rights, women’s rights, the environment, disarmament, labor, or mining on land or in the sea, international law often favors weak, poor, and small countries. Turning away from the U.S.-led order and bolstering China would do little to protect international law. Indeed, it would invite the steady erosion of what has been the world’s most successful legal regime and leave the global South vulnerable to a more dangerous law altogether: the law of the jungle.

AN INCOMPLETE ORDER

It is abundantly clear that the United States has retreated from the order it built after World War II, a move that will likely only gain speed under Trump. The United Nations remains the paradigmatic institution of that order and a key place for the global South to advance its interests. Trump’s decision to appoint the combative Republican lawmaker Elise Stefanik as his UN ambassador suggests that the president wants to take an adversarial stance toward the organization. But even before Trump’s reelection, the United States had been systematically reducing its participation in the UN, its agencies, and other multilateral institutions.

The United States has once again exited the World Health Organization after initially leaving the institution during Trump’s first term. In the past, U.S. governments have withdrawn from and suspended dues payments to UNESCO, the UN’s cultural body. Prior administrations have repeatedly refused to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice and insisted that they cannot comply with the court’s rulings. The United States withdrew from the International Labor Organization in the 1970s and has ratified only 14 of its 189 conventions. Trump has again left the Paris climate accord after initially pulling the country out during his first term.

On global trade and other economic matters, the United States has recklessly undermined the system it built. Trump’s tariff wars with both longtime partners and adversaries are only the latest example of a growing tendency to turn away from free trade. Take, for example, U.S. neglect of the World Trade Organization. Since 2017, Washington has not appointed panel members to the WTO’s dispute settlement mechanism, paralyzing a body that is supposed to iron out disagreements over global trade. This practice began during Trump’s first term but continued during the Biden administration and will likely remain an obstacle with Trump back in the White House.

The United States is not contemplating withdrawing from the International Monetary Fund or the World Bank, but it has made reforming them exceedingly difficult. It took Congress five years to approve the last reform of IMF voting rights and quotas in 2010, when the fund approved a six percent shift in quota shares to underrepresented IMF members. Since 2010, further reform has proved nearly impossible. Much as reform of the UN Security Council remains stalled, so, too, does reform of the IMF and the World Bank—institutions long dominated by the West. Both organizations seem unlikely to cede much weight to global South countries. And it’s highly doubtful that the new Trump administration will want to expend any kind of political capital further opening these institutions.

The world does not require less American involvement, but rather a good deal more.

This neglect of its role in major organizations is less significant than how the United States has failed to uphold international law. U.S. lawmakers have habitually refused to ratify the treaties advanced by presidents and other U.S. politicians. The list begins with the League of Nations, which was approved in 1919 by all the participants at the Versailles Conference, including U.S. President Woodrow Wilson. The Senate rejected it the next year and the United States never joined the League, the first in what would become a long sequence of international agreements that Washington signed but did not ratify, signed and then withdrew from, or never signed in the first place.

More recently, the United States has failed to ratify the Arms Trade Treaty, which seeks to control the trade in conventional weapons and entered into force in 2014, as well as the multilateral trade agreement known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which the United States signed in 2016 but never ratified and from which Trump would eventually withdraw. Domestic opposition has also proved an insurmountable barrier to ratifying climate treaties, such as the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, making implausible an overarching climate compact—that is why the 2015 Paris climate accord was simply an accord, not an “agreement.”

U.S. lawmakers have resisted ratification of major treaties for several reasons. These include concerns about compromising national sovereignty, upsetting the American system of federalism that leaves certain matters to the states, and duplicating existing domestic legislation. That reluctance to commit to treaties has no doubt undermined the construction of a credible international order. Take, for instance, the International Criminal Court. In 2000, U.S. President Bill Clinton signed the Rome Statute that created the court; it was never ratified, and his successor, President George W. Bush, removed the U.S. signature, making the emergence of a far-reaching and capable ICC practically impossible. To be sure, in some cases, Washington abides by the provisions of these treaties even if it hasn’t ratified them, including the Arms Trade Treaty. That might be better than not observing these treaties, but it always raised the question of how the United States could criticize other non-ratifiers for violating the articles of a given convention if it had not ratified the convention itself. It also made the United States into something of a free rider: Washington enjoyed the benefits of a system of international rules without assuming any responsibility for supporting or enforcing them.

Consider the American Convention on Human Rights, adopted by many countries in the Western Hemisphere in 1969 and signed but not ratified by the United States. The U.S. failure to ratify this treaty has inevitably weakened the defense of human rights in Latin America, allowing dictatorships and democratic backsliders greater impunity. Such instruments are especially needed now, when human rights are threatened in many parts of the hemisphere, including in the United States.

For countries in the global South, this American disinterest in the preservation of the postwar order U.S. leaders helped build is only bad news. It is in the interests of poorer and less powerful countries to have a firm structure of international law mediating the conduct of states. Take, for instance, the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, which set up the International Seabed Authority headquartered in Jamaica. The United States never signed this convention. Poorer coastal countries lack the technology and capital to scoop up manganese nodules and other crucial minerals that lie on the sea floor. Rich countries have both the technology and the funds. Unlike the Arms Trade Treaty, the United States does not abide by many of the provisions of UNCLOS, particularly regarding seabed mining. An international ocean regime that regulates mining and the exploitation of the seabed and encourages the sharing of its resources is far better for the global South than a free-for-all in which anything goes.

FINISH THE JOB

It might be impossible to reform the Security Council, the IMF, the World Bank, and other fixtures of the current international order. But convincing the United States to sign and ratify this panoply of international instruments might be plausible. Washington has either failed to ratify or chosen to withdraw from nearly 50 major treaties. Under Trump and with the resurgence of isolationism among Republicans—and with treaty ratification requiring two-thirds support in the Senate—their formal approval seems a very distant prospect.

That should not stop global South countries from trying to pressure the United States to renovate the house it built. They can play a constructive role in encouraging the United States to better uphold the rules-based order. They are quick to condemn Washington for its hypocrisy, but they don’t do anything to persuade the United States to better adhere to the rules that define the U.S.-led order itself. Instead, they should use a commonplace method in Washington to change opinions and facilitate legislation: lobbying.

Americans, and Republican legislators especially, tend to dislike the meddling of foreigners in their affairs. But many countries have begun taking their cases to Washington to shape bilateral relations. China, India, the Gulf states, and the larger European countries all hire expensive and highly reputed lobbying and white-shoe law firms to advance their interests in Congress. Canada has done so on a large scale, on everything from dairy products to lumber, fishing, and border regulations. Mexico lobbied U.S. legislators intensely and successfully in 1993 to win passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement. In principle, such practices could extend to persuading the United States to ratify international agreements. Countries that are not aligned with China, such as Brazil, India, Mexico, Nigeria, and South Africa, could take the lead in this effort, striving to convince U.S. lawmakers that they should help complete, rather than unwind, the rules-based order. Such ratifications would win Washington a great deal of goodwill in the global South—and undermine Beijing.

This would not be a short-term task; it would take a decade at least and require navigating the complexities of the Trump administration and subsequent dispensations. But with skill and sufficient resources and patience, such an effort could produce meaningful results. The global South should make clear to the United States that the only way it can weather the Chinese (and Russian) challenge is through alliances and partnerships that reach beyond the traditional West. One of the best ways to build and consolidate those ties is by ensuring respect for international law.

A global South with a more universalist and constructive agenda could make a real difference. Its leading countries, through their growing size, wealth, and prestige, could help build a world order that is not only more just but more codified, regulated, and respectful of international law. The law can be a tremendous instrument for reducing inequality within countries; so, too, can it achieve the same result among countries. A world of treaties and international law will be far better than one without them.


O Acrônimo da Discórdia (na França): o Mercosul - Jean-Luc Demarty, François Kalfon (Institut Montaigne)

 

DeepSeek's Secret to Success - JORDAN SCHNEIDER (China Talk)

 DeepSeek's Secret to Success

How it broke the China tech mold

Guest piece by JS Tan, a PhD Candidate at MIT’s international development program, researching the political economy of innovation in the US and China with a focus on cloud computing. He was previously a software engineer and writes on substack here. 

As of December 2024, DeepSeek was relatively unknown.

Then its base model, DeepSeek V3, outperformed leading open-source models, and R1 broke the internet. No easy feat when operating with less compute than western labs.¹

Their breakthroughs raise two key questions:

  1. How did DeepSeek outcompete Chinese AI incumbents, who have thrown far more money and people at building frontier models?

  2. What does DeepSeek’s success tell us about China’s broader tech innovation model?

DeepSeek’s success is not just a product of technical ingenuity, but also deeply rooted in its unique approach to labor relations. Chinese tech firms are known for their grueling work schedules, rigid hierarchies, and relentless internal competition. DeepSeek’s flat management structure, in contrast, focuses on empowering its workers with autonomy and creating a collaborative environment.

DeepSeek is hardly a product of China’s innovation system. The company is neither a state-led project nor a direct beneficiary of China’s AI-focused industrial policies. Rather, it was self-funded by a former hedge-fund manager and emerged from the periphery of China’s tech landscape. While DeepSeek makes it look as though China has secured a solid foothold in the future of AI, it is premature to claim that DeepSeek’s success validates China’s innovation system as a whole.

How DeepSeek Broke the Tired 996 Playbook

To appreciate why DeepSeek’s approach to labor relations is unique, we must first understand the Chinese tech-industry norm.

Perhaps the most notable aspect of China’s tech sector is its long-practiced “996 work regime” — 9 a.m. to 9 p.m., six days a week. This workplace culture emerged during the rise of China’s digital economy in the mid-2000s and solidified during the hyper-competitive years that followed. Employees are kept on a tight leash, subject to stringent reporting requirements (often submitting weekly or even daily reports), and expected to clock in and out of the office to prevent them from “stealing time” from their employers. Employers set demanding key performance indicators (KPIs) and practice “stack ranking,” a performance management system where employees are ranked against each other.²

Since the mid-2010s, these grueling hours and draconian management practices were a staple of China’s tech industry. The long hours were considered a basic requirement to catch up to the United States, while the industry’s punitive management practices were seen as a necessity to squeeze maximum value out of workers.

Indeed, speed and the ability to rapidly iterate were paramount during China’s digital growth years, when companies were focused on aggressive user growth and market expansion. The primary goal was to quickly and continuously roll out new features and products to outpace competitors and capture market share. This relentless pursuit of expansion demanded a workforce that functioned like a well-oiled machine. As a result, employees were treated less as innovators and more as cogs in a machine, each performing a narrowly defined role to contribute to the company’s overarching growth objectives.

Such labor relations can be seen at Pinduoduo, a rising challenger to Alibaba’s dominance in e-commerce. The company is infamous for requiring an extreme version of the 996 work culture, with reports suggesting that employees work even longer hours, sometimes up to 380 hours per month. Management uses digital-surveillance tools — including location-tracking systems — to measure employee productivity. Even bathroom breaks are scrutinized, with employees reporting that prolonged absences can trigger disciplinary action. Those who fail to meet performance benchmarks risk demotion, loss of bonuses, or even termination, leading to a culture of fear and relentless pressure to outperform each other.

Since the late 2010s, however, China’s internet-user growth has plateaued, and key digital services — such as food delivery, e-commerce, social media, and gaming — have reached saturation. Those developments have put the efficacy of this model under strain.

But instead of focusing on developing new value-added digital innovations, most firms in the tech sector, even after public backlash about the 996 working schedule, have doubled down on squeezing their workforce, cutting costs, and relying on business models driven by price competition. This approach comes at a cost: stifling creativity, discouraging independent problem-solving, and ultimately hindering China’s ability to engage in long-term innovation-based competition.

New Approach to Talent

DeepSeek’s approach to labor relations represents a radical departure from China’s tech-industry norms. Since its founding in 2023, the company has eschewed the hierarchical and control-heavy management practices standard across China’s tech sector. Instead, it has built a workplace culture centered on flat management, academic-style collaboration, and autonomy for young talent.

The team size is deliberately kept small, at about 150 employees, and management roles are de-emphasized. Research groups are formed based on specific goals, with no fixed hierarchies or rigid roles. Team members focus on tasks they excel at, collaborating freely and consulting experts across groups when challenges arise. This approach ensures that every idea with potential receives the resources it needs to flourish. Liang Wenfeng 梁文峰, the company’s founder, noted that “everyone has unique experiences and comes with their own ideas. They don’t need pushing. … When an idea shows potential, we allocate resources from the top down.” To that end, DeepSeek actively avoids the performative aspects of traditional tech workplaces. There are no weekly reports, no internal competitions that pit employees against each other, and famously, no KPIs.

On the human capital front: DeepSeek has focused its recruitment efforts on young but high-potential individuals over seasoned AI researchers or executives. Many of DeepSeek’s researchers, including those who contributed to the groundbreaking V3 model, joined the company fresh out of top universities, often with little to no prior work experience. Said one headhunter to a Chinese media outlet who worked with DeepSeek, “they look for 3-5 years of work experience at the most. Any more than 8 and you’re just a ‘pass’ for them.” Liang explains the bias towards youth: “We need people who are extremely passionate about technology, not people who are used to using experience to find answers. Real innovation often comes from people who don't have baggage.” While other Chinese tech firms also prefer younger candidates, that’s more because they don’t have families and can work longer hours than for their lateral thinking.

Heavy emphasis is placed on educational background and competition achievements. The company is known to reject candidates who’ve achieved anything but gold in programming or math competitions. And beyond a cultural commitment to open source, DeepSeek attracts talent with money and compute, beating salaries offered by Bytedance and promising to allocate compute for the best ideas rather than to the most experienced researchers.

This hiring practice contrasts with state-backed firms like Zhipu, whose recruiting strategy has been to poach high-profile seasoned industry recruits — such as former Microsoft and Alibaba veteran Hu Yunhua 胡云华 — to bolster its credibility and drive tech transfer from incumbents.

[Jordan: this strategy has worked wonders for Chinese industrial policy in the semiconductor industry. Poaching experienced talent from TSMC and Samsung has been integral to SMIC, Huawei and CXMT’s success. But AI engineering is in a unique moment where young lateral thinking often trumps talent trained in the pre-transformer era.]

DeepSeek’s success highlights that the labor relations underpinning technological development are critical for innovation. While many of China’s tech giants have focused on squeezing maximum output from overworked employees, DeepSeek has demonstrated the transformative potential of a supportive and empowering workplace culture. By breaking away from the hierarchical, control-driven norms of the past, the company has unlocked the creative potential of its workforce, allowing it to achieve results that outstrip its better-funded competitors.

An Outlier in China’s Innovation Landscape

Like its approach to labor, DeepSeek’s funding and corporate-governance structure is equally unconventional. Unlike many of its peers, the company didn’t rely on state-backed initiatives or investments from tech incumbents. Instead, its former hedge fund founder essentially bankrolled the company. The company’s origins are in the financial sector, emerging from High-Flyer, a Chinese hedge fund also co-founded by Liang Wenfeng. DeepSeek itself emerged from High-Flyer’s pivot into AI after the 2021 regulatory crackdown on speculative trading. As a result of this setup, DeepSeek’s research funding came entirely from its hedge fund parent’s R&D budget. This unique funding arrangement means that the company could operate independently of the constraints often associated with state or corporate funding. In this way, DeepSeek is a complete outlier.

Once again, let’s contrast this with the Chinese AI startup, Zhipu. Zhipu is not only state-backed (by Beijing Zhongguancun Science City Innovation Development, a state-backed investment vehicle) but has also secured substantial funding from VCs and China’s tech giants, including Tencent and Alibaba — both of which are designated by China’s State Council as key members of the “national AI teams.” In this way, Zhipu represents the mainstream of China’s innovation ecosystem: it is closely tied to both state institutions and industry heavyweights.

DeepSeek, by comparison, has remained on the periphery, carving out a path free from the institutional expectations and rigid frameworks that often accompany mainstream scrutiny. Its funding model — self-financed by its founder rather than reliant on state or corporate backing — has allowed the company to operate with a level of autonomy rarely seen in China’s tech sector.

Tech Transfer vs. Indigenous Innovation

This brings us to a larger question: how does DeepSeek’s success fit into ongoing debates about Chinese innovation? And how must we update our perspectives on Chinese innovation to account for DeepSeek?

The debate around Chinese innovation often flip-flops between two starkly opposing views: China is doomed versus China is the next technology superpower. As I see it, this divide is about a fundamental disagreement on the source of China’s growth — whether it relies on technology transfer from advanced economies or thrives on its indigenous ability to innovate.

  • Those who believe China’s success depends on access to foreign technology would argue that, in today’s fragmented, nationalist economic climate (especially under a Trump administration willing to disrupt global value chains), China faces an existential risk of being cut off from critical modern technologies. From this perspective, isolation from the West would deal a devastating blow to the country’s ability to innovate.

  • On the other hand, those who believe Chinese growth stems from the country’s ability to cultivate indigenous capabilities would see American technology bans, sanctions, tariffs, and other barriers as accelerants, rather than obstacles, to Chinese growth. In this view, such restrictions compel Chinese firms to innovate, upgrade, and develop homegrown technological solutions, ultimately strengthening China’s self-reliance and long-term competitiveness.

[See also Nancy Yu’s piece on China’s industrial policy.]

So far, this debate has primarily unfolded in the context of advanced manufacturing sectors, from solar PV to batteries, and, more recently, electric vehicles. In the early stages — starting in the US-China trade wars of Trump’s first presidency — the technology transfer perspective was dominant: the prevailing theory was that Chinese firms needed to first acquire fundamental technologies from the West, leveraging this know-how to scale up production and outcompete global rivals. So the initial restrictions placed on Chinese firms, unsurprisingly, were seen as a major blow to China’s trajectory. China’s dominance in solar PV, batteries and EV production, however, has shifted the narrative to the indigenous innovation perspective, with local R&D and homegrown technological advancements now seen as the primary drivers of Chinese competitiveness.

When it comes to China’s tech industry, its success is portrayed as a result of technology transfer rather than indigenous innovation. Part of the reason is that AI is highly technical and requires a vastly different type of input: human capital, which China has historically been weaker and thus reliant on foreign networks to make up for the shortfall. Scholars like MIT professor Huang Yasheng attribute the rise of China’s tech sector to the many collaborations it has had with other countries. Even Chinese AI experts think talent is the primary bottleneck in catching up.

Indeed, China’s post-2000s ICT sector built its success on the back of overseas technical know-how. Many of China’s early tech founders either received education or spent considerable time in the United States. Chinese tech firms privilege employees with overseas experience, particularly those who have worked in US-based tech firms. In the generative AI age, this trend has only accelerated: Alibaba, ByteDance, and Tencent each set up R&D offices in Silicon Valley to increase their access to US talent. This reliance on international networks has been especially pronounced in the generative AI era, where Chinese tech giants have lagged behind their Western counterparts and depended on foreign talent to catch up.

Is DeepSeek the exception or the new rule?

This is where DeepSeek diverges from the traditional technology transfer model that has long defined China’s tech sector. Instead of relying on foreign-trained experts or international R&D networks, DeepSeek’s exclusively uses local talent. Liang himself also never studied or worked outside of mainland China. The DeepSeek story shows that China always had the indigenous capacity to push the frontier in LLMs, but just needed the right organizational structure to flourish. Much like China’s advancements in solar manufacturing, batteries, and electric vehicles, DeepSeek symbolizes a critical turning point in tech/AI: China is no longer merely playing catch-up, but is now competing on equal footing with the leading innovators in the West.

While I hope the “tech transfer vs. indigenous innovation” perspective is helpful in thinking about China’s innovation system, I must admit that it is somewhat of a false dichotomy. As development economists would remind us, all technology must first be transferred to and absorbed by latecomers; only then can they innovate and create breakthroughs of their own. Thus, tech transfer and indigenous innovation are not mutually exclusive — they’re part of the same sequential progression. First, technology must be transferred to and absorbed by latecomers; only then can they innovate and create breakthroughs of their own.

If we are to claim that China has the indigenous capabilities to develop frontier AI models, then China’s innovation model must be able to replicate the conditions underlying DeepSeek’s success. But this is unlikely: DeepSeek is an outlier of China’s innovation model.

Unlike solar PV manufacturers, EV makers, or AI companies like Zhipu, DeepSeek has thus far received no direct state support. In fact, its success was facilitated, in large part, by operating on the periphery — free from the draconian labor practices, hierarchical management structures, and state-driven priorities that define China’s mainstream innovation ecosystem.

Can China’s tech industry overhaul its approach to labor relations, corporate governance, and management practices to enable more firms to innovate in AI? The real test lies in whether the mainstream, state-supported ecosystem can evolve to nurture more companies like DeepSeek — or whether such firms will remain rare exceptions. The answer to this will define the long-term competitiveness of China’s AI firms.

For now, though, all eyes are on DeepSeek.

In December 2022, JD.com AI-research executive He Xiaodong 何晓冬 told local media,

In order to say goodbye to Silicon Valley–worship, China’s internet ecosystem needs to build its own ChatGPT with uniquely Chinese innovative characteristics, and even a Chinese AI firm that exceeds OpenAI in capability. This is an essential question for the development of China’s AI industry.

DeepSeek made it — not by taking the well-trodden path of seeking Chinese government support, but by bucking the mold completely.

The parallels between OpenAI and DeepSeek are striking: both came to prominence with small research teams (in 2019, OpenAI had just 150 employees), both operate under unconventional corporate-governance structures, and both CEOs gave short shrift to viable commercial plans, instead radically prioritizing research (Liang Wenfeng: “We do not have financing plans in the short term. Money has never been the problem for us”; Sam Altman: “We have no idea how we may one day generate revenue. We have made a soft promise to investors that, ‘Once we’ve built a generally intelligent system, basically we will ask it to figure out a way to generate an investment return for you’”).

But now that DeepSeek has moved from an outlier and fully into the public consciousness — just as OpenAI found itself a few short years ago — its real test has begun. How will it fare? Can High-Flyer cash and Nvidia H800s/A100 stockpiles keep DeepSeek running at the frontier forever, or will its growth aspirations pressure the company to seek outside investors or partnerships with conventional cloud players? Does Liang’s recent meeting with Premier Li Qiang bode well for DeepSeek’s future regulatory environment, or does Liang need to think about getting his own crew of Beijing lobbyists? Will Liang receive the treatment of a national hero, or will his fame — and wealth — put a months-long Jack Ma–style disappearance in his future? If an organizational vision crisis arises (à la the Altman vs. Musk feud), will Liang be able to steer DeepSeek through it?

In short, how long can DeepSeek buck the mold?

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