Temas de relações internacionais, de política externa e de diplomacia brasileira, com ênfase em políticas econômicas, em viagens, livros e cultura em geral. Um quilombo de resistência intelectual em defesa da racionalidade, da inteligência e das liberdades democráticas.
O que é este blog?
Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida.
quarta-feira, 12 de março de 2014
Temas de Política Externa: 1. O Brasil, a América do Sul e a integração regional - Paulo Roberto de Almeida
terça-feira, 11 de março de 2014
Cuba: um estado criminoso? Mas e' uma redundancia...
Informe de la ONU señala que Cuba violó embargo de armas a Corea del Norte
- Mar, 03/11/2014 - 19:47
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Para los expertos, las pruebas "apuntan a una intención clara y consciente de eludir las resoluciones" de la ONU que prohíben la venta de armas al régimen de Pyongyang.
Sindicatos brasileiros: voltando ao corporativismo, talvez ao fascismo... - Fernando Oliveira
Venezuela: as manifestacoes legitimam o endurecimento do regime? - Rafael Osio Cabrices
The Opinion Pages|OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR
Venezuela Goes Mad
Venezuela: acabou a liberdade de expressao, de imprensa, de comunicacao (Foreign Policy)
12 years later, Venezuela's media landscape looks very different. For the past three weeks, thousands of anti-government protesters have battled the police in the streets of Venezuela. Fed up with chronic shortages and runaway inflation, they have launched a protest movement that represents the most serious challenge yet to President Nicolás Maduro, Chavez's handpicked heir to his so-called Bolivarian revolution. At least 20 peoplehave been killed.
But you wouldn't know any of that from watching Venezuelan television. Rather than broadcasting coverage of the protests that have spread throughout the country, the Venezuelan media has maintained a studious silence.
"Most of the time, people [in Venezuela] don't see the protests live," Gustavo Hernandez, a writer for the Venezuelan blog Caracas Chronicles, said. "They only get small snippets on the newscast ... which air late at night. They cover the news in a very reduced way."
While the recent protests have exposed the vulnerable state of Venezuela's supposedly independent media, the government has spent the past decade expanding its control over the country's newspapers, websites, radio outlets and TV stations. With the 2004 passage of the Law on Social Responsibility in Radio and Television, the government won wide latitude to censor mediain order to "promote social justice and further the development of the citizenry, democracy, peace, human rights, education, culture, public health, and the nation's social and economic development." The law wasexpanded to include the Internet and social media in 2011.
"It's one of the most unreal pieces of legislation I've ever seen," Hernandez said. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, the law mandates media groups to "establish mechanisms to restrict, without delay, the dissemination of messages." Violators can be fined up to 3,000 USD or 10 percent of the annual year's income, or face a service suspension. Journalists, especially critical ones, can be arrested on a variety of vaguely worded charges (criticism of the government can be equated with"conspiracy against the state"). In 2010, Guillermo Zuloaga, the owner of Globovisión, a channel critical of the government, was arrested after criticizing official restrictions on freedom of expression. Zuloaga was brieflyarrested, then released pending investigation, on accusations of "inciting panic."
The current bout of demonstrations broke out when students at the University of the Andes in San Cristóbal gathered to protest an attempted rape on campus. The incident highlighted concerns about growing insecurity and crime under Maduro, but the protest movement has since grown to include grievances ranging from rising inflation to chronic food shortages.
Throughout the unrest, critics have been sounding the alarm about a government-coordinated "media blackout" designed to minimize coverage of the protests. Press freedom advocates say the government's harsh treatment of private media organizations has led many newspapers, TV stations and radio broadcasters to effectively censor their own coverage and largely ignore the protests. Maduro took a news channel off the air after it broadcast coverage of the violence in mid-February. When Henrique Capriles Radonski, the country's most prominent opposition leader and the runner up in last year's presidential election, delivered a major speech two weeks ago, no network covered it.
It's a far cry from the political muscle the private media flexed in 2002. At the time, the private media were seen as the unofficial leaders of the uprising -- in particular, the four leading television networks that Chávez famously called the "Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse." "This coup d'etat would not have been possible without the help of the news media, especially television," Chávez said at the time. The compilation of ads below, which were aired on private TV stations and called on viewers to hit the streets and protest, gives a feel for the networks' willingness to take anti-government positions:
But the media didn't stop at calling for protests; they went so far as to suppress and manipulate news coverage. In one instance, Isaías Rodríguez, the attorney general at the time, tricked a network into hosting him by promising to announce his resignation, only to be cut off when he mentioned the word "coup." In one of the most controversial episodes of the 2002 coup, private television stations aired footage that purported to show pro-government chavistas firing on opposition demonstrators. While several anti-government protesters were indeed killed during the march and many more injured, it remains unclear who was responsible for their deaths. But private television stations seized on the footage and aired it non-stop as part of their campaign against Chávez. Video evidence that emerged later indicated that the chavistas may have been firing on police in self-defense, but the question of who was responsible for the protesters' deaths has never been definitively settled.
Such tactics were crucial to the coup's strength, however short-lived it proved to be, and raised serious concerns about media bias in the country. Most of the criticism, after all, wasn't coming from a commitment to public-interest journalism; it was no secret that the majority of private outlets in Venezuela were owned by wealthy families with an interest in ousting Chávez. The events of 2002 showed they had no interest in separating those interests from their role as ostensibly neutral sources of information. After a 36-hour detention, Chávez returned to the presidential palace after having secured the military's backing and his supporters flocked to the streets. The private stations abandoned the story, reportedly airing Tom & Jerry cartoons instead.
After the failure of the coup, Chávez embarked on an aggressive campaign to establish "media hegemony." He shuttered independent outlets and expanded state media. In 2007, Chávez revoked the license of RCTV, a leading anti-government broadcaster. Others dialed back the dissent in their coverage to avoid having their licenses revoked for "technical and administrative reasons," the amorphous reasoning behind the closing of 34 radio stations in 2009. Two of the most popular TV channels, privately-owned Venevisión and Televen, have toned down their criticism of the government over the past several years, and the popular Globovisión fell into line after a businessman with close ties to the government purchased the station last year. (But not enough, apparently: Maduro complained in October that an investigative report on food shortages that aired on the channel amounted to "war propaganda.")
Given Venezuela's history of having feisty and irreverent media outlets, understand the rationale behind such a crackdown. George Ciccariello-Maher, author of We Created Chávez: A People's History of the Venezuelan Revolution, told al-Jazeera, "This is a government that has seen a coup d'etat led by the private media."
As the BBC and Reuters have noted, opposition-minded newspapers have continued to stand against the government, but those outlets are beset by their own sets of problems. As with newspapers in other parts of the world, declining circulation numbers plague the industry. The Maduro government has asserted further control over the medium by withholding foreign currency needed to buy newsprint, which must be imported to Venezuela.
On Feb. 10, El Impulso, a Venezuelan newspaper, announced that it was reducing its output from four sections to one, citing difficulties in acquiring newsprint during a paper shortage. The process for securing newsprint, the paper said, often takes more than three months as a result of tight currency controls. El Nacional, a leading daily and one of Maduro's fiercest critics,announced in February that it expected to end print circulation imminently, given that it was unable to import newsprint. According to Hernandez at Caracas Chronicles, there have been murmurs that the government plans to sell newsprint to smaller newspapers in the countryside to bypass the larger newspapers and limit their ability to print their pages.
At least ostensibly, a thriving independent media scene still exists in Venezuela: In 2012, the BBC noted that 70 percent of radio and TV stations were privately owned, and despite its growth over the last decade, state TV still attracted only a paltry 5.4 percent of viewers. The real victory of the crackdown is the ubiquity of state influence on private TV and radio stations, down to the free ten minutes of ad time that private networks are obligated to give the government.
But, as the dictatorial former heads of state in so many Arab countries could attest, social media has upended traditional means of media regulation. Various reports have put Venezuela's Twitter penetration at the fourth- or fifth-highest in the world. (The metrics for determining that are up for debate; a lower estimate ranks Venezuela's number of Twitter users as thirteenth-highest in the world.) Meanwhile, Internet and smartphone use is on the rise. The Venezuelan government may be able to silence newspapers by limiting their physical circulation, but most of those struggling outlets still have vibrant Twitter feeds and websites. On Tuesday, El Impulso announced a new app, called SOSVenezuela, that allows activists to stay up-to-date on protesters' plans in different cities around the country.
As the protests progress, it will be interesting to keep an eye on whether new media like Twitter can be as potent in 2014 as its more traditional counterparts were in 2002 -- and maybe do a better job of actually presenting the truth.
O Brasil nos think-tanks americanos (pouca presenca) - Apex-Brasil
Venezuela: uma ditadura eleita (fraudulentamente) - Denis Lerrer Rosenfield
Concordo com meu amigo Orlando Tambosi, que se trata, não de uma democracia totalitária, mas de uma ditadura, simplesmente, apenas que recorrendo a eleições, sempre manipuladas, a partir de certo momento.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Democracia e ditadura
Nesse sentido, a "democracia" poderia prescindir das liberdades civis e políticas, devendo contentar-se com eleições e referendos, cada vez mais restritos, pois as condições de competitividade são progressivamente reduzidas. De fato, a democracia representativa nesses países "socialistas" é substituída, para retomar um conceito de J. L. Talmon, pela democracia totalitária.
A democracia representativa caracteriza-se por ser constitucional, obedecendo a princípios que fogem a qualquer deliberação popular. Consequentemente, não pode ser objeto de deliberação a igualdade de gêneros ou de raças. Uma maioria popular machista ou racista não se poderia impor numa democracia representativa, graças aos limites constitucionais, de princípios e valores, por ela assegurados.
Segundo a democracia totalitária, o poder reside na vontade popular encarnada pelo líder carismático. Não tem este, em razão da delegação popular recebida, nenhuma limitação, como se eleições o autorizassem, virtualmente, a fazer qualquer coisa. Basta um referendo para que isso ocorra. Foi o que aconteceu com o "socialismo do século 21", nas figuras de Hugo Chávez e de sua caricatura, Nicolás Maduro, que aboliram a separação de Poderes, emascularam o Judiciário e o Legislativo, fazendo do Executivo o único Poder que conta.
A economia de mercado, por sua vez, foi cerceada, quando não aniquilada, tendo como consequência o domínio do Estado, cujos efeitos mais nítidos são a inflação galopante e a falta de produtos básicos - o papel higiênico é o mais emblemático deles. Já a liberdade de imprensa e dos meios de comunicação em geral foi sendo suprimida, só sobrando, hoje, o resquício de uma sociedade livre. Milícias no melhor estilo das SA nazistas aterrorizam a população, fazendo uso da violência e do assassinato sempre e quando o líder máximo o exigir. Tudo, evidentemente, em nome da "revolução" e do "socialismo".
Não obstante, o Itamaraty e setores do PT continuam a justificar a "democracia venezuelana", como se os protestos do que ainda resta de oposição fossem o real perigo. Ora, as posições estão totalmente invertidas. A dita "cláusula democrática", bem entendida, significaria, apenas, a "cláusula democrática totalitária".
Do ponto de vista diplomático, por uma questão de pudor, não se pode acatar o argumento de que o Brasil não se ingere em assuntos de outros países, uma vez que foi bem isso que fez no Paraguai. O então presidente Fernando Lugo foi afastado do poder por um impeachment, segundo a legislação paraguaia. O governo brasileiro não reconheceu o impeachment e aproveitou a ocasião para suspender esse país do Mercosul, tornando viável, dessa maneira, a entrada da Venezuela. É evidente o uso de dois pesos e duas medidas.
Nessa perspectiva, poderíamos aplicar os mesmos critérios para o que se denomina ditadura militar brasileira, com o intuito de melhor apreciarmos a "verdade" do período, contrastada com o juízo "democrático" do atual governo a propósito do "socialismo do século 21".
Considera-se a ditadura militar como se estendendo desde o governo Castelo Branco até o final do governo Figueiredo, quando há diferenças significativas nesse longo período. O governo Castelo Branco, por exemplo, tinha inclinação liberal, enquanto o governo Geisel foi fortemente estatizante. Segundo esse critério, o governo Dilma Rousseff se encaixaria na concepção geiselista, com forte intervenção do Estado na economia, a escolha de empresas e setores privilegiados a serem apoiados e o uso da política fiscal e de subsídios para o apoio a esses grupos. Seria Geisel de esquerda, conforme essa concepção? Mais ou menos democrático? E Lula, em seu primeiro mandato, seria castelista?
Durante o período do governo Castelo Branco (1964-1967) até o Ato Institucional n.º 5, promulgado por Costa e Silva em setembro de 1968, o País desfrutava ampla liberdade. Foi esse ato extinto em 1978 por Geisel e o habeas corpus, restaurado. Penso não ser atrevido dizer que as liberdades civis eram muito mais respeitadas do que o são nos países que, atualmente, encarnam o "socialismo do século 21".
A gozação, para não dizer a sátira e a ironia, do Pasquim começou em 1969, quando o regime militar havia endurecido e a ditadura propriamente dita se estabeleceu. Isto é, a ditadura tolerou o Pasquim, enquanto os governos bolivarianos não toleram nenhuma crítica, muito menos a que se faz pela sátira que atinge os seus líderes.
A greve do ABC sob liderança de Lula, então presidente do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Bernardo do Campo e Diadema, foi um marco no Brasil, abrindo efetivamente caminho para a liberdade de participação sindical. Ocorreu em 1974, sob o governo Geisel. A partir dela novas greves se estenderam de 1978 a 1980, já no governo Figueiredo. Imaginem algo semelhante nos países bolivarianos. Por muito menos os "socialistas" enviam as suas milícias e fazem uso de perseguições, prisões, tortura e assassinato.
A Lei da Anistia, negociada entre militares democratas, políticos do establishment e a oposição do MDB, com amplo apoio da sociedade civil, foi assinada por Figueiredo em agosto de 1979, abrindo realmente caminho para a redemocratização do País. Foram os próprios militares que tomaram a iniciativa de abandonar o poder.
Sem dúvida a "democracia" bolivariana consegue ser mais dura do que a ditadura brasileira nesses períodos!
*Denis Lerrer Rosenfield é professor de Filosofia na UFRGS. E-mail: denisrosenfield@terra.com.br.