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A ordem (como os fanáticos neonazistas ressurgem de tempos em tempos)
O filme 'A Ordem' deveria ser amplamente divulgado porque mostra, de forma didática, como os processos de radicalização podem se instalar rapidamente
Por Marcos Rolim / Publicado em 12 de março de 2025
Foto: Amazon Prime/MGM Divulgação
Está disponível no Amazon Prime o filme A Ordem, com Jude Law no papel de um agente do FBI que desvenda crimes cometidos por um grupo neonazista nos Estados Unidos. O que faz a história mais interessante é que ela é baseada em fatos reais. A organização extremista “A Ordem” (The Order) existiu de fato nos anos 1980 e foi dirigida por um jovem supremacista branco chamado Robert Jay Mathews.
O grupo pretendia organizar uma nação branca, “livre de judeus”, com os estados do noroeste do Pacífico (como Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Montana e Wyoming) e se organizou como uma milícia fortemente armada, efetuando roubos a bancos e a carros-fortes e falsificando dinheiro para se capitalizar e dar início a uma guerra contra o governo dos Estados Unidos, tido como “corrupto”. Eles seguiam o roteiro de um romance antissemita The Turner Diaries (O Diário de Turner), em que se relata uma revolução contra o governo dos EUA, seguida por um banho de sangue em que todos os judeus e os adversários dos extremistas, como os políticos liberais, são assassinados.
Foto: Amazon Prime/MGM Divulgação
A Ordem se formou a partir de uma dissidência de outro grupo extremista, o “Nações Arianas” (Aryan Nations) e, entre os seus crimes, está a execução do radialista Alan Berg, que criticava os extremistas. Mathews foi morto em conflito com agentes do FBI em sua propriedade, na ilha de Whidbey, estado de Washington, e seus parceiros foram condenados a penas de prisão perpétua. A inspiração de todos esses grupos, muitos dos quais atuam abertamente nos EUA de hoje, é o nazismo, sendo que vários deles adotam a suástica e outros símbolos do III Reich em sua propaganda e fazem a conhecida saudação utilizada para reverenciar Adolf Hitler.
A democracia é o regime que torna possível a convivência dos contrários e que soluciona as diferenças políticas pelo compromisso do respeito às normas da Constituição. As disputas políticas dizem respeito à definição de programas e de valores com os quais os partidos procuram estabelecer uma sintonia com as aspirações dos eleitores. Esse esforço não é apenas de “adaptação” passiva, porque os partidos também podem constituir as aspirações populares, apresentando soluções reais ou imaginárias que dialoguem com demandas por reconhecimento e ascensão social. Fazer política em um mundo cada vez mais fragmentado e desigual, marcado pela injustiça e pelo descompromisso, entretanto, abre a possibilidade de que ressentimentos disseminados socialmente sejam manipulados com receitas simplórias e se transformem em ódio. Os processos de radicalização começam assim, legitimando o emprego da violência contra os pretensos “inimigos do povo ou da nação”.
Nesse particular, o filme A Ordem deveria ser amplamente divulgado porque mostra, de forma didática, como os processos de radicalização podem se instalar rapidamente, com decorrências quase sempre trágicas. Detalhe: no tempo em que “A Ordem” verdadeira existiu, ainda não havia redes sociais e telefones celulares. Os processos de radicalização eram feitos em contatos pessoais, face a face. Hoje, as dinâmicas de radicalização ocorrem on-line e podem mobilizar milhões de pessoas no mundo inteiro, em bolhas virtuais criadas para ampliar teorias conspiratórias, desinformação e raiva.
Não há como se compreender o avanço dos neonazistas da “Alternativa para a Alemanha (AfD)” nas recentes eleições nacionais, nem a vitória de Trump nos EUA, nem os acontecimentos de 8 de janeiro no Brasil e a tentativa de golpe pelo qual Bolsonaro e seus asseclas foram denunciados sem considerar o fenômeno da radicalização em curso em todo o mundo e a necessidade de interrompê-lo.
No caso da Alemanha, embora a situação política interna seja muito difícil, o Estado Democrático de Direito construiu importantes mecanismos de defesa, como o corte de financiamento público a partidos extremistas e mesmo sua dissolução pela Corte Superior. A Alemanha é, também, uma das democracias ocidentais em que as forças policiais mais acumularam conhecimentos sobre a organização de grupos extremistas e terroristas, o que tem resultado no desmantelamento de organizações que planejavam golpes de Estado como, por exemplo, os “separatistas saxões” e o movimento “Reichsbürguer”, liderado por um empresário e aristocrata alemão. No Brasil, veremos em breve o que ocorrerá com as lideranças e os principais agentes do processo de radicalização que têm um encontro marcado com o mais importante julgamento da história do Supremo Tribunal Federal.
Marcos Rolim é jornalista, doutor em Sociologia. Escreve mensalmente para o jornal Extra Classe.
Putin vai humilhar Marco Rubio (que faria melhor renunciando como Secretário de Estado de Trump, cargo no qual é também humilhado), ao recusar terminanente a trégua proposta pelos americanos ingênuos e aceita pelos ucranianos sem esperança de coisa melhor.
PUTIN VAI RECUSAR O PLANO DE TRUMP! E o que este vai fazer? Ameaçar com "sanções"... A guerra va continuar...
Do Washington Post (March 12, 2025) "EXCLUSIVE Document prepared for Kremlin outlines hard-line negotiating stance The document, written in February by a Moscow-based think tank close to Russia’s Federal Security Service or FSB, lays out Russia’s maximalist demands WP, March 12, 2025 at 3:02 p.m. EDTYesterday at 3:02 p.m. EDT By Catherine Belton and Robyn Dixon
Russia should work to weaken the U.S. negotiating position on Ukraine by stoking tensions between the Trump administration and other countries while pushing ahead with Moscow’s efforts to dismantle the Ukrainian state, according to a document prepared for the Kremlin. The document, written in February by an influential Moscow-based think tank close to Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB), lays out Russia’s maximalist demands for any end to the conflict in Ukraine. It dismisses President Donald Trump’s preliminary plans for a peace deal within 100 days as “impossible to realize” and says that “a peaceful resolution of the Ukraine crisis cannot happen before 2026.”
Twenty-five years in the making, the landmark agreement eliminates tariffs on over 90% of goods while reshaping South America-Europe trade ties.
A quarter-century after negotiations began, Mercosur, the South American trade bloc whose core members are Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay, has finally signed a trade agreement with the European Union (EU). The deal runs against the grain in an era of growing protectionism and rising deglobalization.
“This agreement is not just an economic opportunity, it is a political necessity,” European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said at the Mercosur Summit in Montevideo in December, where the pact was signed. “I know that strong winds are coming in the opposite direction, towards isolation and fragmentation, but this agreement is our near response.”
The deal is the EU’s largest ever and Mercosur’s first with a major trading partner.
“European products will enter [the Mercosur] market under much better conditions than US or Japanese products,” Federico Steinberg, visiting fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC, wrote in a paper published on December 6. By eliminating tariffs on over 90% of goods, the agreement is expected to save EU exporters €4 billion annually while granting South American producers preferential access to European markets for competitive agricultural products.
The agreement has two parts. One covers goods, services, public procurement, and intellectual property, focusing on trade issues such as tariffs, with special attention to automobiles, agriculture, and critical minerals.
“Increasing uncertainties in geopolitics” have sparked interest in rare earth minerals, says Charlotte Emlinger, an economist at the Center for Prospective Studies and International Information (CEPII) in the French prime minister’s office. For sensitive items, such as beef exports to Europe, quotas put a lid on inflows.
The second part of the pact addresses broader themes, including human rights and the environment. Along with another 2024 EU trade pact with New Zealand, it breaks new ground by referencing the Paris Agreement on climate change, a detail notably accepted by Argentine President Javier Milei, a global-warming skeptic.
What Is Mercosur And Why Does It Matter?
With a combined GDP of nearly $3 trillion, the four core members of Mercosur—Spanish for “Southern Common Market” in Spanish—would rank as the world’s fifth-largest economy. Some 300 million people live in an area of nearly 15 million square kilometers. The GDP figure doesn’t include Bolivia, which has been approved for membership but is in a four-year “implementation period” to come fully on board.
The EU was already Mercosur’s second-largest trading partner two years ago for goods, accounting for 16.9% of total trade, trailing China but beating the US, according to the European Commission. The EU exported €55.7 billion worth of goods to Mercosur that year, with €53.7 billion going the other way.
Touted as the emerging EU of the South when it was founded in 1991, Mercosur has yet to evolve beyond an imperfect customs union. The original four added Venezuela in 2012 only to suspend it in 2016 for violating political standards; Bolivia rose to full membership last year. Suriname, Guyana, Colombia, Ecuador, Panama, Peru, and Chile are associated states; they won’t be formally affected by the EU-Mercosur deal.
Intra-regional trade among the four founders jumped four-fold to $16.9 billion between 1990 and 1996, according to the Inter-American Development Bank, but true integration has proven elusive. Internal trade remained at just 10.3% of the global total in 2022, according to data from the Observatory of Economic Complexity, an online database.
Why Now?
The timing of the deal can be linked to efforts by the EU to ensure continued robust and diversified trade in the face of protectionist measures by the US under US President Donald Trump, the growing role of China, and the demise of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as an effective facilitator of international trade integration.
“In the last few years, the geopolitical situation has become more dire for the EU,” says Maximiliano Marzetti, associate professor of Law, Department of International Negotiation and Conflict Management, Lille Economics Management Lab in France, “with the war in Ukraine, Brexit, and the protectionist and aggressive policies of China and the United States. The EU needs new trade partners in a climate of hostility to free trade and also to assert its relevance on the current multipolar international stage.”
Mercosur-EU negotiations date much further back: to 1999, during the period of “peak globalization,” but they remained in low gear until late in the Obama administration, when the US began taking measures to weaken the World Trade Organization.
Bartesaghi, Catholic University of Uruguay: With the sweeping deal, the EU wanted to send a message to Trump.
Given a toothless WTO, bilateral and multilateral agreements became more critical, and the EU unleashed a flurry of activity. In Latin America, it added to accords with the Andean Community (Peru, Colombia, Ecuador) and Central America (Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, Costa Rica, and El Salvador) as well as bilateral agreements with Chile and Mexico, both recently renewed.
With the sweeping new Mercosur deal, “the EU wanted to send a message to Trump,” says Ignacio Bartesaghi, director of the Institute of International Business at the Catholic University of Uruguay. “We know that you are going to close. We want to open.”
Mercosur, for its part, needed a victory. Either it “closed a deal with the EU, or it would die,” Bartesaghi argues.
All members are far from speaking with one voice, however.
Argentina’s self-described “anarcho-capitalist” President Javier Milei has offered harsh words for Mercosur, even as he begins a one-year stint as the group’s president pro tempore. During a speech at the Mercosur summit, Milei described the bloc as “a prison that prevents member countries from leveraging their comparative advantages and export potential.”
A month later, in Davos during the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum, Milei told Bloomberg that he would abandon Mercosur and its Common External Tariff, which preempts side deals, for an accord with the US. “If the extreme condition were that, yes,” he said. “However, there are mechanisms that can be used, even being within Mercosur.”
Uruguay, too, has been exploring an independent deal with China. But “negotiations never started because of Lula’s vision of Mercosur being together,” notes Bartesaghi.
Nor do these piecemeal agreements solve all the problems. The renewed bilateral deal with the EU will not solve associate member Mexico’s problems if it is hit with higher tariffs from its northern neighbor.
“Remember that the US accounts for 80% of Mexican exports and the EU accounts for less than 5%,” says Ashkan Khayami, senior analyst, Latin America Country Risk at BMI, a British multinational research firm. “It’s not really plausible for the EU to replace the US as kind of the main destination, or even a very significant destination, for Mexican exports.”
What’s Next?
Next comes ratification. For Mercosur, this is straightforward. Legislatures must vote, but if one balks, the accord will still apply for those that approve the deal. In Europe, however, the process is complex both bureaucratically and politically.
Prior to December, French farmers were out protesting the Mercosur deal; a resolution against the deal has been filed in the French parliament. Politicians in Poland, Italy, and the Netherlands, too, are raising questions. But observers tend to chalk this up to domestic posturing.
Thanks to the above-mentioned quotas for beef, for example, “that’s just a hamburger per inhabitant,” says Bartesaghi. Paraphrasing a French colloquial saying, “Mercosur is the tree that hides the forest,” Emlinger quips.
While the EU has sovereignty over trade, other treaty issues need member states’ approval. Proponents may therefore try to split the Mercosur text into its two component parts, trade and other. The trade section could presumably be fast-tracked though the European Parliament, where it would need votes representing 65% of constituents. Other sections, including environmental issues, would take the longer, country-by-country route.
“It is likely that the EU will opt, if it can, to split the ratification process,” says Marzetti.
Foto: Amazon Prime/MGM Divulgação
Foto: Amazon Prime/MGM Divulgação
