Eu e Carmen Lícia, e nosso filho Pedro Paulo, ainda bebê nessa época, visitamos a Polônia pouco tempo depois desse aprofundamento da ditadura na Polônia, mas que já era um sinal claro da decadência inevitável do poder comunista, já que os militares foram chamados a tentar "colocar as coisas em ordem".
A comparação com o regime militar no Brasil, no auge da repressão, uma década antes, era inevitável, mas a despeito disso, um outro líder sindical no Brasil despontava como um líder de futuro no sistema político brasileiro.
Algum tempo depois, Lech Wallesa e Lula se encontraram em Roma, mais exatamente no Vaticano: o primeiro queria desmantelar o comunismo em seu país, o segundo queria ainda construir o socialismo no Brasil. Deu no que deu...
Ambos foram um fiasco, mas gozaram de certo prestígio durante algum tempo, tanto que foram eleitos presidentes, mas ambos fracassaram em transformar seus respectivos países.
Wallesa foi um incompetente, mas os liberais poloneses consertaram os estragos e fizeram a Polônia ingressar na UE. Lula e seus companheiros ineptos e corruptos simplesmente destruiram a economia brasileira, mas não temos liberais para consertar os estragos.
Ah, sim, o NYTimes esquece da morte de Guevara, num 8 de outubro.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Updated October 8, 2013, 2:28 pm
On Oct. 8, 1982, all labor organizations in Poland, including Solidarity, were banned.
WARSAW OUTLAWS SOLIDARITY UNION
Measure Scraps Trade Groups and Limits Right to Strike
By JOHN KIFNER
Speical to The New York Times
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WARSAW, Oct. 8 -- The Polish Parliament overwhelmingly approved a law today that bans Solidarity, the independent trade union that once captured the imagination and allegiance of nearly 10 million Poles.
The law abolishes all existing labor organizations, including Solidarity, whose 15 months of existence brought exhilaration to many but drew the anger of the Soviet Union and other Eastern-bloc countries. It replaces them with a new set of unions whose ability to strike is sharply restricted.
Reaction of Work Force Uncertain
The scattered, fugitive Solidarity activists, more than 600 of whose leaders are in custody under martial law, have given no indication of their response to the Government edict outlawing their organization.
More uncertain - and perhaps more crucial to the authorities - is the reaction of Poland's increasingly sullen and frustrated work force, hard-pressed by shortages of food and virtually everything else, shortages that will only grow worse as the winter draws on.
The reaction could range from grudging, passive acceptance by even more listless performance in the factories and mines - ''Italian strikes,'' as they are called here - that would harm the crippled economy even more, to the kind of food riots that have periodically toppled governments over the last 26 years or even outbursts of terrorism and violence.
But the hopes of the authorities, as voiced in the official press and the speeches today, were that the new unions would lead to ''normalization,'' a relaxation of tensions and the eventual lifting of the martial law imposed last Dec. 13.
Security guards stood all around the gray Parliament building and uniformed police scrutinized credentials as the members gathered. A chill wind wrapped the red and white Polish national flag around its pole on the roof so it did not flutter.
The special riot policemen, known as ZOMO, who have enforced martial law, were brought back into the city and barracked at several central Warsaw hotels. But no demonstrations developed during the day, and the police were kept mostly out of sight.
When the vote came to dissolve the first experiment in labor democracy in the Eastern bloc at 9 tonight, after nearly seven hours of droning speeches, there were only 10 votes against the Government's bill and 9 abstentions.
In the Parliament, whose 460 members include 262 representatives of the ruling Polish United Workers' Party and 113 representatives of its affiliated United Peasants' Party, the debate was less than heated.
''A new and brave proposal,'' said Jozef Barecki of the Workers' Party, one of 16 members who spoke on the bill. He added that it was ''a major step'' toward creating ''a trade union movement worthy of the contemporary needs of the working class.''
Waldemar Michna of the United Peasants' Party said the new law ''would play a historic role'' and called it ''a momentous act on the road to normalization.''
Two speakers, members of small, independent parties, criticized the bill. One of them, Janusz Zablocki, a member of the Christian Social Association, said: ''Solidarity, whether we like it or not, has became in the society a symbol for renewal. Honest conditions should be created for the renewal of Solidarity, and no attempt should be made for its liquidation.''
The passage of the bill should come as a relief to other Eastern bloc nations, particularly East Germany and Czechoslovakia as well as the Soviet Union, who, fearful the contagion would spread, have been putting pressure on the Polish authorities to stamp out the independent union movement.
Introducing the bill to Parliament, Wlodzimierz Berutowicz, a law professor and Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, said that it ''fulfilled the agreement made with the workers'' at Gdansk in August 1980 - although it was that very agreement that gave birth to Solidarity.
Professor Berutowicz went on at great length to imply that the bill had met with the approval of the International Labor Organization. Tonight in Geneva, however, the I.L.O. director general, Francis Blanchard, said his organization had asked the Parliament to delay approval of the bill until the unions to be abolished, including Solidarity, were consulted.
Professor Berutowicz, other Government officials and the official press insisted that the new unions would be valid instruments because the legislation says they are to be ''independent'' of the management and the Government and because they have the right to strike.
However, the unions are to be linked with the party apparatus - the real political power here - and the ability to call a strike is so severely regulated that, as a practical matter, it would be almost impossible.
Any disputes must go through a complex arbitration process, and a seven-day advance notice must be given before a strike can be called. The Parliament has the ability to declare any strike illegal.
Many segments of the work force, including workers in the state radio and television, hospitals, banks, as well as those involved in delivering food or maintaining oil pipelines are forbidden to strike.
The link with the party, which officials today characterized as a ''partnership,'' is specified in the legislation that says the unions must ''recognize the leading role of the Polish United Workers' Party in the building of Socialism as defined by the Constitution.''
The Solidarity movement was to a large extent a revolt against the entrenched and frequently corrupt party hierarchy. But today the Warsaw daily Zycie Warszawy said that ''partnership between the party and trade unions is the best guarantee for respect of their independence by the authorities and the administration.''
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