terça-feira, 13 de junho de 2023

A History of Brazilian Economic Thought: livro de Ricardo Bielschowsky, Mauro Boianovsky e Mauricio Coutinho (orgs.) - resenha de Matheus Assaf (FSP)

            Capa do livro A History of Brazilian Economic Thought 


Livro apresenta pensamento econômico do Brasil a estrangeiros

'A History of Brazilian Economic Thought' reúne textos que analisam do período colonial ao passado recente

 

Matheus Assaf

Professor de economia na Fundação Getulio Vargas e doutor em Teoria Econômica pela Universidade de São Paulo

FOLHA DE S. PAULO, 9.jun.2023 às 23h15

https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/mercado/2023/06/livro-apresenta-pensamento-economico-do-brasil-a-estrangeiros.shtml

 

Editado pelos pesquisadores Ricardo Bielschowsky, da UFRJ, Mauro Boianovsky, da UnB, e Mauricio Coutinho, da Unicamp, "A History of Brazilian Economic Thought" tem a proposta de consolidar em língua inglesa uma ampla investigação da evolução do pensamento econômico no Brasil.

O livro reúne textos de diversos pesquisadores importantes no tema, incluindo os editores, analisando do período colonial ao passado recente —como buscam uma audiência internacional, os textos são didáticos sobre as particularidades brasileiras.

Resumo brevemente alguns dos tópicos discutidos. O primeiro capítulo aborda a segunda metade do século 20, com a criação dos primeiros cursos de pós-graduação em economia e o surgimento de uma comunidade acadêmica de economistas. Suas contribuições científicas estão relacionadas aos desafios econômicos brasileiros e à própria história de sua formação. A questão do subdesenvolvimento motivou as primeiras investigações científicas em economia por brasileiros —notavelmente, o trabalho de Celso Furtado. 

Já em meio à crise inflacionária da década de 1980, o trabalho se direciona a questões de estabilização monetária. A indexação foi uma particularidade do sistema brasileiro que chamou a atenção de economistas, e teorias sobre inflação inercial e como estabilizar a economia brasileira foram intensamente debatidas.

As contribuições acadêmicas dos economistas também foram moldadas pelo particular pluralismo metodológico das instituições de ensino no Brasil —o conhecido embate entre "ortodoxos" e "heterodoxos". Desta forma, há importantes contribuições de brasileiros tanto na teoria econômica tradicional quanto em abordagens e tópicos alternativos.

No primeiro caso, o autor destaca o trabalho de Aloisio Araujo, José Scheinkman e Marilda Sotomayor —todos com passagem pelo Impa, uma instituição dedicada principalmente à matemática. Entre os heterodoxos, há brasileiros com contribuições fundamentais para a teoria pós-keynesiana, como Fernando Cardim de Carvalho. Também há relevante presença na comunidade internacional de outras áreas como metodologia da economia e a própria história do pensamento econômico.

Se economistas acadêmicos no Brasil são um produto da segunda metade do século 20, problemas de ordem econômica sempre estiveram presentes no país, assim como indivíduos enfrentando essas questões.

No período colonial, o livro explora visões sobre como a colônia poderia servir economicamente ao império português (do padre Antônio Vieira no século 16, até Sousa Coutinho no fim do século 18).

No século 19, a questão do trabalho escravo foi central. Abolicionistas como André Rebouças precisaram imaginar como reformular uma economia dependente de tal instituição perversa. Neste período em que a economia dependia da exportação de produtos agrários, principalmente o café, debates monetários estiveram centrados na questão cambial, e a discussão entre papelistas e metalistas é analisada.

Visões sobre a política comercial também são exploradas, desde o período imperial. Embora alguns influentes autores tenham importado ideias de abertura comercial do liberalismo europeu (como o visconde de Cairu e Tavares Bastos), políticas protecionistas foram defendidas e implementadas por políticos como Manuel Alves Branco, Rodrigues Torres e Carneiro Leão. O livro também mostra que na República Velha, usualmente associada à defesa do café, já havia debates sobre a proteção da indústria nacional.

Já no "período desenvolvimentista" (1930-80) não havia entre os brasileiros uma corrente única de pensamento, mas uma variedade de visões sobre o desenvolvimento. Além da comunidade ligada às teses de desenvolvimento da Cepal, também havia grupos com inspirações liberais e marxistas. Esta diversidade de pensamento se concretiza na formação das instituições acadêmicas plurais nas décadas de 1960 e 1970.

"A History of Brazilian Economic Thought" cumpre o objetivo de apresentar esse panorama de forma ampla. A quantidade de informação pode sobrecarregar o leitor leigo, mas a leitura não exige grande conhecimento técnico prévio. Os capítulos formam textos independentes e seguem tópicos e períodos bem definidos, podendo assim o leitor dedicar mais atenção a assuntos de interesse específico.

A HISTORY OF BRAZILIAN ECONOMIC THOUGHT: FROM COLONIAL TIMES THROUGH THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY

Preço: US$ 42 (ebook importado)

Autoria: Ricardo Bielschowsky, Mauro Boianovsky e Mauricio Coutinho (orgs.)

Editora: Routledge, 268 págs.


This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the evolution of Brazilian economic thought ranging from colonial times through to the early 21st century. It explores the production of ideas on the Brazilian economy through various forms of publication and contemporary thoughts on economic contexts and development policies, all closely reflecting the evolution of economic history.

After an editorial introduction, it opens with a discussion of the issue of the historical limits to and circumstances of the production of pure economic theory by Brazilian economists. The proceeding chapters follow the classical periodization of Brazilian economic history, starting with the colonial economy (up until the early 19th century) and the transition into an economy independent from Portugal (1808 through the 1830s) when formal independence took place in 1822. The third part deals with the "coffee era" (1840s to 1930s). The last part covers the "developmentalist" and "globalization" eras (1930–2010).

Chapter 1|5 pages

Editorial introduction

ByRicardo Bielschowsky, Mauro Boianovsky, Mauricio C. Coutinho

Part 1|32 pages

Contributions to economic theory

Chapter 2|30 pages

Contributions to economics from the "periphery" in historical perspective

The case of Brazil after mid-20th century
ByMauro Boianovsky

Part 2|47 pages

Colonial and early post-colonial periods

Chapter 3|24 pages

Sugar, slaves and gold

The political economy of the Portuguese colonial empire in the 17th and 18th centuries *
ByJosé Luís Cardoso

Chapter 4|21 pages

The transition to a post-colonial economy

ByMauricio C. Coutinho

Part 3|68 pages

The "coffee era"

Chapter 5|21 pages

Economic ideas about slavery and free labor in the 19th century 1

ByAmaury Patrick Gremaud, Renato Leite Marcondes

Chapter 6|22 pages

Debating money in Brazil, 1850s to 1930

ByAndré A. Villela

Chapter 7|23 pages

Industrial development and government protection

Issues and controversies, circa 1840–1930
ByFlávio Rabelo Versiani

Part 4|92 pages

The "developmentalist" and the "globalization" eras

Chapter 8|52 pages

Brazilian economic thought in the "developmentalist era": 1930–1980

ByRicardo Bielschowsky, Carlos Mussi

Chapter 9|38 pages

The end of developmentalism, the globalization era and the concern with income distribution (1981–2010)

ByEduardo F. Bastian, Carlos Pinkusfeld Bastos


 





 

Mais um populista corrupto, que mobilizou massas e "endireitou" a Itália: Berlusconi

Berlusconi tinha razão: ele não era um Trump italiano.
Trump é que era um Berlusconi americano, não apenas pela cronologia: pelos trambiques, pelas mentiras, pela atração por garotas de programa, pelo autoritarismo evidente.
Ambos tinham forte afeição por Putin; Trump ainda tem.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Ishaan Tahroor

The Washington Post, June 13, 2023

Silvio Berlusconi’s political style lives on

Silvio Berlusconi waves outside his private residence, the Palazzo Grazioli, in Rome on Nov. 27, 2013. (Vincenzo Pinto/AFP/Getty Images)

Silvio Berlusconi waves outside his private residence, the Palazzo Grazioli, in Rome on Nov. 27, 2013. (Vincenzo Pinto/AFP/Getty Images)

The encomia and eulogies are still pouring forth for Silvio Berlusconi, the former Italian prime minister, media mogul and larger-than-life demagogue who died in a hospital in Milan on Monday at age 86. For a generation, Berlusconi loomed over his nation’s political scene and cast a shadow on the rest of the West. Long after his death, we’ll still be living with the brash political style and quasi-populism that powered his career.

Through his multiple stints in office, Berlusconi ran Italy’s government longer than anyone since the fascist dictator Benito Mussolini. He came to power as a modernizing wrecking ball, aimed at supplanting an establishment collapsing under the weight of corruption scandals and public disenchantment. He exits the stage a diminished, if unbowed, figure — a junior partner in a right-wing coalition who spent years fighting tangled legal battles over all sorts of damning charges, from bribery to abuse of office to paying for sex with an underage minor.

 

For a time, though, Berlusconi captured the imagination of the public like no other, using his control and influence in the media and his carefully cultivated mass appeal, including his tabloid-catching role as owner of one of Italy’s most popular soccer clubs.

“Berlusconi’s marshalling of Il Cavaliere, or the Knight, as he was called, did this almost entirely on his own terms,” wrote Jason Horowitz in The Washington Post’s obituary. “He rode his television airwaves into the center of the vituperative political arena and used all the weapons at his disposal to stun the opposition, lasso a coalition out of warring allies and, above all, fight for his own survival.”

“It is now difficult to imagine an Italy without Berlusconi,” declared a Monday editorial in La Repubblica, a major Italian daily. “In the last 50 years, there hasn’t been a day in which his name hasn’t been mentioned, on TV, in the newspapers, in Parliament, in bars and at the stadium.’’

 

Berlusconi’s populist appeal was anchored in Italian fatigue in a fraying liberal-democratic project. But what he offered was a polarizing mix of nationalist and anti-elite tub-thumping that paved the way for the Italian far right to capture the mainstream, including Berlusconi’s own center-right base.

 

“To the mass of the people, Berlusconi appeared capable of delivering change. He appeared new,” Roberto D’Alimonte, a political scientist at the Rome-based university Luiss, told The Post. “Some will remember him as a man who could have done more to modernize the country. For others, he will be the great corruptor of Italian society, and it will take a generation to recover from the malaise that he has instilled.”

Analysts routinely trot out the parallels between Berlusconi and former president Donald Trump, and for good reason. “Both men began as real-estate magnates, became media stars and segued into politics. Both have made a point of undermining their country’s established institutions, including the press and judiciary,” wrote the Guardian’s Jon Henley. “Rejected by their respective liberal establishments, both also have responded — despite their great wealth — with the populist tactic of portraying themselves as the true voice of the people against an out-of-touch and corrupt elite.”

Berlusconi had cozy relations with other illiberal nationalists, including Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who could well take inspiration from Berlusconi’s overcoming of his legal challenges. Despite his many cases, the former Italian prime minister was only found definitively guilty once — in 2013, when the country’s highest court upheld his conviction for tax fraud, a move that saw him frozen out of parliament for half a decade.

“No politician anywhere in the world, not even Netanyahu, faced over their career anything like the number and range of criminal allegations that Berlusconi did,” wrote Netanyahu biographer Anshel Pfeffer. “But he wore his prosecutors down with time-delaying tactics, a relentless barrage of pressure in his tame media and finally, when it became necessary, changes to the law that ensured he would not have to go to prison and could remain in politics.”

Pfeffer, writing in Israeli newspaper Haaretz, added: “It was enough to redefine Italian politics and the media so enough of them could be convinced that he was the victim of left-wing enemies, and maintain the base support among his Forza Italia party.”

A similar dynamic is on show now in the United States, as Trump and even some of his Republican rivals attempt to use the ongoing investigations into (and indictments of) the former president to stoke grievance among their base support. While Berlusconi was less ideological than many of his right-wing counterparts, his politics of personality offered a template for how democracies can erode.

“Berlusconi demonstrated that institutional guardrails are, even in supposedly consolidated democracies, much weaker than politicians and political scientists had assumed,” wrote Yascha Mounk in the Atlantic. “The threat he embodied was in his example; he himself remained a deeply personalist politician, who relied on his charisma and cared mostly about his own interests. Berlusconi’s successors are just as willing to bend the rules or exploit their image, but for purposes that could do much more severe damage.”

It’s not a coincidence that some of Berlusconi’s fond friends on the world stage were autocrats and demagogues themselves. One of the most eye-catching tributes to him Monday came from Russian President Vladimir Putin, a close friend, as my colleagues put it, “linked by a shared boorish machismo” and no shortage of rumors of covert business deals and joint escapades in “bunga bunga” sex parties.

Putin penned a lengthy letter hailing Berlusconi. “I have always sincerely admired his wisdom and his ability to make balanced, far-sighted decisions, even in the most difficult situations,” Putin wrote. “During each of our meetings, I was literally charged with his incredible vitality, optimism and sense of humor. His death is an irreparable loss and great sorrow.”

 

Postagem em destaque

Livro Marxismo e Socialismo finalmente disponível - Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Meu mais recente livro – que não tem nada a ver com o governo atual ou com sua diplomacia esquizofrênica, já vou logo avisando – ficou final...