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sexta-feira, 30 de março de 2012

Karl May: o maior escritor de minha juventude, junto com Monteiro Lobato

A revista Der Spiegel publica uma matéria a propósito dos cem anos da morte de um dos maiores escritores de aventuras em língua alemã, Karl May, de quem devo ter lido TODOS os livros traduzidos para o Português.
Ele era um ladrão, contumaz, mas escrevia bem...
Pelo menos eu adorava as aventuras de seus herois em terras selvagens.
Seus livros estão disponíveis em Português no link seguinte: http://ebooksgratis.com.br/livros-ebooks-gratis/literatura-estrangeira/romance-karl-may-diversos-livros-para-download/
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

GERMANY'S BEST-LOVED COWBOY 
Karl May, who died 100 years ago, was an impostor, a liar and a thief -- and one of Germany's most widely read authors. He embellished his own biography with as much fantasy as the scenarios in his adventure novels, and when the deceit was finally exposed, he never recovered. But his legend lives on.


Germany's Best-Loved Cowboy

The Fantastical World of Cult Novelist Karl May

By Jan Fleischhauer
Photo Gallery: The Life of Armchair Adventurer Karl May
Photos
Karl May Jahr 2012
Karl May, who died 100 years ago, was an impostor, a liar and a thief -- and one of Germany's most widely read authors. He embellished his own biography with as much fantasy as the scenarios in his adventure novels, and when the deceit was finally exposed, he never recovered. But his legend lives on.
Info
Only once did he actually visit those wild, faraway countries where he had so fearlessly traveled from the safety of his desk. In April 1899, Karl May took a ship from Genoa to Port Said in Egypt, aiming to finally see the Orient. He had 50,000 marks, a tremendous amount of money at the time, to spend on lodgings for himself and his valet. He was 57, one of Germany's most famous authors and a rich man.

The trip was a disaster. May couldn't tolerate the foreign food, and he was distressed by the stench, the noise and ubiquitous filth. Everything went straight to his stomach and his head. And then there were the tourists combing the sights of Cairo with their Baedeker travel books, "tightly clutching the red guide," as the author grumbled.
But he stuck it out, traveling from Egypt to Ceylon and Sumatra, as if to retroactively walk in the steps of someone he had only pretended to be in the past: an adventurer and globetrotter. When May returned to his native Saxony, after 16 months and two nervous breakdowns, he vowed not to embark on another adventure anytime soon. America, the other land of adventure he portrayed in his books, would have to wait.
Inventing a world is the essence of being a writer. Hardly any other author pursued this discipline as consistently, even in writing about his own alleged experiences. This week marks the 100th anniversary of Karl May's death. To this day, in Germany at least, the man from the town of Radebeul in Saxony stands alone in the art of creating a make-believe world.
More than 200 million copies of his books have been printed, a dimension otherwise associated with dictators or the founders of religions -- or J. K. Rowling with her Harry Potter series. Half of the Karl May books printed were sold in German-speaking countries. He is virtually unknown in the English-speaking world, and only in Eastern Europe did he achieve a comparable degree of fame. The number of fans who remained loyal to him beyond their adolescent years is large, ranging from Albert Einstein to political activist Karl Liebknecht, Marxist philosopher Ernst Bloch and writer Martin Walser.
Enduring Heros
One could call also May the forefather of today's environmentalist Green Party. With his critical view of civilization and naïve enthusiasm for nature, he was a romantic revivalist preacher determined to give pacifism a voice or, like some of his Christian contemporaries, a dangerous corrupter of young minds. The East German government felt uneasy about him, banning his works until the 1980s, when May, a native of the eastern German state of Saxony, was rehabilitated, together with Martin Luther and Frederick the Great. German writer Klaus Mann felt that May was an early Nazi, even describing him as "Hitler's literary mentor," but he is relatively isolated in this assessment.
There is no question that May created heroes that entered the collective mythology. There was the Native American Chief Winnetou, of course, or "The Red Gentleman," as he was once referred to in a subtitle in his famous series of novels. Then there was Winnetou's German friend and blood brother Old Shatterhand. But the indestructible German traveler of the Orient, Kara Ben Nemsi, whose popularity surpassed that of all of May's other characters while the author was still alive. Only after May's death did Chief Winnetou become his most beloved fictional character, partly as a result of the popular films with Pierre Brice and Lex Barker that were shown in theaters starting in 1962.
But his works remain adventure literature, driven by the author's desire to dream his way out of the narrow confines of his real life, a unique mixture of genius and triviality. May introduced his readers to people and landscapes they had known only by name, capitalizing on a yearning for distant places that was just as prevalent in the late 19th century as it is today.
Still, May didn't stop at dreaming. Through his literature, he transformed his own life. For him, writing was initially a way of finding himself, and later a way of rescuing himself. In this sense, he could be seen as an early advocate of the modern age.
From Con Man Best-Selling Author
His ascent was as spectacular as the material that fueled it. A con man with a criminal record, he wrote his way to success and became a best-selling author. May himself couldn't have come up with a more improbable life story than his climb from the penitentiary to the stars. But that would be a novel for others to write. In reality, May, once he had become respectable, was determined to wipe away all traces of his earlier life. But when it did catch up to him, at the height of his success, it was a scandal that would cost him the tranquility of his twilight years and much of his health.
So many aspects of his life had been bent into shape, obtained by fraudulent means and invented. He was a relatively slight man, only 1.66 meters (5'3") tall, whose fists were about as dangerous as a flyswatter. But when he sat on his black horse, his Bärentöter (Old Shatterhand's rifle, the "bear killer,") in hand, he could take anyone on, even the worst villains. May was a pioneer in the art of playing with identities, a talent reflected in the life story of every major artist today.
The German author and literary critic Hans Wollschläger titled his well-known study about Karl May "Grundriss eines gebrochenen Lebens," or "Sketch of a Broken Life." And indeed, May's early years could hardly have been less auspicious for someone who would later become a major international author. Everything about the squalor into which he was born in 1842 is evocative of a brief, oppressed existence. Nine of his 13 siblings died in infancy.
Weaving was a traditional livelihood in the Erzgebirge (Ore Mountains) town of Ernstthal, where May was born, but the craft was in decline, so that local residents were forced to turn to smuggling and other secondary occupations to make ends meet. If that wasn't enough, people had to eat soup made with weeds and potato peels, the sort of food on which only a "deprived child," as Arno Schmidt, another May enthusiast, described him, could thrive. When his mother received an unexpected inheritance, she used some of the money to pay for midwife training. But her husband had soon spent the rest of the money on his various schemes. Like his son, Heinrich August May was a dreamer.
A Criminal Record
It was clear early on that Karl was talented, and the family pinned its hopes on him. After school, he was forced to spend hours copying text from the encyclopedias, prayer books and stories about nature that his father had gathered from the neighborhood. If young Karl failed to complete his allotted work in time, he could expect a whipping with a birch switch.
The boy was stuffed with facts in a completely unsystematic way, in keeping with his father's confused ideas about education. Looking back on his childhood, May likened it to being "fed and stuffed beyond compare." Nevertheless, a layer of knowledge developed over time that would later prove useful to him.
Prison was his second significant source of education. May was 20 when he stood before a judge for the first time. He had earned a diploma as a teacher's assistant, which promised a meager but steady income. And he did try to earn a living as a teacher, but there was a part of him that refused to accept the limitations of his circumstances.
He seemed to have inherited a certain swagger. When he was a young student, his file described him as "extremely deceitful." May would later describe the dark aspects of his personality that controlled him: "There were all kinds of characters inside me, and they all wanted to be part of my worries, my work, my creativity, my writing and my composing."
What began harmlessly enough soon became more serious. May posed as an eye doctor, "Dr. Heilig," and even wrote prescriptions. According to a police profile, he wore glasses and had a "friendly, suave and mellifluous demeanor." Then he rented a room in the city of Chemnitz as the "seminary teacher Lohse," ordered two muskrat coats from a furrier and disappeared out the back door with his loot.
He was arrested near Leipzig in March 1865, and the verdict was quickly passed down: four years and one month in the workhouse. It was harsh, but not excessive for the time. May had already attracted the attention of the authorities before: a few stolen candles at boarding school and a watch he had neglected to return. They were trifles, but now they were contributing to a picture of a crook and petty criminal who would be better off behind bars.
Serial Novel Success
May was lucky. He ended up in Oberstein Castle near Zwickau, a reform prison that was committed to the idea of rehabilitation, and he was sent to work in the prison library. It was his second stroke of luck. The library contained 4,000 books, including works of fiction with ethical aspirations, as well as historic, scientific and geographic works -- plenty of material for the next few years. May began to fashion a future for himself as a writer. A so-called "C. May Repertoire," now part of his estate, lists 137 titles and sketches for future books. There was something grandiose about all of May's ambitions, a characteristic he shared with Richard Wagner.

He had hardly been released before resuming his lifestyle of deceit and petty crime. In March 1869, he posed as a "police lieutenant" and confiscated alleged counterfeit money from a grocer. In May, he stole billiard balls from a tavern, and in June he stole a horse. When the police arrested him again, he told them his name was Albin Wadenbach, the son of a plantation owner from Martinique.
Some May scholars speculate that the author may have been mentally ill. In a retroactive psychological appraisal performed in 2003, the neurologist and psychiatrist Edgar Bayer concludes that May suffered from a narcissistic personality disorder. The typical symptoms, Bayer wrote, were a "grandiose sense of one's own importance," an excessive "craving of admiration" and "fantasies of limitless success."
May was 32 when he was released from the Waldheim Prison, where the authorities described him as "somewhat exhausted but otherwise fit for work." He was a dropout who had already spent half of his life under supervision, a dependent and "very old child," as May biographer Rüdiger Schaper writes. May insisted that he wanted to emigrate to America, but instead he published the first episode of "Aus der Mappe eines Vielgereisten" ("From the Portfolio of a Well-Traveled Man") in a magazine published by Heinrich Gotthold Münchmeyer, the Deutsches Familienblatt, or German Family Magazine.

Part 2: Blurring Fact and Fiction
Münchmeyer was one of the major players in the business of serial novels, which flourished when printing machines became widespread. Each booklet, which was part of a subscription, consisted of about 20 pages. May proved to be a talented supplier, and he was soon hired as full-time writer. He was tremendously prolific as an author of light fiction, churning out more than 20,000 printed pages in the first five years. Someone who writes trash fiction can't afford to have writer's block. Sometimes May lost track of where he was and characters would simply disappear, or the plot lines became so entangled that he had to abandon some of them.
At first, producing fiction on demand was a "gift from heaven" for May, but he would later perceive it as a curse. He moved on to more reputable publishers. In 1892, the Fehsenfeld publishing company in Freiburg published the first volume of "Carl May's Collected Travel Novels," with the characteristic green spine that still reminds many readers today of nights spent blissfully devouring May's books.
May intuitively understood the public's need for authenticity. At first, he merely hinted that his writing wasn't just made up, but that he was describing his own experiences. When one reader inquired as to the author's whereabouts, he received the following response: "He is currently traveling in Russia and intends to make another side trip to Zululand." A few months later, readers learned that May was "laid low because of an old wound that has opened up again."
But the boundaries between the author and his fictional heroes became more blurred with each new story. At some point, Old Shatterhand and Kara Ben Nemsi were no longer merely written extensions of the author's existence.
May outfitted his house as an exotic treasure chamber, buying the furniture from a dealer in Dresden. At a time when the Orient was in vogue, he had no trouble finding what he wanted. Carpets were hung up on the walls and a stuffed lion stood next to his desk.
Living in a Fantasy World
May had a studio photographer in Linz make portrait photos of him, dressed in an Old Shatterhand costume against exotic backdrops. A rifle maker in Dresden made the Silberbüchse (Silver Gun), the Bärentöter(Bear Killer) and the Henrystutzen (Henry Rifle), the most famous weapons from his books, according to his specifications. They were proudly displayed in his house, the "Villa Shatterhand," which the author bought in 1896 with his now handsome royalties. But the guns could not be used because they probably would have exploded.
The fictitious persona came naturally for an impostor like May. Because he believed that he was the person he pretended to be, he became convincing to others. This distinguished him from a liar, who is always aware of his tricks. As with the charades that led to his imprisonment, May became more audacious over time. Once he had internalized his role as an adventurer, there were no longer any limits to his fantasies.
During a reading in Munich, May told the audience that he had "only two major goals left in life, a mission to the Apaches, where I am a chief," and a trip to "my Halef, the supreme sheikh of the Haddadin Arabs." Then, he said, he would present his Henrystutzen to his majesty, the Kaiser, in the hope that it would become the standard weapon in the German army. When May was invited to an audience at the court in Vienna, he had his assistant inquire whether he was to appear as a "cow-boy" or an author. The archduchess chose the latter.
There were irritations here and there, which May deftly managed to explain away. One reader was surprised to see the Silberbüchse on display, because the author, in the third volume of the Winnetou series, had described how he had buried his dead friend "with all of his weapons." It was all perfectly explainable, May replied, saying that he had spotted robbers nearby while visiting the grave and had decided to take the costly memento with him. Someone once knocked on his door and asked for a strand of Winnetou's hair. The visitor was overjoyed when the author sent him on his way with a handful of black horsehair.
Lies Exposed
May was also ahead of his time in knowing what he owed his fans. In his letters, he complained about the endless stream of visitors, and yet he rarely told his servants to say that he wasn't home. He answered his fan mail promptly, and he even wrote a description of himself, for his most tenacious admirers, that would forestall today's celebrity profiles in tabloid newspapers: "I wear a moustache and a mouche, both of which, like the hair on my head, were once very dark blonde. Now my hair is beginning to turn a very dignified but unwanted gray, as I am 54 years old, despite looking 10 years younger. My eyes are grayish-blue. I dance every dance, but only when I must. My favorite dish is roast chicken with rice, and my favorite beverage is skim milk."
May's blustering nature also marked him as a man of his time. In his biography, Rüdiger Schaper places him within the genealogy of Wilhelminism, the overheated final phase in the history of the German Empire characterized by hubris and the craving for status. Kaiser Wilhelm II posed in uniforms that changed daily, the dreams of German global dominance continued to expand and the German navy doubled as a vehicle for fantasy. The extravagant and the illusory led to the trenches of World War I, but in May's case they ultimately led in the opposite direction, toward a mystical pacifism with Winnetou, the Apache chief, serving as a sort of red-skinned Christ figure.
At the age of 56, May had arrived at the height of his fame. By now he allegedly spoke 40 languages, including Malay, Kurdish and Swahili, and understood a great deal more -- "more than 1,200 languages and dialects," as he explained to a delighted audience in Munich. The adoration took on such a dramatic scale that the fire department had to be brought in to disperse his admirers.
But then his lies finally caught up with him, when a strange alliance of the gutter press and Christian zealots that converged against May starting in 1899. In addition to the charges that he had deceived the public about his past, his books came under sharp criticism. The self-appointed investigators identified a "deeply amoral" aspect to his works, especially his early trash novels, and one critic even claimed to have discovered "pornographic works of the worst kind."
Legal Battles
In a panic, the author tried to destroy the evidence of his deception, but his attempts were in vain. He had the plates of the photographs taken by his Austrian studio photographer thrown into the Danube, even though thousands of copies of the compromising negatives were already in circulation. Starting with Volume 14, the "Travel Novels" published by Fehsenfeld included a portrait of the author with the caption "Old Shatterhand (Dr. Karl May) with Winnetou's Silberbüchse."
Everything was exposed and examined, including his fake doctorate (from the University of Rouen) and the criminal record he had kept hidden. A huge media spectacle ensued. But May's books still sold, even after he was exposed and brought down as a charlatan.
The legal battles lasted almost 10 years. There were constantly new accusations and defamatory claims, which May fought in court. Could someone describe him as a "born criminal" with impunity, or did this exceed the rights of the critic? The author sank into depression, his writing dried up and he began to experience a sharp pain in his chest that almost took his breath away. May's legal nightmare ended with the redeeming pronouncement that a literary man was entitled to a different, freer perception of the truth. "I consider Karl May to be a poet," Theodor Ehrecke, the chief justice on the Berlin District Court concluded in 1911. But this final judgment could not restore the author's lost health.
A few years before his death on March 30, 1912, May finally made the trip to America. With his Baedeker in hand, the book he had scoffed at in Cairo, May visited New York, Boston and Niagara Falls. The man who had called the Wild West his home dutifully completed the standard tourist circuit, bought souvenirs for himself and his wife, and wrote postcards to Germany.
A sad highlight of his journey was a visit to the reservation where 400 descendants of the once-powerful Tuscarora people, one of the nations of the Iroquois tribes, lived in teepees. A photo depicts the author standing next to the chief, who is wearing suspenders. May knew perfectly well why he preferred the life of the armchair traveler. He knew that reality could rarely compete with fantasy.
Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan

Como baixar os juros no Brasil: uma solucao inovadora...(na Espanha)

Não sei se daria certo no Brasil, mas quem sabe o governo dos companheiros não organiza as companheiras -- que eles chamam de "trabalhadoras do sexo", dispondo inclusive de um código e de cadastro no MTb -- para fazer a mesma coisa no Brasil?
Será que os nossos banqueiros -- privados e estatais -- vão ser obrigados a baixar os juros por essa via?
Nunca se perde nada por tentar...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

COM CRISE, PROSTITUTAS DE LUXO SE RECUSAM A FAZER SEXO COM BANQUEIROS

GAROTAS DE PROGRAMA DE MADRI DIZEM QUE “GREVE” SÓ ACABARÁ QUANDO INSTITUIÇÕES FINANCEIRAS OFERECEREM LINHAS DE CRÉDITO MAIORES PARA FAMÍLIAS CARENTES E EMPRESAS

Madri Madrid Espanha (Foto: Shutterstock)
Prostitutas de luxo de Madri estão decretando greve de sexo aos seus clientes banqueiros, reportou nesta terça-feira (27/03) o tablóide britânico Daily Mail. Elas pedem para que os funcionários das instituições financeiras abram linhas de crédito para oferecer a famílias carentes e empresas à beira da falência.
A Espanha enfrenta atualmente uma de suas piores crises econômicas, com as taxas de desemprego atingindo 23%. Com as incertezas sobre o mercado de trabalho e pouco dinheiro circulando no país, os bancos diminuem a oferta de crédito a seus clientes.
Nós somos as únicas com capacidade real de pressionar o setor
PROSTITUTA
As garotas de programa dizem que a paralisação continuará até que os banqueiros “cumpram suas responsabilidades sociais” e comecem a oferecer empréstimos maiores à população. “Nós somos as únicas com capacidade real de pressionar o setor”, disse a principal associação de prostituição do país.
Segundo o tablóide, os banqueiros têm tentado contornar o protesto, dizendo que são arquitetos ou engenheiros às prostitutas, mas a tentativa não tem funcionado. Os executivos dos bancos até já acionaram o governo para tentar mediar o assunto.
Para a prostituta conhecida como AnaMG, a paralisação não deve durar muito. “Estamos em greve há três dias e eu não acho que eles agüentem mais tempo”, disse. Ela conta que a ideia veio de Lucia, uma das mulheres da associação, que disse que só faria sexo com o funcionário de um banco se ele concedesse um empréstimo a um conhecido.
A greve de sexo das prostitutas de Madri vem em um momento em que toda a Espanha se prepara para iniciar uma greve geral, marcada para esta quinta-feira. Os trabalhadores protestam contra o elevado grau de desemprego no país e pedem mudanças nas leis trabalhistas – que tornam mais barato para as empresas despedirem seus empregados.

Capitalismo de Estado: matizes a serem registrados

Um artigo interessante, que discute questões relevantes, já abordadas aqui, pela transcrição, por exemplo, do dossiê da revista Economist, sobre o mesmo assunto.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

State capitalism: Is it a rival to market capitalism?

Keith Campbel
Mining Weekly.com, 30th March 2012

Since the start of the current global economic crisis in 2008, there has been renewed interest in the concept of ‘State capitalism’, as distinct from ‘market capitalism’. (The term ‘liberal capitalism’ is shorthand for ‘liberal democracy plus market capitalism’.)
This interest is centred on China more than any other country, in part because of the country’s ability (so far) to ride out the crisis, in part because of the key role it has played in keeping the global economy running while the developed West has been stagnating and in part because China is, unlike India or Brazil or South Korea, not a democracy. This last factor creates the impression of a ‘Chinese model’ of autocracy plus State capitalism that can be compared and contrasted with the ‘Western model’ of liberal capitalism.
There has been considerable debate about the rival merits of these ‘models’ in recent times. Thus, renowned British historian Niall Ferguson, who teaches at Harvard University, in the US, had a recent article on State capitalism in the US academic journal Foreign Policy. In late January, The Economist, of London, had a cover and special report devoted to State capitalism. The topic has also been addressed in the past couple of months by The Wall Street Journal and Bloomberg Businessweek. And these are only some, albeit prominent, examples.
Definitions
However, what is meant by State capitalism?
“State capitalism is the situation where the State tries to run a business on a commercial basis,” defines Econometrix director and chief economist Azar Jammine. “China is regarded as the main example.” Ferguson, in his article, quoted (without agreeing with) global political risk consultancy Eurasia Group president Ian Bremmer, who wrote that State capitalism saw “governments use various kinds of State-owned companies to manage the exploi- tation of resources that they consider the State’s crown jewels and to create and maintain large numbers of jobs”.
The Economist says: “State capitalism . . . tries to meld the powers of the State with the powers of capitalism. It depends on government to pick winners and promote economic growth. But it also uses tools such as listing State-owned companies on the stockmarket and embracing globalisation.”
One thing State capitalism is not: it is not a synonym for resource nationalism. Resource nationalism has been defined as the control, by the country in whose territory they are located, of in-the-ground (including under- the-seabed) resources and the means of extracting and refining them. (See Mining Weekly January 26, 2007.) State capitalism and resources nationalism are thus very different things.
Another thing that State capitalism is not: it is not new. The Economist cites democratic Japan in the 1950s and Imperial Germany in the 1870s as previous cases, although “never before has it operated on such a scale and with such sophisticated tools”.
State Capitalism and Natural Resources
State-owned companies dominate the global hydrocarbons sector. National oil companies (NOCs), as they are referred to, hold a staggering 77% of the world’s oil reserves.
The biggest oil company in the world is Saudi Arabia’s Saudi Aramco, which has 280-million barrels of proven reserves and has a production capacity of 12.5-million barrels per day (although it usually keeps its production at lower levels, partly to preserve reserves and partly for politico-economic reasons). From second to tenth place (in terms or production), the remaining top ten oil com- panies are the National Iranian Oil Company, Petroleos Mexi- canos (better known as Pemex), the Iraq National Oil Company, Exxon Mobil, BP, the China National Petroleum Corporation (which has a publicly listed sub-sidiary called PetroChina), the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company, the Kuwait Petroleum Corporation and Petroleos de Venezuela (known as PDVSA). (This list was compiled by Forbes magazine in 2010.) Of these companies, only two, Exxon Mobil and BP, are not State-owned.
In the mining sector, however, the picture is very different. The world’s top three miners are all private-sector companies – BHP Billiton, Vale and Rio Tinto. While the number four company, China Shenhua, is a subsidiary of the State-owned Shenhua Group, its market capitalisation in 2010 was half that of Rio Tinto, reported PricewaterhouseCoopers in its Mine 2011 report. Fifth place was held by Xstrata, sixth by Anglo American, seventh by FreeportMcMoRan, eighth by Barrick Gold, ninth by Potash Corporation and tenth by Coal India. Of these, only Coal India is State-owned.
Of course, China as a country has very significant mineral and metal reserves. In 2008, according to thebusinessofmining.com, its share of global production was 37% for iron-ore, 39% for coal, 16% for copper and 97% for rare- earth minerals. In 2009, the country accounted for 6% of copper, 12% of gold and 25% of zinc production. But this pro- duction is spread across some 200 000 mining companies, most of them tiny. However, a small number of major mining com-panies have emerged, with the big three being China Shenhua, the Aluminium Corporation of China (usually known as Chinalco) and China Coal Energy. All are wholly or partly State-owned.
Thus, State capitalism is huge in the global oil and gas industry, but of much less significance in the mining sector. However, there is an important qualification to the latter observation. Chinese State capitalism is characterised by State-owned central holding agency, the State-Owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission, which controls groups of vertically integrated companies (although this control is often, in practice, loose). Because they are vertically integrated, many of these companies, although their core business is not mining, are nevertheless involved in mining (to provide raw materials for their core operations or for energy to power these core operations).
Moreover, with China’s demand for almost all types of mineral, metal and hydrocarbon inputs now exceeding its domestic production, many State-owned enterprises are looking abroad for these resources. In this, they are being supported by the Chinese government, which is particularly uneasy about the country’s dependence, since 1993, on imported oil.
State-owned companies have accounted for 80% of Chinese foreign direct investment, supported by soft loans from State banks. The country’s oil com- panies have been especially active, and deals exchanging infrastructure for oil have become a common business tool for them – and for other Chinese State-owned companies seeking access to other commodities. This, of course, puts private-sector resource companies from other countries at a serious disadvantage.
State Capitalist South Africa
South Africa is a long-standing practitioner of State capitalism. The great bulk of key infrastructure, whether railways, ports, airports, electricity generation and transmission, water and sewage and broadcasting systems, is in the hands of wholly or predominantly State-owned companies. Moreover, the State is the biggest shareholder in national tele- communications giant Telkom with a 39.76% share, with the next biggest shareholder being the Public Investment Corporation – which manages public-sector pension, provident, social security, development and guardian funds – with 9.31%; the biggest private- sector shareholder is Allan Gray Investment Council, with 8.82%. So, although Telkom is not, technically, State-owned, it is certainly State-dominated.
In 2002, the government created the Petroleum, Oil and Gas Corporation of South Africa (PetroSA) as the country’s NOC. It explores for and exploits hydrocarbons both at home and abroad, and owns and operates the largest commercial gas-to-liquids refinery in the world – at Mossel Bay on the country’s south coast. At home, the company operates the FA-EM south coast gasfields and the Oribi and Oryx oilfields, while abroad it has exploration licences in Equatorial Guinea and Namibia. Although a minnow by global standards, the company’s official vision is to “be the leading African energy company”.
PetroSA also undertakes the marketing and trading of oil and petrochemicals and is involved in the development of the country’s refining and liquid fuels logistics system. To this end, the company has a $11-billion project for a refinery with a daily production capacity of 400 000 barrels, which would be sited in the Coega industrial development zone, in the Eastern Cape province. (There is also an alternative feasibility study for a smaller refinery at Coega.) If this project goes ahead, it could involve giant Chinese State-owned oil group Sinopec, with which PetroSA has a memorandum of understanding, signed in September.
BP chief economist Christof Ruehl has cast doubt on the economic logic for this project, called Mthombo by PetroSA. He has warned that Chinese policy was to have self-sufficiency in refinery capacity, which will constrain the growth of the export market, while, at home, such an extra refinery could create a surplus of petrol. PetroSA maintains that the refinery is necessary to replace ageing plants and reduce South Africa’s dependence on exports.
Further, in 2007, the South African government set up the African Exploration, Mining & Finance Corporation (AEMFC), under the Central Energy Fund (CEF), as a first step in the creation of a State-owned mining company. The company has since been awarded 27 exploration rights in South Africa and started the development of its first mine, a coal operation at Vlakfontein some 100 km east of Johannesburg, in February last year. It should start production next year, and the AEMFC hopes to be one of the country’s top five coal producers by 2020.
Earlier this month, the government approved a plan to “hive off” the AEMFC from the CEF, with the mining company to act as the core element in the State’s participation in the mining sector. Government sees the AEMFC as an essential element in its strategy to beneficiate the country’s minerals and the company has already targeted chromium, diamonds, gold, iron-ore, manganese, nickel, platinum, titanium, uranium and vanadium as well as coal.
“I think the South African government has an ideological obsession with State involvement in the economy. The South African government very strongly supports State intervention in the economy,” argues Jammine. “I think the Chinese example is a convenient excuse. Politicians refer to China to justify policy in South Africa. But they ignore the differences. There are huge differences between China and South Africa. The Chinese are seriously embarking on developing their human capital resources whereas South Africa has a dearth of skilled managers and doesn’t seem to be on the way to improving this at the moment. My biggest concern about State capitalism is that the [South African] State has thus far failed to implement projects it has planned and budgeted for. So it cannot run its own companies effectively. I have the same misgivings about the State-owned mining company.”
A New Model?
But is there such a thing as a State capitalist model? Bremmer believes so, and also believes that it is a threat to market capitalism and to democracy in the developing world. Of State capitalism he says: “The State is using markets to create wealth that can be directed as political officials see fit . . . the ultimate motive is not economic (maximising growth) but political [Bremmer’s emphasis] (maximising the State’s power and the leader-ship’s chances of survival). This is a form of capitalism but one in which the State acts as the dominant economic player and uses markets primarily for political gain.”
Ferguson, however, has a different view. “Ultimately, it is an unhelpful oversimplification to divide the world into ‘market capitalist’ and ‘State capitalist’ camps. The reality is that most countries are arranged along a spectrum where both the intent and the extent of State intervention in the economy vary. Only extreme libertarians argue that the State has no role whatsoever to play in the economy.”
Although Ferguson gives no examples, they are easy to find. In strongly free market Chile, copper mining major Codelco is still State-owned. In the US, the country’s national passenger railway company, Amtrak, is State-owned, as are various local commuter and suburban railroads. America also has State-owned electricity-generating companies, of which the most famous is the Tennessee Valley Authority (which, interestingly, is run on a not-for-profit basis).
On the other hand, it must not be forgotten that, under Mao Zedong, the Chinese economy was effectively 100% State-owned, including collectivised agriculture. Today, collectivisation has been abolished and agriculture has been semiprivatised, while the private sector now accounts for more than 60% of the country’s economic output and employs at least 80% of its workforce. Moreover, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao recently publicly called for “more economic and political structural reform” and, although these reforms should be “step by step”, they were nevertheless an “urgent task”, otherwise the huge progress China has made over the past 30 years “may be lost”.
Meanwhile, neither of the two other emerging economic giants, Brazil and India, has shown the slightest indication of taking a State capitalist approach. In fact, in January, the Indian government approached London-listed miner Vedanta Resources to sell its stakes in two of the group’s subsidiaries, Bharat Aluminium and Hindustan Zinc, for $3.2-billion. Vedanta revealed its acceptance of the deal early this month. And, in Brazil, the current centre-left administration last month reinitiated privatisations – the antithesis of State capitalism – by concessioning two airports and a terminal at a third for a total of $14.1-billion.
“The real contest of our time is not between a State-capitalist China and a market-capitalist America, with Europe somewhere in the middle,” wrote Ferguson. “It is a contest that goes on within all three regions as we all struggle to strike the right balance between the economic institutions that generate wealth and the political institutions that regulate and redistribute it. The character of this century . . . will be determined by which political system gets that balance right.”
Edited by: Creamer Media Reporter

Estimular a economia?: corte impostos e baixe as tarifas...

Parece a solução mais racional e mais lógica, não é mesmo?
Se um governo quer estimular o consumo, fazendo com que a renda dos cidadãos tenha o maior aproveitamento possível, a solução mais eficiente seria cortar impostos e tarifas de importação, parda que os cidadãos possam dispor de mais renda pessoal para comprar os produtos.
Mas isso é na China...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

China cuts import duties to boost spending

By Wang Yanlin 
Shanghai Daily, 31/03/2012
IN a bid to boost imports, China is cutting duties on some products, expanding financing channels for importers and streamlining the regulatory process, the State Council announced yesterday.

It is the first time China's Cabinet has devoted a regular meeting to the issue of boosting imports, which is usually under the purview of China's Ministry of Commerce.

"As we maintain stable growth in exports, we should focus more on imports and appropriately expand the size of imports," the State Council said in a statement after a meeting chaired by Premier Wen Jiabao.

China, the world's largest exporter, will have to rely less on exports to drive its economy in coming years, when growth in major US and European markets slows.

Importing more will lift living standards and soothe China's disputes with its trade partners.

To boost imports, import duties will be cut for "some energy products, raw materials, consumer goods closely related to people's daily lives, and key items that China does not produce," the State Council statement said.

"China needs to pay more attention to imports while keeping exports stable, considering more environmental restrictions and people's higher standards of living. 

"We should make good use of imports to accelerate technological innovation, improve people's livelihoods and reduce trade conflicts."

China will optimize the structure of imports, stabilize purchases of commodities, and encourage imports of advanced machinery equipment, key parts and consumer products, the State Council said.

It did not specify whether luxury products are included in the consumer products sector. 

Last year, however, the Ministry of Commerce said the government was considering lowering the tax on luxury products in a bid to boost spending at home. 

Some other measures to bolster imports discussed during the meeting included commercial banks being encouraged to lend to importers of machinery, key parts, energy and raw materials, and insurance companies introducing more services for importers.

Customs at all levels, as well as bureaus of entry-exit inspection and quarantine, will be told to reduce red tape and move their procedures online to make the process more convenient for importers.

"The efforts are unprecedented," said Xue Jun, an analyst at CITIC Securities Co. "The government officials are taking seriously the boosting of imports."

China used to stress exports as an important source of economic growth. However, China's imports have grown strongly over the past two years when exports were affected by waning global demand amid the economic crisis.

To restructure China's economy into one driven more by consumers, China is adopting a "buy more but not sell less" tactic, which helped narrow its trade surplus by 14.5 percent in 2011 to US$155 billion.

In February, China posted a US$31.5 billion trade deficit as it sucked in commodity imports that pushed total purchases up 39.6 percent compared to a year ago, more than double the pace of export growth. 

Vice Premier Li Keqiang said earlier this month that China would import US$10 trillion worth of goods and services in the five years ending in 2015.


AAs (Anonimos Adesistas) e a esquizofrenia economica...

Um Anônimo Adesista, ou seja, alguém que tem mais vergonha de defender o governo do que de atacar este simples blogueiro -- que não tem nenhum outro poder, a não ser o do teclado e o da postagem --, enviou um comentário a propósito deste post: 



Anônimo deixou um novo comentário sobre a sua postagem "Tentando entender, e nao entendendo: quem entender...": 

Eu explico ao senhor: políticas de austeridade *fiscal*; políticas expansionistas *monetárias*. 
Inteligência não é o seu forte mesmo. 

Ou seja, ele não explicou absolutamente nada, mas pensa ter me dado uma lição.
Ele deve pensar, certamente, que a fiscalidade se exerce com fiscais, ou que talvez, a austeridade fiscal seja gastar menos abobrinhas, menos melancias, menos bananas.
Em outros termos, o governo gasta menos abobrinhas e, em contrapartida, como ele tem uma política expansionista monetária, como admite este AA, ele pode colocar mais dinheiro no mercado, e isso se combina perfeitamente com a austeridade fiscal.
Entenderam?
Pois é, a gente sempre aprende economia com os doutos e inteligentes que por aqui aparecem...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

Governo aumenta a irracionalidade e a ilegalidade da tributacao nacional...

O título do post é meu, mas eu explico logo abaixo, depois de postar a matéria. O básico é que se trata de tratamento discriminatório e injusto, irracional, e ilegal, tanto no plano interno quanto internacional.
Meus argumentos podem eventualmente ser contestados pelos técnicos do Governo, mas eu gostaria de ver esses argumentos a favor...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida  



Governo vai taxar produtos importados e reduzir impostos da indústria nacional

Raquel Landim
O Estado de S. Paulo, Sexta, 29 de Março de 2012

Os novos setores contemplados devem ser máquinas, móveis, geração e transmissão de energia, plásticos, fabricantes de ônibus, de aviões e indústria naval


SÃO PAULO - A presidente Dilma Rousseff vai elevar a tributação sobre produtos importados ao mesmo tempo em que reduz os impostos pagos pela indústria nacional. Na terça-feira, a equipe econômica pretende anunciar a desoneração da folha de pagamento para cerca de nove setores e a criação de uma Cofins (Contribuição para o Financiamento da Seguridade Social) adicional para as importações desses produtos.
Os setores contemplados devem ser aqueles que se reuniram recentemente com o ministro da Fazenda, Guido Mantega: máquinas, móveis, geração e transmissão de energia, plásticos, fabricantes de ônibus, de aviões, indústria naval, além de calçados e têxteis, que já haviam sido beneficiados anteriormente. 
Esses setores deixam de pagar os 20% de INSS que incidem sobre os salários dos seus trabalhadores e, em troca, vão contribuir com um alíquota equivalente a cerca de 1% do faturamento bruto. A alíquota ainda não está fechada, mas a intenção do governo é adotar o mesmo porcentual para todos os setores.
A avaliação da equipe econômica é que a instituição da Cofins sobre os importados significa garantir "isonomia" para a indústria nacional. A alíquota de cerca de 1% será cobrada sobre o faturamento das empresas já acrescida de PIS/Cofins, que hoje está em 9,25%. Dessa maneira, na prática, aumentaria a Cofins paga pela indústria brasileira. Logo, a alíquota extra para o importado só compensa a diferença.
A avaliação de especialistas ouvidos pelo Estado, no entanto, é diferente: ao tributar só o importado, o governo federal estaria promovendo tratamento discriminatório, que vai contra as regras da Organização Mundial de Comércio (OMC). É a mesma polêmica da alta de 30 pontos porcentuais do Imposto sobre Produtos Industrializados (IPI) para os automóveis importados.
Para tentar escapar do questionamento na OMC, o governo poderia recorrer ao esquema de elevar a Cofins para todos os produtos manufaturados e devolver o imposto à indústria nacional por meio de crédito tributário. 
Segundo um estudo que circula na administração federal, obtido pela reportagem, o governo avalia essa alternativa. Com o título de "Indústria da transformação e a concorrência externa predatória. Uma proposta de mitigação dos efeitos", o documento tem 35 páginas.
No trabalho, os técnicos do governo simularam o que ocorreria se o governo desonerasse a folha de pagamento de toda a indústria da transformação brasileira e concluíram que representaria uma perda de arrecadação de R$ 20 bilhões.
De acordo com o documento, se fosse instituída uma alíquota extra de 9% de Cofins para os produtos importados, isso significaria arrecadação extra de R$ 27,3 bilhões. O valor é mais do que suficiente para cobrir o rombo da desoneração da folha. Procurado, o Ministério da Fazenda não se pronunciou.
========
Comentários PRA:
Todos os demais setores da economia nacional vão se sentir discriminados e se perguntar: "Por que só esses aí, e o meu setor não? São só eles que sentem os efeitos perversos de uma supertributação?"
De fato, reduções setoriais representa um tratamento discriminatório, desigual, iníquo, pois parece que só os que choram, os que vão a Brasília, é que conseguem algumas migalhas aparentes do governo.
De fato, essa dedução dos recolhimentos laborais do INSS contra um recolhimento do faturamento bruto vai ajudar as empresas que empregam relativamente mais capital humano do que máquinas, mas isso vai ao contrário da modernização tecnológica, pois as empresas vão evitar de se capitalizar, e aumentar sua rentabilidade no upgrade tecnológico, para não ter de pagar mais impostos.
É esse o caminho da modernização competitiva que o Brasil pretende?
Pretende ser um eterno utilizador de mão-de-obra extensiva em todos os setores?
Esse é o resultado, estrutural e de longo prazo, que nos prometem essas medidas bem intencionadas, mas como tudo em economia, sempre tem consequências pelo outro lado.
O governo está dizendo aos empresários: "Não se capitalizem, empreguem mais gente, conservem o seu pessoal, não se modernizem, senão vocês vão pagar mais impostos..."
Belo futuro temos pela frente.

Quanto à outra medida, ela não poderia ser mais inconstitucional, irracional, deletéria, estúpida e, no limite, contrária a qualquer regra do sistema multilateral de comércio.
Afinal de contas, o que um Cofins sobre as importações?
O que é o Cofins?
Literalmente se trata de uma contribuição para o financiamento da seguridade social, ou seja, como os trabalhadores são formados no que se chama (muito mal aliás) sistema nacional de educação -- teoricamente estudos básico e médio público gratuito -- e depois colocados à disposição do setor privado, no processo produtivo, se pede uma contribuição do empresário para a aposentadoria desses mesmos trabalhadores, no pressuposto de que eles tiveram uma boa educação e foram formados pelo Estado, ou seja, a coletividade, para servir a fins privados.
Não importa aqui -- e isso já representa uma irracionalidade -- que os mesmos empresários já recolhem 20% de INSS para as mesmas finalidades, e que a Cofins, portanto, é duplicada e cumulativa, o fato é que se paga duas vezes pela mesma finalidade, mas o fato relevante é que produtos que não passaram pelo processo produtivo nacional, e que NUNCA TIVERAM TRABALHADORES FORMADOS NO BRASIL, não deveriam ser submetidos a uma tributação nacional.
Ou seja, o Brasil está cobrando por um suposto benefício que JAMAIS teve uma contrapartida nacional, a menos que ele pretenda remeter o dinheiro do Cofins para os países de origem do produto, pois seria teoricamente o vínculo estrutural desse tributo.
Começa, portanto, que essa Cofins sobre importações já é uma irracionalidade, uma prepotência brasileira, uma taxa iníqua que jamais deveria ter sido criada e aplicada, não só internamente -- pois corresponde a um imposto duplicado --, mas sobretudo externamente, pois NÃO CORRESPONDE A QUALQUER CONTRAPARTIDA DO ESTADO.
Desde 2003 que a Cofins vem sendo cobrada também nas importações, e eu digo que isso é ilegal, discriminatório, injusto e contrário às obrigações internacionais do Brasil.
Agora pretendem aumentar os 8% de mais 9% de Cofins nas importações. Pois eu acho que os países do Gatt vão reclamar contra o Brasil e pedir eliminação dessa cobrança ilegal, QUE NÃO CORRESPONDE A QUALQUER regra de comércio que o Brasil tenha apresentado e consolidado no Gatt. Aliás, deveria antes passar pelo Mercosul, que é a união aduaneira através da qual -- hoje bem mais ficcional -- o Brasil consolida sua política comercial no sistema multilateral.
O Estado brasileiro é um país que já vive à margem da legalidade no plano interno e agora se prepara também para viver na ilegalidade no plano internacional.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

quinta-feira, 29 de março de 2012

Republica Sindical Brasileira, ou Peronismo de botequim...


Nossa infinda autocracia sindical

Fernando Alves de Oliveira*
Congresso em Foco, 29/03/2012



“É triste o quadro do nosso autocrático e senil regime sindical. Quando e quem se habilitará a reformá-lo”


Em junho de 1948, após a derrubada do Estado Novo do ditador Getúlio Vargas e a redemocratização do País, e já na presidência do general Eurico Gaspar Dutra, o Brasil foi um dos signatários da Convenção 87 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT). Assinada, mas não ratificada até os dias atuais. Por quê?
Como importantes referências históricas, vale recordar que Dutra liderou o movimento de novembro de 1945 que destituiu o caudilho Vargas do poder. Em setembro de 1946, viria a ser promulgada a quinta Constituição Federativa. Restabelecido o regime democrático, Dutra foi eleito em dezembro do mesmo ano como novo presidente da República. Após cassar o Partido Comunista e romper relações diplomáticas com a União Soviética, Dutra foi o responsável pela criação do Serviço Social da Indústria (Sesi) e Serviço Social do Comércio (Sesc) e de se valer do Decreto-lei 9070/46 para a regulação do direito de greve em atividades essenciais, além de outros importantes feitos para a época, no âmbito interno e externo.
Estava claro que o sindicalismo intervencionista do Estado autoritário, baseado na “Carta Del Lavoro” de Benito Mussolini, não era o modelo ideal para o Brasil da época, que começava a sair da fase eminentemente colonial e engatinhava para os avanços do parque industrial. Ademais, o país sofria as agruras econômicas advindas de um mundo saído da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Os mais perspicazes já enxergavam ali o embrião da globalização.
Então, por qual razão a Convenção 87 da OIT não foi ratificada e sempre postergada?
Ocorre que desde a promulgação da legislação sindical no glorioso primeiro de maio de 1943, concebida com sua irmã gêmea, a Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho (Decreto-lei 5.452, de Vargas), os responsáveis pelo sistema sindical brasileiro insistiram em trilhar pela bitola estreita da unicidade, que veda a existência de mais de uma categoria (laboral ou econômica) em dada base territorial, além, é claro, na plácida sustentação financeira da contribuição sindical obrigatória. Como tal, garantidas a exclusividade da representação e da arrecadação compulsória, trabalhar ou não em prol da categoria laboral ou patronal representada jamais passou de mera opção de escolha.
Ora, partindo da premissa de que a Convenção 87 proclama, dentre outros tantos fundamentos de igual ou ainda maior importância “da necessidade de melhorar as condições de trabalho e a afirmação do princípio da liberdade da associação sindical”, aliadas “à liberdade de expressão e de associação, como valores basilares para o progresso constante”, tornou-se profundamente estranhável (para não dizer vergonhoso) que o Brasil nunca tivesse optado por sua formal validação. Em verdade, nosso Parlamento –onde tal documento jaz há 65 anos- nos dias atuais nem teria mais condições formais de ratificá-lo, ante o preceito constitucional capitulado no artigo 8º da Constituição Federal promulgada em outubro de 1988, que consagrou a representação sindical fincado na unicidade e manutenção da contribuição compulsória. Ter-se-ia de mudar essa prescrição constitucional. O que é impensável.
Claro está que os constituintes liderados pelo finado Ulysses Guimarães foram anfibológicos e incongruentes. Utilizaram-se do enganoso expediente formal de desatrelar o Estado do movimento sindical, mas mantiveram não só a unidade como a contribuição obrigatória (que possibilitaria que o mesmo Estado persistisse participando do rateio do bolo sindical e embolsando 20% do seu total). Conclusão: o Estado segue dando as cartas e jogando de mão na constituição dos sindicatos. Primeiro através de sucessivas Instruções Normativas, como a inicial que criou o “Cadastro Nacional das Entidades de Sindicatos”, afora outras que se sucederam, desaguando na Portaria 186/08 que regula o registro sindical. Em verdade, uma concessão oficial maquiada de antiga “carta sindical”…
Assim sendo, Executivo e Legislativo são tutores do corporativismo representado pelos interesses dos pelegos que infestam o sindicalismo nacional, e que em troca de apoio político-eleitoral, são credores do Estado da dádiva do dinheiro fácil, oriundo da contribuição sindical compulsória sustentadora de sinecuras, balcões de negócios e meio de vida. E para ficar muito bem explicitado: não só de dirigentes de entidades de empregados, como também de patrões.
Aliás, a não ratificação da citada Convenção 87 ou edição de ampla e saneadora reforma sindical derivam, ambas, da velha e surrada ausência de vontade política do Legislativo e do Executivo. Neste tema, o  honroso e tão decantado jargão de um Brasil globalizado e líder absoluto dos emergentes, que tanto orgulha o povo brasileiro, possui pouco ou nenhum valor. Para os donos do Poder, mais vale o atraso sindical de sete décadas. Afinal, se sindicalismo propositivo, de vanguarda, é prioridade nacional, ela é a menos importante do elenco das mais importantes. Então, para que correr o risco de mudar o que rende votos nas urnas, que, afinal de contas é o que vale a governos ávidos de perenidade de poder?
Já provei, em meus livros e em artigos anteriores, que o único governante que rivalizou com o Congresso pela extinção da contribuição sindical foi Fernando Collor de Mello. Baldados seus esforços. Foi derrotado por ele em duas oportunidades. E de goleada!
Dos contemporâneos, Fernando Henrique Cardoso entrou e saiu mudo na questão sindical. Já seu sucessor, vindo do meio, discursou, escreveu e assinou aquilo que seria a redenção institucional, moral e ética do sindicalismo. Ledo engano. Logrou todas as expectativas, manchando sua biografia. Sua preocupação foi com o oposto, beneficiando exclusivamente os sindicalistas, seus ex-colegas. Foi solícito em ampliar a reserva de mercado onde os sindicalistas ganham a vida e sobem degraus da escada política. Prova disso? Quase 50% dos cargos públicos e das estatais estão ocupados pela casta.
Ora, a verdadeira liberdade sindical é a representada no direito de trabalhadores e empregadores se organizarem e se constituírem sem o arbítrio do Estado, tendo como manutenção econômica uma contribuição de cunho espontâneo. Como o estatuído na Convenção 87 da OIT.
E como se prova ao longo de décadas passadas e no presente quanto à total aversão pela pluralidade sindical, também é evidente o desinteresse em abdicar da contribuição impositiva em favor das de caráter voluntário. Destarte, prevalece zero de interesse em ratificar a tal Convenção, bem como levar a cabo uma reforma sindical que tire o Brasil do malsinado atraso, que envergonha os componentes da vanguarda sindical, que lutam com denodo por transformações profiláticas e que devolvam dignidade, ética e transparência ao sistema prevalecente, regido pelo defasado e caduco modelo varguista.
Até um tempo não muito distante, a CUT, braço direito do PT, recomendava de boca cheia aos sindicatos a ela filiados para que devolvessem o dinheiro recolhido da contribuição obrigatória aos contribuintes das entidades. Como no PT o discurso costuma ser o antônimo da prática, deveria ser ela, a CUT, a primeira a dar o bom exemplo, restituindo ao ministério do Trabalho e Emprego os milhões de reais que tanto ela como as demais centrais colegas recebem desde 2008, por nímia generosidade de Lula, proveniente do rateio do bolo sindical. E o que é mais grave: sem qualquer fiscalização do Tribunal de Contas da União…
Aliás, os dirigentes de todas essas centrais também deveriam explicar não só aos trabalhadores a elas filiados, mas à sociedade brasileira, quais são os reais valores institucionais e de representação sindical de suas confederações e federações (que identicamente recebem 5% e 15%, respectivamente, do idêntico bolo sindical). Afinal, quais são, na realidade, as funções institucionais dessas federações e confederações depois do advento das centrais? Como tal, quais as justificativas merecedoras da continuidade da percepção desses obesos aportes?
E em termos de política sindical, o próprio ministério do Trabalho e Emprego virou um mero carimbo. Depois da saída de Carlos Lupi (outro defenestrado com rótulo de quem saiu, como todos os demais, “a pedido”) está sendo dirigido por um burocrata de carreira. Pelo mesmo secretário-executivo, subalterno de Lupi, que, por sua vez, ainda arvora a si o direito de participar do processo de escolha de seu sucessor, cujos critérios, naturalmente, estão longe de ser os qualificativos de mérito e competência e sim os dos conhecidos critérios de divisão do latifúndio político, tão a gosto do partido que, no passado, era histriônica e visceralmente contrário a isso tudo que hoje, no Poder, pratica com tanta desenvoltura…
Por fim, a indagação é extremamente recorrente: de qual setor de atividade são originários muitos dos partícipes do governo, instalado há 10 anos e umbilicalmente metidos no mais escabroso período da vida republicana deste país em matéria de corrupção e de seguidos escândalos?
É este o quadro  do nosso autocrático e senil regime sindical. Quando e quem se habilitará a reformá-lo?
* Consultor sindical patronal, autônomo e independente, autor dos livros O sindicalismo brasileiro clama por socorro, e S.O.S.SINDICALpt, editados pela LTr e de palestra direcionada, além de dezenas de  artigos sob o tema sindical. Acervo em http://falvesoiveira.zip.net/ e em http://falvesoliveira.blogspot (“Por um sindicalismo patronal melhor”). Contatos: falvesoli40@terra.com.br  Facebook: http://facebook.com/fernando.alvesdeoliveira3