domingo, 25 de outubro de 2020

How Trump has changed the world - Rebecca Seales (BBC News)

 

US election 2020: How Trump has changed the world

By Rebecca Seales
BBC News, October 24, 2020

Published
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Donald Trump and map of the world

The president of the United States is not just the leader of his country, he is probably the most powerful person on Earth. What he does changes life for all of us. Donald Trump is no exception. So how exactly has Mr Trump changed the world?

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How the world sees America

President Trump has repeatedly declared the US "the greatest country in the world". But according to a recent 13-nation poll by the Pew Research Center, he hasn't done much for its image overseas.

In many European countries, the percentage of the public with a positive view of America is at its lowest for almost 20 years. In the UK, 41% had a favourable opinion, while in France it was 31%, the lowest since 2003, and in Germany just 26%.

A BBC graphic showing the percentage of people who say they have confidence or no confidence in various world leaders
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America's response to the coronavirus pandemic was a major factor - only 15% of respondents felt the US had handled the virus well, according to figures from July and August.

Stepping back on climate change

It's hard to pin down what President Trump believes about climate change, as he's called it everything from "an expensive hoax", to a "serious subject" that is "very important to me". What is clear is that six months into the job, he dismayed scientists by announcing America's withdrawal from the Paris climate accord, which committed nearly 200 countries to keeping global temperature rises well under 2C.

The US is the second-biggest emitter of greenhouse gases behind China, and researchers have warned that if Mr Trump is re-elected, it may become impossible to keep global warming in check.

Rejecting the Paris agreement, the president claimed it "would have been shutting down American producers with excessive regulatory restrictions". This has been a theme for Mr Trump, who has removed a raft of pollution regulations to cut the cost of producing coal, oil and gas.

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Several US coal mines have still closed, however, driven by competition from cheaper natural gas and state efforts to support renewable energy. Government figures show renewable sources generated more energy than coal in the US in 2019, for the first time in more than 130 years.

America's exit from the Paris climate deal formally takes effect on 4 November, the day after the presidential election. Joe Biden has pledged to rejoin the pact if he wins.

Fears that the US pull-out would prompt a domino effect have not been realised, although some observers believe it smoothed the path for Brazil and Saudi Arabia to block progress on cutting carbon emissions.

Closed borders, for some

President Trump set out his stall on immigration just a week after his inauguration, closing US borders to travellers from seven Muslim-majority countries. Currently 13 nations are subject to tight travel restrictions.

The number of foreign-born people living in the US was about 3% higher in 2019 than in 2016, President Obama's last year in office. But who those immigrants are has changed.

A BBC graphic showing a small rise in the number of US residents born overseas
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The percentage of US residents born in Mexico has fallen steadily during Mr Trump's term, while the number who moved from elsewhere in Latin America and the Caribbean has increased. There has also been a general tightening of the number of visas enabling people to settle permanently in the US - particularly for relatives of those already living there.

If there's an emblem of President Trump's immigration policy, it's surely the "big, beautiful wall" he swore to build on the border with Mexico. As of 19 October, US Customs and Border Protection says 371 miles of wall have been constructed - almost all of it replacement fencing where barriers already existed.

The work did not deter those desperate to reach America.

The number of migrants detained at the US-Mexico border hit its highest level for 12 years in 2019, spurred by a peak in arrivals during the spring. More than half were families, mostly from Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, where violence and poverty are driving people to seek asylum and a new life elsewhere.

Turning to refugees, Donald Trump has made swingeing cuts to the number who can resettle in America. The US took in almost 85,000 refugees in the fiscal year 2016, which fell to under 54,000 people the following year.

In 2021, the maximum will be 15,000 people - the fewest since the refugee programme launched in 1980.

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The rise of 'fake news'

"I think one of the greatest of all terms I've come up with is 'fake'," Donald Trump said in an October 2017 interview. Although the president definitely didn't invent the term "fake news", it's fair to say he popularised it. According to social media posts and audio transcripts monitored by Factba.se, he has used the phrase about 2,000 times since first tweeting it in December 2016.

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Search Google for "fake news" today and you'll get more than 1.1 billion results from all over the world. Charted over time, you can see how US interest rose in the winter of 2016-17, and spiked the week the president unveiled what he called the "Fake News Awards", a list of news stories he viewed as false.

A BBC graphic charting Google searches for the words 'fake news' over time
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During the 2016 White House race, "fake news" meant untrue reports like one about Pope Francis endorsing Mr Trump for the presidency. But as it seeped into popular usage, that meaning shifted away from being just about misinformation.

The president has frequently used "fake news" to attack news stories he disagrees with. In February 2017, he took it further, branding several news outlets "the enemy of the American people".

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It's a term that's been picked up by leaders in Thailand, the Philippines, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, among others, and some have used allegations of spreading "fake news" to justify repression and prosecutions against opposition activists and journalists.

Civil society groups say that by using the term against credible reporting, politicians fundamentally undermine democracy, which relies on people agreeing what the basic facts are.

America's 'endless wars', and a Middle East deal

In his February 2019 State of the Union address, President Trump pledged to withdraw US troops from Syria, declaring: "Great nations do not fight endless wars."

The numbers paint a more nuanced story. Not least because months down the line, Mr Trump decided to keep about 500 troops in Syria after all to protect oil wells. The president has scaled back the presence he inherited in Afghanistan, and to an extent in Iraq and Syria. But American forces are still everywhere they were the day he took office.

A BBC graph showing the number of US troops overseas between 2008 and 2020
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There are ways to impact on the Middle East without troops, of course. President Trump overturned the objections of previous presidents by moving the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem in 2018, and recognising the city, including its occupied East, as Israel's capital. Last month he hailed the "dawn of a new Middle East" when the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain signed agreements normalising relations with Israel - a move the US helped broker.

Rhetoric aside, this was perhaps the most significant diplomatic achievement of the Trump administration. The two Gulf states are just the third and fourth Arab nations in the Middle East to recognise Israel since it declared independence in 1948.

The art of the (trade) deal

President Trump seems to scorn deals he didn't broker. On his first day in office, he dumped the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a 12-nation trade deal approved by President Obama, after branding it "horrible". The withdrawal mostly benefited China, which viewed the deal as an attempt to curb its influence in the Asia-Pacific region. But in the US, critics who felt the agreement would compromise American jobs cheered its demise.

Mr Trump also renegotiated the North American Free Trade Agreement with Canada and Mexico, which he called "perhaps the worst trade deal ever made". Its replacement left much unchanged, but toughened up labour provisions and rules on the sourcing of car parts.

The president's real fixation has been how America benefits from trade with the world. The outcome was a bitter trade war with China, in which the world's two largest economies imposed hundreds of billions of dollars of taxes on each other's goods. It's been a headache for US soybean farmers and the tech and auto industries. China was affected too, as businesses moved their manufacturing to countries like Vietnam and Cambodia to lower their costs.

A BBC chart showing US trade with China by imports and exports
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For 2019, the US trade deficit in goods with China was slightly under its 2016 level. American companies imported less as they sought to avoid Mr Trump's tariffs.

However, despite the coronavirus pandemic heavily influencing trends for 2020. America still imports more goods than it exports.

Tussles with China

This Trump tweet refers to a policy rollback so stunning that the phone call in question has its own Wikipedia page.

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On 2 December 2016, Mr Trump (then president-elect) took the highly unusual step of speaking directly to the president of Taiwan - breaking with a precedent set in 1979, when formal relations were cut. Carrie Gracie, then the BBC's China editor, predicted the move would prompt "alarm and anger" in Beijing, which sees Taiwan as a province of China not an independent state.

The bold opener from Mr Trump was the first in a multi-pronged poking contest between the great geopolitical rivals, which has sunk relations to their lowest point in years.

The US has irked China by declaring its territorial claims in the South China Sea illegal, heaping tariffs on its goods, banning downloads of the popular apps TikTok and WeChat, and blacklisting Chinese telecoms giant Huawei - which it claims is a threat to national security.

But the tensions did not begin under Mr Trump, and are driven in part by China's own actions. President Xi Jinping, in power since 2013, has presided over a highly controversial national security law in Hong Kong, and the mass imprisonment of China's Muslim minority Uighurs.

President Trump has renamed Covid-19 "the China virus", and while he may be keen to deflect scrutiny from his own handling of the pandemic, a change of US leadership wouldn't necessarily mean a more conciliatory tone. Democratic nominee Joe Biden has called President Xi a thug, and claimed the Chinese leader "doesn't have a [democratic] bone in his body".

An almost-war with Iran

"Iran will be held fully responsible for lives lost, or damage incurred, at any of our facilities. They will pay a very BIG PRICE! This is not a Warning, it is a Threat," Mr Trump tweeted on New Year's Eve, 2019. "Happy New Year!"

Days later, to global shock, the US assassinated Qasem Suleimani, Iran's most powerful general, and the man who spearheaded its military operations in the Middle East. Iran retaliated, firing more than a dozen ballistic missiles at two American bases in Iraq. More than 100 US troops were injured, and analysts deemed the nations on the brink of war.

There was no war, but innocent civilians still died: just hours after Iran's missile strikes, its military mistakenly shot down a Ukrainian passenger jet, killing all 176 people on board.

How did it come to this? A series of mutual miscalculations made against a backdrop of mistrust.

The US and Iran have been at loggerheads since 1979, when Iran's US-backed shah (its monarch) was overthrown, and 52 Americans were taken hostage inside the US embassy. In May 2018, Mr Trump ratcheted up tensions by abandoning a 2015 nuclear deal, under which Iran agreed to limit its nuclear programme in return for the lifting of economic sanctions. He then put in place what the White House called "the toughest sanctions regime ever imposed" - designed to compel Iran's leaders into a deal more to his liking.

Tehran refused to bend. The sanctions drove Iran's economy into severe recession, and by October 2019 the cost of food was up by 61% year-on-year and the price of tobacco by 80%. Suffering Iranians held widespread protests a month later.

While the coronavirus crisis has absorbed political attention in both hard-hit countries, their diplomatic channels remain few and their flashpoints numerous.

As "línguas" do Brasil (em minha opinião) - Paulo Roberto de Almeida

 Algumas "línguas" do Brasil que eu consigo distinguir, no rádio, na televisão (sem indicação de local), no contato direto:


1) gauchês (essa é fácil)
2) mineirês (mais fácil ainda)
3) carioquês (as novelas ajudam, mas decaiu bastante)
4) paulistês (do interior, é batata; da capital, basta o "né")
4) baianês (não tem igual, no mundo...)
5) paraibano (muito correto, mas o acento é característico)
6) paranaês (o do interior é arrastado como o paulistês)
7) catarinense (um dos melhores, mas tem trejeitos);
8) amazonense (ainda preciso aperfeiçoar)
9) maranhense (segundo o Sarney o mais puro; só o dele)
10) juridiquês (se deteriorou nos últimos tempos)
11) diplomatês (um pouco pernóstico, mas cheio de bullshits)
12) presidencial (por enquanto, completamente debiloide).

Alguma contribuição dos meus dezoito leitores?

Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Brasília, 25/10/2020

O Brasil não é um pária internacional - Juan Arias (El Pais)

 O Brasil é um “pária” do mundo? (Por Juan Arias)

O ministro das Relações Exteriores de Jair Bolsonaro, Ernesto Araújo, afirmou na quinta-feira aos alunos do Colégio Rio Branco, o prestigioso instituto de formação dos diplomatas brasileiros, que não importa que o Brasil pareça “um pária” no mundo se for para defender a liberdade. Disse isso diante do presidente Jair Bolsonaro, que participava da cerimônia.

As palavras costumam ser reveladoras do que se pensa. E não é por acaso Araújo escolheu o qualificativo de “pária”, que também significa excluído, marginais e proscrito, e que nos remete aos párias da Índia, aos intocáveis, aos sem direitos, aos castigados para fazer os trabalhos mais humildes.

Afirmar que não importa que o Brasil seja visto como um pária e marginal no mundo é uma grave ofensa aos mais de duzentos milhões de brasileiros. E acrescentar que isso é para “defender a liberdade” soa como sarcasmo.

Que liberdades o Governo de extrema direita defende hoje? A liberdade de expressão? A liberdade da mulher de usar o próprio corpo? A de poder viver em paz a própria sexualidade? A dos negros e pardos que são a maioria e são os mais expostos à violência institucional? A liberdade dos diferentes e excluídos? A dos indígenas que estão sendo exterminados e empurrados para entrar na nossa civilização alienada?

Justamente hoje os grandes milionários estão comprando ilhas virgens para viver fora do estrondo de um mundo cada vez mais poluído e massificado. Não, o Brasil não é visto no exterior como um pária. No máximo, com preocupação porque seu Governo está ameaçando todas as liberdades com uma política autoritária que o afasta das grandes democracias do mundo.

O ministro Araújo havia afirmado ao chegar ao Itamaraty que “Deus escolheu Trump e Bolsonaro para salvar o mundo”. Salvá-lo do quê? Justamente, neste momento, são os Estados Unidos e o Brasil que pagam um preço alto pelas políticas negacionistas e autoritárias de seus presidentes.

A verdade, goste-se ou não, é que hoje o Brasil é visto pelo mundo com preocupação, não como um “pária”. É um país que sempre foi admirado, não só como potência econômica, como também por ser um país que despertava simpatia e até inveja. O Brasil é um país onde sempre conviveram em paz pessoas de mais de 90 nações diferentes. Aqui ficaram e hoje seus filhos e netos se sentem brasileiros.

Que seu ministro de Relações Exteriores não se importe que este país, um dos maiores do mundo e estratégico no continente, seja visto como um “pária” revela melhor do que qualquer outra coisa a que limites uma pobreza política e espiritual estão conduzindo o país.

Continua após a publicidade

O Brasil sempre se destacou por sua política externa vista como uma das mais preparadas do mundo. O Itamaraty era considerado uma escola de diplomatas que engrandeciam a imagem do Brasil no exterior.

Eu mesmo fui testemunha disso há 20 anos, quando cheguei aqui e fui entrevistar o então ministro de Relações Exteriores, Celso Lafer. Fiquei impressionado com sua visão aberta do mundo, sua bagagem cultural e seu domínio das línguas. E em minhas viagens pelo mundo pude sentir de perto a simpatia com que meus colegas jornalistas brasileiros eram acolhidos. De imediato exaltava-se o Brasil, lembrando não só seu futebol com o mítico Pelé, mas também sua música, seu pluralismo religioso e suas belezas naturais, de suas florestas a suas praias virgens. E sobretudo pela capacidade de acolher os estrangeiros.

Não encontrei, de fato, um estrangeiro radicado no Brasil que tenha visto este país como um “pária”, mas, sim, como um gigante digno de respeito e que apesar de suas desigualdades sociais e seu racismo herdado do tempo da escravidão é um país que não ama a guerra. Gosta, isso sim, de viver com felicidade. Quando o ex-diretor da edição brasileira do EL PAÍS Antonio Jiménez voltou à Espanha e foi questionado sobre o que o Brasil havia lhe dado, ele respondeu: “me ensinou a ser feliz”.

Que os governantes de hoje que estão empobrecendo o país com suas políticas de exclusão e negacionismos não se iludam. A democracia, com todos os seus pecados, é hoje aprovada por 70% dos brasileiros como melhor do que a ditadura.

Tentar envenenar o país criando ódio e empobrecendo as liberdades só levará a uma rebelião ou a um desprezo pelos novos políticos.

É assustador falar em liberdade um Governo que persegue os artistas, os cientistas e humilha os professores, ao mesmo tempo que deixa tranquilos as poderosas milícias e traficantes. É grotesco que um Governo que considera uma insignificância as 155.000 vítimas da pandemia, por sua política negacionista do vírus e por boicotar a esperança de uma vacina que nos livre desse pesadelo, se vanglorie de ser paladino da liberdade.

Enfraquecer o Brasil, que é um continente com enormes possibilidades tantas vezes castradas por políticas obtusas e de rapina dos bens públicos, é um pecado que a extrema direita pode pagar muito caro.

O Brasil não é um pária, é uma possibilidade de desenvolvimento destinada a contar no tabuleiro mundial. E isso ninguém será capaz de lhe roubar. Um país que nunca amou a guerra, ao qual se incute o amor pelas armas e é envenenado com ódios que poderiam conduzir a uma guerra civil, merece estadistas que, em vez de apequená-lo, sejam capazes de recolocá-lo dentro e fora do território não como um pária, mas como uma possibilidade e uma esperança.


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