segunda-feira, 9 de novembro de 2026

A melhor exposição, ever, das concepções antiglobalistas americanas, em total sinceridade e coerência (com a concepção antiglobalista radical) - Tyler Durden (Zero Hedge)

 

The Globalists Just Came Out Of Hiding For A Secretive Summit In China

Tyler Durden's Photo
BY TYLER DURDEN
SATURDAY, NOV 07, 2026 - 09:00 AM

Authored by Brandon Smith via Alt-Market.us

Over the past several months I’ve been covering some of strange changes in behavior of globalist institutions. Specifically, just before the 2024 elections in the US, the elites seemed to go “radio silent” when compared to their bravado in the pandemic era. For a brief moment in time the mask came off completely, and then they tried to put it back on.

Sadly, most people tend to have short memories, but through the majority of Joe Biden’s disastrous presidency the Davos crowd was absolutely frenetic with activity. The World Economic Forum and all orbiting think tanks were crowing about covid and how “this was the moment” that they were going to dramatically deconstruct capitalism and western norms. (Start video at 6:00)

Klaus Schwab, head of the WEF at the time, called for a “Great Reset” and a 4th Industrial Revolution based on the notion that “you will own nothing, and be happy about it…” The pandemic was their “Red October” moment.

Lynn Forester de Rothschild openly announced the creation of the “Council for Inclusive Capitalism” in conjunction with the Pope and the Vatican; an organization devoted to woke socialist control of every facet of the corporate and economic world.

The establishment media was operating full force in support of the globalist regime, spreading non-stop propaganda in favor of perpetual lockdowns, perpetual vaccines, vax passports, a new society revolving entirely around medical tyranny and constant fear over a virus with a tiny median Infection Fatality rate of 0.23%. In other words, billions of people were supposed to give up their freedoms and bow to the technocrats to save the world from a virus that 99.8% of the population would easily survive.

I still don’t think many people realize how close we came to going off the edge of the cliff. We were a breath away from total Orwellian tyranny or outright civil war.

Then, suddenly, the noise was gone. It was like someone flipped a switch, or sent out a company memo. The fear mongering stopped almost overnight. The media gave up on multiple false narratives and moved on to other news stories. Some even admitted that the virus was not as big a threat as they had originally reported.

According to US state data (not CDC data) around 25% of the population was still unvaccinated. Around 50% of Americans refused to get a booster shot. Half of all American states (red states) blocked the mandates. Maybe this was the trigger that forced the globalists to retreat from their agenda. Maybe they calculated 25% of an armed population fighting back and they didn’t like their odds. It’s hard to say.

What I do know is, the WEF disappeared into the hedges. The think tanks you never heard of until the pandemic? They returned to obscurity. The Council For Inclusive Capitalism? They essentially dissolved. The New World Order had been beaten back…for a little while.

Of course, it was only a matter of time before they popped up again. Sure, there have been Davos meetings and the WEF still exists, but most elitist meetings have been limited to smaller climate change conferences. Nothing substantial in which global planning is discussed, until recently…

It is perhaps not coincidental that the globalists just held a discreet summit at the end of October, right before the US midterms, and in China of all places.

The 2026 Global Governance Forum is a Chinese funded event with extremely limited press coverage; the first such forum China has ever hosted. It received minor lip service from Reuters and a couple other outlets, but press on the scene was mostly restricted to CCP approved media, and they only covered the opening and closing ceremonies.

Details of the 22 round table discussions held at the forum are limited or non-existent, and the list of 180 overseas guests is largely confidential. Klaus Schwab was there, along with a few other publicly announced notables including:

  • Gerhard Schröder (former Chancellor of Germany)
  • Klaus Schwab (founder of the World Economic Forum)
  • Thomas L. Friedman (New York Times columnist)
  • Guy Ryder (UN Under-Secretary-General for Policy)
  • John L. Thornton (co-chair, Board of Trustees, Asia Society)
  • David Shambaugh (political scientist)
  • Helga Zepp-LaRouche (founder, Schiller Institute)
  • Erik Solheim (former UN Under-Secretary-General and Executive Director of UNEP)
  • Andrea Renda (director of research, Centre for European Policy Studies)

Topics reportedly focused on globalist operations in Asia, with the Chinese-Globalist relationship being strengthened. There were also mentions of AI development, the “governance” of outer space, UN reform and streamlining, as well as an announcement of a “Global Governance Research Center.”

Motivations include the Trump Administration’s tariffs, which have been rather useful in disrupting globalist efforts to homogenize national economies. Their solution is obviously to shift away from the US to a new consumer engine, but such an engine simply doesn’t exist.

The US is 30% of all global consumer markets; without it, no manufacturing economy will be able to survive for long; but maybe that’s the goal? To cut off the rest of the world from its primary consumer foundation and break down national economies even further.

The conference seems to support the theory that the elites are attempting to build a coalition between Europe and China in an effort to mitigate conservative movements in the US. European officials and even Canadian leaders have been boasting about their plans to rely more on China as a global economic partner.

This is a foolish notion given that China is a manufacturing economy, not a consumer economy. They might have a billion people, but the average yearly wage in China outside of government jobs is only $10,000 USD per year with no expendable income. The average annual wage for government jobs is around $16,000 USD.

I suspect this rhetoric is fodder for the uninformed liberal peasantry; a way to get them hyped up about breaking from the US economy and “punishing the capitalists” without considering the true consequences (we’re seeing those consequences hitting Canadians right now).

The forum closed with its “Global Governance: Xiongan Vision” document. The document describes the world as entering a “new period of turbulence” and argued that “multilateralism” (global government) is the only viable way to address the governance deficit (whatever that means). They urged safeguarding and improving the UN’s central role in this effort.

The message also advocated for greater Global South participation in rule-making, agenda-setting, and decision-making. And, it promoted the the UN’s 2030 Agenda with preparations for a post-2030 world. Whatever was discussed behind closed doors, we may never know.

Some people might be surprised that China is hosting such a forum – The predominant narrative in conspiracy circles is that China is “anti-globalist.” As I’ve said for many years, this is a false paradigm. From 2016 onward, China has been deeply attached to globalist systems, including the IMF’s global currency basket (the SDR). They have been calling for the globalists to introduce a new world currency, controlled by the IMF, for well over a decade.

China IS the New World Order; or at least, it’s a prototype for the NWO. The country is an ongoing beta-test for some of the most horrifying authoritarian systems ever devised. Globalists love communists, because they are communists.

A significant part of the globalist agenda is exploiting the concept of “reparations” for developing nations. They argue that wealthy nations have somehow benefited unfairly or stolen from third world nations. That is to say, they are trying to blame the failures and incompetence of the third world on the west as if we are the cause.

Take one guess who gets to be in charge of the wealth redistribution…

The elites also claim that the success of the west is hurting the climate, which is harming developing nations through dangerous weather. There is zero evidence to support this, but it doesn’t matter. They don’t actually care about saving third worlders, this is about centralized control of global production and the idea of reparations is a great way to get third worlders onboard.

The purpose of globalism is to undermine western civilization while homogenizing national economies into one system. This process requires a broad collective of leftist governments, corporations and NGOs working in tandem, and that is what is being engineered right now with events like the Chinese Global Governance Forum.

Then comes the homogenization of the west and the “Global South” using mass immigration and multiculturalism, until all vestiges of western culture are erased.

The job of these institutions leading up to 2030 will be to set the stage for the eradication of conservative and patriot movements. Or, to isolate us as the great villains of the story while the globalists swoop in to “save the day.” Their victory requires that conservatives remain disorganized and fractured, so that we are always on the defensive rather than the offensive. They need us inactive, so that they can piece together their one-world system without interference.

We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of ZeroHedge.


O trumpismo acabou, o bolsonarismo refluiu? Não, ainda não... - Paulo Roberto de Almeida, João Rego (Revista Será?)

O trumpismo acabou, o bolsonarismo refluiu? Não, ainda não... 

 Não, infelizmente, a era Trump, o trumpismo ainda não acabaram nos EUA (e em parte do mudo), como tampouco acabou o bolsonarismo aqui no Brasil).
Observado as coisas bem de perto, não é difícil constatar que esses fenômenos regressistas, bizarros, certamente reacionários, anticivilizatórios, como são o trumpismo e o bolsonarismo, não derivam de doutrinas políticas ou filosóficas (isso nem de perto) bem estruturadas, conceitualmente coerentes, ou solidamente embasadas em dados empríricos verificáveis.
O que sustenta essas abeerrações políticas, ou outras da mesma área em outros setores da vida social, estou convencido, e a PROFUNDA IGNORÂNCIA na qual vivem tanto os promotores quanto os seguidores dessas crenças regressivas e anticivilizatórias.
Esses caras não são antivacionais ou antiambientais, ou anti qualquer outra coisa, mediante um estudo aprofundado dos fenômenos e movimentos sociais ou naturais contra os quais os energúmenos se opões. Eles não possuem estudos abalizados que sustentem suas crenças absurdas. Apenas a ignorância abissal, a estupidez consumada. Eles são uma ameaça à ciência, à vida social, à natureza, à própria vida humana e animal. Eles são um estorvo aos progressos civilizatórios que ainda precisamos percorrer na promoção dos direitos sociais, das liberdades individuais, da proteção ambiental, da igualdade de gêneros, de raças, de condições sexuais, de desigualdade de oportunidades educacional, enfim, da simples civilidade. Eles defendem o uso de armas, a violência, a prepotência, a arrogância e todas essas coisas,
Vai demorar para o mundo vencer o machismo arrogante e violento de trumpistas e bolsonaristas. O que nos ajuda é a própria ignorância fenomenal dessa tribo de estúpidos fundamentais.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Brasília, 9 de novembro de 2026
=============

Revista Será? ANO XIV | A ERA TRUMP ACABOU? - Editorial
Nosso editorial analisa a vitória democrata nos Estados Unidos como sinal de desgaste do trumpismo, com repercussões para o Partido Republicano e o bolsonarismo. A rejeição à guerra no Irã, às tarifas e à perseguição aos imigrantes ajuda a explicar o resultado. Alertamos para o fato de que o enfraquecimento eleitoral de Trump não elimina o risco de novas medidas extremas. Cabe aos democratas conter novos danos aos Estados Unidos e ao mundo.

Segue o link para nosso artigo.
https://bit.ly/48EguGH

Revista Será? — conhecimento para transformar a realidade.

Leia, Compartilhe e Apoie!
Apoie nosso projeto, seja um doador.
Nosso PIX: pix@eticademocracia.org

©️ Revista Será? Penso, logo duvido – Instituto Ética e Democracia (IED). Todos os direitos reservados.

Sobre as eleições brasileiras e americanas: contrastes e semelhanças- Paulo Roberto de Almeida (Revista Será?)

 *Revista Será? ANO XIV | 

ELEIÇÕES DISPUTADAS EM DEMOCRACIAS POLARIZADAS: OS CASOS DO BRASIL E DOS EUA

Paulo Roberto de Almeida* 

Ao comparar as eleições no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos, nosso articulista Paulo Roberto de Almeida questiona equivalências entre suas polarizações. Atribui as derrotas de Trump e do bolsonarismo aos próprios erros políticos. Distingue a corrosão institucional americana da preservação democrática brasileira sob Lula, sem poupar críticas ao governo brasileiro: expansão dos gastos públicos e visão internacional anacrônica. A análise combina perspectiva histórica, avaliação dos resultados eleitorais e atenção aos desafios econômicos e diplomáticos.

Segue o link para nosso artigo.

https://bit.ly/3UgnshS

 *Revista Será? — conhecimento para transformar a realidade.* 

Leia, Compartilhe e Apoie!

Apoie nosso projeto, seja um doador.

Nosso PIX: pix@eticademocracia.org


 *©️ Revista Será? Penso, logo duvido – Instituto Ética e Democracia (IED). Todos os direitos reservados.*

A Ucrânia nunca atacou alvos civis na Rússia, como fazem os russos na Ucrânia: ela só ataca alvos militares

 CARBURANT  POUR  ISKANDER  ATTAQUÉ  : LES  FORCES  DE  DÉFENSE  FRAPPENT  UNE USINE  PRÈS  DE  SAINT-PÉTERSBOURG 

Chaque missile Iskander qui atteint une ville ukrainienne a sa propre histoire, qui commence non pas au niveau du lanceur, mais dans l'usine où est produit le carburant qui propulse la fusée.

L'une de ces entreprises, l'usine Morozov (JSC), est située près de Saint-Pétersbourg. Elle produit des explosifs et a développé du propergol solide pour les moteurs des systèmes de missiles Topol-M. Elle produit et fournit également les charges de propergol solide pour les moteurs 9X820 des missiles balistiques 9M723 Iskander-M. Ce complexe militaro-industriel fait partie de la société d'État Rostec et constitue un maillon essentiel de la chaîne d'approvisionnement en armement balistique de l'armée russe.

⚡️Dans la nuit du Lundi 9 Novembre 2026, les forces de défense ukrainiennes sont intervenues dans cette histoire. Elles ont frappé l'usine et endommagé trois ateliers de production. L'étendue des dégâts est en cours d'évaluation.

Quelles sont les conséquences pour l'Ukraine ? Chaque frappe de ce type complique la tâche de l'ennemi pour lancer des missiles destinés aux Iskander, avec lesquels il bombarde nos villes. La chaîne est rompue dès le départ, bien avant le lanceur.

L'Ukraine agit dans le cadre de son droit à la légitime défense, garanti par l'article 51 de la Charte des Nations Unies. Les forces de défense ukrainiennes sapent systématiquement le potentiel militaro-économique de l'agresseur afin de contraindre la Fédération de Russie à mettre fin à son agression armée contre l'Ukraine.

🇺🇦 Gloire à l'Ukraine !🇺🇦

🔱 Генеральний Штаб ЄСУ / État-major général des forces armées Ukrainiennes

A insanidade tarifária de Trump contra o Brasil - Artigo do prof. Antonio Carlos Lessa (CB)

 Os prejuizos ao Brasil impostos pela insanidade tarifária e vingança política pessoal estão longe de acabar com a vitória dos Democrtas nas urnas em 3/11/2026. O caminho é longo para uma remissão e talvez só venha em 2029. Pior para os americanos, poderia dizer o professor Lessa, mas os danos se exercem também contra os exportadores brasileiros de produtos manufaturados.

PRA

Derrota de Trump: o Brasil pode comemorar, mas deve guardar o recibo

Os democratas tomaram o Congresso, mas as tarifas sobre produtos brasileiros foram desenhadas para sobreviver a essa derrota e só caem na mesa de negociação

Artigo opinião - 09/11 -  (crédito: MANDEL NGAN / AFP)
x
Artigo opinião - 09/11 - (crédito: MANDEL NGAN / AFP)

Antonio Carlos Lessa - professor do Instituto de Relações Internacionais da UnB

Correio Braziliense, 9/11/2026

Quem em Brasília comemorou a vitória democrata de terça-feira, 3 de novembro, talvez esteja olhando para o lugar errado. Os democratas tomaram a Câmara e o Senado com folga, nove dias depois da reeleição de Lula. A coincidência convida a concluir que a pressão de Washington sobre o Brasil perdeu fôlego. Discordamos num ponto decisivo: as tarifas que hoje incidem sobre as exportações brasileiras foram montadas, ao longo de 2026, para resistir a esse tipo de revés.

Em julho de 2025, Trump impôs 50% sobre produtos brasileiros com base numa lei de emergência econômica e justificou a medida pelo processo no STF contra Jair Bolsonaro. O Senado, ainda de maioria republicana, votou em 28 de outubro daquele ano, por 52 a 48, pelo fim da emergência, com cinco republicanos ao lado da oposição; a resolução morreu na Câmara. Em 20 de fevereiro de 2026, a Suprema Corte decidiu, por seis votos a três, que aquela lei não autoriza tarifas, e durante alguns meses pareceu que o assunto se encerrava ali.

Washington trocou de trilho. Em 15 de julho, o Escritório do Representante Comercial (USTR) concluiu investigação sob a Seção 301 da Lei de Comércio de 1974 e fixou tarifa de 25% sobre a maior parte das importações brasileiras, em vigor desde 22 de julho, com exceções para produtos como aço e alumínio, já cobertos pelas tarifas setoriais da Seção 232. O laudo trata de comércio digital e meios de pagamento, com o Pix na mira, de preferências tarifárias, de combate à corrupção e de desmatamento ilegal. Bolsonaro saiu do texto. Uma segunda investigação, também sob a Seção 301, acrescentou no mesmo mês tarifa adicional entre 10% e 12,5% sobre parte das exportações do Brasil e de outros 59 parceiros comerciais, acusados de tolerar a importação de bens produzidos com trabalho forçado. Com rito administrativo e audiências públicas, as duas queixas adquiriram uma durabilidade que a versão anterior, abertamente política, nunca teve.

O que um Congresso democrata pode fazer com isso? Pouco, no curto prazo. Se tivesse passado também na Câmara, a Resolução de 2025 esbarraria no veto presidencial, e os 52 votos obtidos no Senado ficariam longe dos 67 exigidos para derrubá-lo. Contra a Seção 301, a nova maioria, que toma posse em janeiro de 2027, dispõe de recurso ainda mais estreito, pois teria de aprovar lei específica, sujeita ao mesmo veto e à mesma aritmética, enquanto o Executivo pode modificar as tarifas por ato próprio. É certo que os democratas ganharão o poder de investigar e o de barrar nomeações de Trump, instrumentos de desgaste que tornam mais custoso o uso da política comercial para pressionar países governados por adversários ideológicos e menos rentável o agrado aos políticos trumpistas naqueles países.

Resta a negociação com o USTR, que já começou. O Mdic espera, para os próximos dias, a proposta americana prometida em 30 de setembro. Contra essa saída pesa uma objeção séria, vinda da própria Casa Branca. Presidentes acuados em casa costumam compensar no exterior, e a América Latina tem sido o palco mais barato dessa compensação. Ao anunciar, em 27 de outubro, vistos para Flávio Bolsonaro, no mesmo dia em que o senador deixou o país contra ordem judicial, o Departamento de Estado indicou que o governo Trump continua a tratar o Brasil como assunto de política interna americana. Se for assim, a negociação morreria na mesa.

Pensamos o contrário, por uma razão prosaica. A Seção 301 oferece a Trump uma saída que o dispensa de recuar sobre Bolsonaro. Pagamentos eletrônicos e preferências tarifárias são matérias negociáveis, com moeda de troca conhecida, e um presidente sob investigação parlamentar, com o calendário de 2028 começando a correr, tem incentivo para colecionar acordos que possa exibir como vitórias. O risco mora também do lado de cá. Lula concentrou a resposta à primeira investigação na defesa do Pix e chamou os Bolsonaro de lambe-botas dos Estados Unidos; converter a derrota de Trump em vindicação retórica seria o modo mais seguro de desperdiçar esse incentivo.

Podemos estar errados. Se, até meados de 2027, Washington ampliar tarifas ou sanções contra o Brasil apesar do novo Congresso, a coerção terá revelado uma lógica que nenhuma mesa de negociação alcança, e a aposta racional passa a ser esperar 2029.

Até lá, cabe ao Itamaraty e ao Mdic separar duas agendas que Washington inicialmente misturou em 2025 e separou em 2026 por conveniência jurídica. O caso Bolsonaro pertence aos tribunais brasileiros e ao escrutínio que o novo Congresso americano quiser exercer sobre a política de vistos. As tarifas pertencem à mesa do USTR. Guardar o recibo, aqui, significa chegar a essa mesa sabendo o que se defende e o que se troca: o Pix, política pública do Banco Central, fica do primeiro lado; as margens de preferência concedidas a México e Índia podem ir para o segundo. Os próximos meses, com Trump enfraquecido e ainda distante da própria sucessão, oferecem a melhor janela que Brasília terá.

O tratamento russo aos prisioneiros ucranianos (de guerra ou civis) e o Direito Internacional - Mykhailo Rogoza

 O tratamento russo aos prisioneiros ucranianos (de guerra ou civis) e o Direito Internacional

Sei que Lula nunca vai ler relatos desse tipo, mas talvez algum assessor presidencial ou algum diplomata graúdo possa ler e transmitir a Lula o quanto ele está ERRADO em defender ou se colocar ao lado de Putin, objetivamente apoiando o lado da Rússia na sua mais do que cruel guerra de agressão contra a Ucrânia.

Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

Brasília, 9/11/2026



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RUSSIAN CAPTIVITY: SIXTEEN VOICES FROM HELL

Ukrainian prisoners describe electric torture, sexual violence, starvation, humiliation, mock executions, and the murder of fellow captives. Sixteen accounts of what they endured.

 



READ IN APP
 

WARNING: 18+ — Graphic descriptions of torture and sexual violence.

RUSSIAN CAPTIVITY: SIXTEEN VOICES FROM HELL



These sixteen accounts are based on published testimonies of Ukrainian prisoners of war, civilian detainees, survivors, and relatives. They have been translated, condensed, and retold in the first person. They are not verbatim transcripts. Each story remains separate.

1. R. — Defender of Mariupol. Almost three years in captivity.

On the first night, they beat me so badly that I lost consciousness four times. They suspended me by the neck from a tree. They only lowered me when I passed out. Then they attached wires, placed my feet in a basin of water, and sent electricity through my body.

I thought I would never wake up again. Every time I regained consciousness, it started all over. I could barely see. Everything was blurred. I remember the wires, the water, and the men who continued torturing me.

Later, they held us in a cell measuring approximately six square meters. More than sixty people were crammed inside. We literally lay on top of one another. For an entire day, we received half a ladle of rice and a piece of bread.

Eventually, I was transferred to Olenivka. One night, we heard an explosion. At first, we thought Ukrainian forces had approached. We were happy for a moment. In the morning, we learned that our comrades from Azov had been killed.

I spent almost three years in captivity.

2. V. — Defender of Mariupol. Two years and eight months in captivity.

Before the war, I was healthy. In captivity, they beat me, tortured me with electric shocks, and suspended me by my genitals to force answers out of me. They transferred me from one prison to another. Every new prison could mean that everything would begin again.

In the mornings, they dragged us out of our cells and ordered us to face the wall. They beat us for standing incorrectly, moving, or failing to lower our heads far enough. They did not need a reason.

During captivity, I lost forty kilograms. When I returned home in December 2024, my body was severely weakened. I am still receiving medical treatment.

3. A. — Paratrooper of the 79th Brigade. A message burned into his stomach.

I was seriously wounded in February 2024. After a grenade explosion, I thought I had lost my legs. They were still there, but I could not feel them. I was losing consciousness from blood loss when Russian soldiers captured me.

They brought me to a basement, blindfolded me, tied my hands, and started beating me. Blows to the head were followed by interrogations. They applied electricity directly to my open wounds. I lost consciousness. They revived me and continued.

Later, they placed me on an operating table. I was restrained and could not see what they were doing. For several days after the operation, I could not even lift myself.

A nurse told me that when I returned home, I could cover the damage with a tattoo. I did not understand what she meant.

When I finally managed to raise my head and look at my stomach, I saw the words "Glory to Russia" burned into my skin. The surgeon who operated on me had done it.

When I began walking again, men came to interrogate me. One sat behind a laptop while another beat me and tortured me with electricity. They asked where I was wounded. I showed them my leg. They ripped off the bandage and applied electricity directly to the injury.

4. V. Z. — Defender of Snake Island.

I was captured on the first day of the full-scale invasion. During captivity, I passed through seven detention facilities. I lost sixty kilograms, my health, and the ability to live as I had before.

They drove needles beneath our fingernails, set dogs on us, and forced prisoners to fight one another. During prison intake, guards formed a corridor with batons, electric shock devices, brass knuckles, and bottles. We had to run between them while they beat us from every direction. Then they stripped us and continued torturing us with electricity.

They smashed bottles against my head. I suffered a serious traumatic brain injury. They damaged three vertebrae with a hammer. Those injuries still cause me pain.

I saw the devastating consequences of sexual violence. One of our prisoners had been subjected to it for months. Later, even an ordinary touch from a guard during an inspection could send him into terror.

They gave us disgusting yellow water. After my release, I had to have my gallbladder removed. They issued shoes several sizes too small. My toes began to rot, and after my release, doctors struggled to save them.

In Russia, they explained that their purpose was to inflict maximum physical and psychological damage, so we would never forget where we were.

5. I. — Young defender of Mariupol. Taganrog.

From the first day in Taganrog, they forced us to undress. Even receiving prison clothing became an opportunity for humiliation.

One day, a guard covered part of a document I was supposed to sign. Then he accused me of signing it incorrectly. They made me stand naked against a wall and assaulted me with a heavy object in the anal area. The consequences of that injury lasted for months.

During another interrogation, they stripped me, threw me onto the floor, and restrained my legs. They attached electrical clamps to my genitals and anus and sent current through them. At the same time, they demanded to know what I had done in Mariupol and who had given me orders.

That interrogation lasted approximately forty minutes.

I survived. But the consequences of what they did to me remained.

6. O. — Resident of Kherson. Two months of torture.

I helped people in occupied Kherson. Together with friends, we organized food for elderly residents, displayed Ukrainian flags, and showed that the city remained Ukrainian.

Then armed men came for me. They accused me of separatism and terrorism. I spent two months in detention.

The worst torture was electricity. They attached wires to my ears, toes, and genitals. The pain was so terrible that I wanted them simply to shoot me. That is not an exaggeration.

We supported one another. We hoped it would eventually end.

When they released me, sunlight felt unfamiliar after the darkness of the cell. Even the air felt different.

I returned home, but freedom did not mean that what happened had been left behind.

7. V. — Miner from Donetsk. The secret prison known as Izolyatsia.

In November 2016, armed men wearing masks seized me. They did not properly explain the accusations. They beat me, split my lip with brass knuckles, handcuffed me, and sent me to Izolyatsia.

There, I learned what electric torture meant. One of the most terrifying sounds was the footsteps of guards coming for another prisoner. They tied you up, took you to the basement, and connected the wires.

They called these torture sessions "drinking coffee." They used old field telephones and wires. They sent electricity through different parts of the body, including the genitals. Again and again.

I witnessed sexual violence against other detainees. Women were forced into sexual acts. Hunger and complete powerlessness made them even more vulnerable.

After my release, I continued receiving treatment. The electric torture had seriously damaged my health. Those consequences did not disappear when the prison door opened.

8. E. — A woman who survived Taganrog.

I was detained while trying to escape occupied Ukrainian territory. During interrogation, they told me they would send me somewhere I would regret ever being born.

That place was Taganrog.

They beat me with batons, tortured me with electricity, threatened rape, and set dogs on me. One of the torture methods involved a special chair.

They made me sit in it, attached electrical clamps between my toes, and switched on the current. They did this to me twice.

I heard guards discussing how long electric torture should last. They were concerned that prisoners might die during the procedure because a death would mean additional paperwork.

In that prison, human life depended on people for whom our suffering had become an ordinary working day.

9. V. A. — Olenivka and Taganrog. A confession to a murder he never committed.

In July 2022, I was transferred with other defenders of Mariupol to a separate barracks in Olenivka.

An explosion occurred during the night. I woke to screams. There were wounded men everywhere. I checked myself and began helping carry my comrades outside.

The guards stood behind the fence. Some were laughing. We were trying to save people while they watched.

Later, they transferred me to another prison. Upon arrival, they threw us to the ground with our hands tied and eyes covered. They beat us from every direction. It lasted approximately two hours.

Then the interrogations began. They demanded that I confess to war crimes. I had not committed the acts they accused me of.

They beat my legs until I could no longer stand. Then they ordered me to get up. When I could not, they beat me again. Between hunger and constant beatings, I could barely remain upright.

This continued for a long time. I heard other prisoners screaming. Every day, I waited for them to come for me again.

Eventually, I understood that they would not stop until they received a confession. So I invented the murder of a civilian I had never killed. I constructed the story carefully so that no other Ukrainian soldiers would be implicated.

I told them what they wanted to hear.

Then they untied me and handed me a pen.

I signed the confession.

Later, I was sentenced to twenty-five years in prison.

10. Kraft — Defender of Mariupol. Olenivka.

I woke up after the second explosion. I had a wound in my abdomen, internal bleeding, and my body was burning. I checked my arms and legs, realized I could move, and tried to escape.

The barracks were already on fire. I saw the burned bodies of my comrades on their beds. I recognized two of them. They were dead.

What I remember most is the smell. Thick smoke, burning bodies, strange toxic air. Fiberglass insulation was falling from the ceiling onto my skin. At one point, the sounds seemed to disappear, and everything around me appeared to move in slow motion.

I could see what was happening, but it felt as though I were separated from my own body.

Eventually, they carried me outside and laid me on the asphalt.

I will never forget that night.

11. A. — Former prisoner of war from Azovstal.

During nine months of captivity, I passed through several Russian prisons. They beat me constantly, including blows to the head. After my release, I suffered spinal problems, dizziness, ringing in my ears, and pain.

During interrogations, they sometimes held a knife against my ear or threatened to cut off a finger. When one man grew tired of beating me, another replaced him. If I fell, they ordered me to stand.

They forced me to undress. They subjected me to sexualized torture and threatened castration and rape.

Once, they blindfolded me and staged a mock execution. Shots rang out nearby.

Three prisoners died during my captivity. One died in our shared cell.

After my release, I continued suffering the consequences of the beatings. It was difficult to imagine ever being able to run normally or perform physical exercise again.

12. I. D. — Ukrainian Marine. The journey to a Russian prison.

On the evening of April 27, they transported us to Russia. Before putting us into the vehicles, they tightened plastic restraints around our wrists and wrapped tape around our heads.

They told us we were being taken for a prisoner exchange.

Then we heard the screams of our comrades being beaten, and we understood that no exchange was taking place.

They brought us to an airfield. We heard dogs barking and electric shock devices crackling.

They forced us to bend forward, struck our backs, and used electric shock devices. They deliberately provoked the dogs into biting prisoners.

All of this happened before we even reached the detention facility.

13. Y. — Civilian prisoner from the Kherson region.

I was sixty years old. I lived at home with my family, cared for my brother with a disability, and had no intention of leaving.

On October 13, 2022, armed men came to my house. They began torturing me with an electric shock device right there. They shocked my neck, the area between my shoulder blades, and my arms. My brother witnessed everything.

I did not lose consciousness, so they intensified the torture. It continued for approximately an hour.

Then they took me away with my head covered. In a basement in Bilozerka, they tortured me with electricity again, demanding that I confess to something I had not done.

When they brought me into a cell and I began changing clothes, the other prisoners saw my back. The skin along my spine was severely burned.

I was not a soldier. They presented no genuine evidence of a crime. They simply took me from my own home.

14. A. — Wounded Ukrainian soldier. Seventy-four people in one cell.

I was captured in May 2022 near Horlivka, when our unit was surrounded and ran out of ammunition. At first, they held me in a dark basement with almost no food or water.

Several Russian soldiers beat me. They used sticks and electricity generated by a field telephone.

Later, they transferred me to a detention center in Donetsk.

At times, seventy-four people were held in a cell designed for four sleeping places. Among us were seriously wounded men, including prisoners who had recently undergone amputations.

The room smelled of decaying flesh. There was no proper sanitation. Sometimes prisoners were forbidden to use the toilet for days. We had to improvise with whatever was available.

We lived pressed against one another, healthy men beside the severely wounded, without even the most basic conditions for human existence.

15. O. — Military medic. Women's cell in Olenivka.

After leaving Azovstal, I spent four months in Olenivka.

They kept the women separately from the men. Our cell measured approximately three by three meters. A toilet occupied one-third of the space. At different times, between six and eleven women were held there.

We slept on bunks, on the floor, and on a small table. At night, mice ran above our heads. The sewage system constantly became blocked, and waste flowed into the corridor.

They fed us just enough to keep us alive, but no more. In the morning, a little watery porridge. At midday, soup and porridge. In the evening, more porridge with fish.

We lived in overcrowding, filth, and constant fear.

Then we heard the explosion in the barracks where our comrades were being held.

16. V. — Wife of a Ukrainian soldier. Seven men killed in a basement.

My husband was captured on the Donetsk front. First, one group of Russian soldiers seized him. Then they handed him over to another group. They took him to a basement where other Ukrainian defenders were already being held.

The prisoners were tortured there. My husband described seven Ukrainian servicemen who were tortured before his eyes. They were killed.

The Russians also cut my husband's throat and threw him into a pit with the bodies. They believed everyone was dead. They dumped rubbish over them.

Among the rubbish was a broken bottle. My husband's hands were tied, but he managed to reach a piece of glass and cut through the rope.

When the Russians left, he climbed out of the pit, wrapped cloth around his throat, and began making his way toward Ukrainian positions.

He crawled for almost five days.

When he reached the hospital, he had lost a great deal of blood, and his wounds were infected. Because of the injury to his throat, he could not speak. He communicated what had happened in writing.

He survived.

The other seven men did not.

---

Sixteen accounts. Sixteen lives marked by captivity.

These stories describe only a fraction of the suffering reported by Ukrainians who have survived Russian detention. Many survivors still live with permanent injuries, chronic pain, psychological trauma, and memories of people who never returned.

Some former prisoners are still undergoing treatment. Others remain in captivity. Families continue waiting for news of missing husbands, wives, sons, daughters, and friends.

Their experiences must not disappear into silence.

https://mykhailorohoza.substack.com


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