Temas de relações internacionais, de política externa e de diplomacia brasileira, com ênfase em políticas econômicas, em viagens, livros e cultura em geral. Um quilombo de resistência intelectual em defesa da racionalidade, da inteligência e das liberdades democráticas.
O que é este blog?
Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida.
A Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão (Funag), por intermédio de seu Centro de História e Documentação Diplomática (CHDD), apresenta à comunidade acadêmica os relatórios do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros e do Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil.
Brasileiros de diferentes linhas políticas apresentam seus projetos para o Brasil. Não são palpites de leigos, são projetos de governo pensados por especialistas para as áreas de Educação, Saúde, Segurança Pública, Cidades, Habitação, Ciência e Tecnologia, Economia, Agricultura, Meio Ambiente, Política Externa e Esporte. Um livro para qualificar e dar rumo ao debate público no Brasil neste ano decisivo para o país.
Jaime Pinsky, historiador e editor. Tem mais de duas dezenas de livros publicados, principalmente na Contexto, editora que fundou e da qual é diretor editorial. Claudia Costin - Paulo Saldiva - Jaime Lerner - Nabil Bonduki - Eduardo Muylaert - Glauco Arbix - Luís Eduardo Assis - Antonio Corrêa de Lacerda - Paulo Roberto de Almeida - Roberto Rodrigues - Fabio Feldmann - Milton Leite
PUBLIC CALL FOR INTERNATIONAL VISITING PROFESSOR AND LECTURER TO THE FEDERAL UNIVERSITY OF PARAÍBA, BRAZIL The Federal University of Paraíba – UFPB, Brazil, makes public this Call for Selection of National and International Visiting Professors and Lecturers to lecture, conduct research and develop academic and scientific activities in the Graduate Programs (Master Degrees and PhD) of the UFPB, hereby inviting interested parties to apply. More information at:
Office hours (Brazilian Northeast time): from 8:00 to 12:00 \ from 14:00 to 18:00
1.OPEN VACANCIES There are 90 (Ninety) open vacancies for Professors and Lecturers withPhD and at least 2 (two) years of proven academic experience, for the following Graduate Programs:
CAMPUS I (city: João Pessoa)
Post-Graduate Courses (Alphabetic order in Portuguese)
Vacancies
11. Law (M/PhD): 3 initiative of the candidate via Online Platform Carolina Bori, the Brazilian National System for Revalidation and Recognition of Diplomas:
Visiting Professor - Department of Law - Università degli Studi di Torino, Italy | www.giurisprudenza.unito.it Visiting Researcher - Collegio Carlo Alberto, Torino, Italy | www.carloalberto.org Professor of Law - Federal University of Paraiba, Brazil | www.ccj.ufpb.br
Acho que está muito próximo do texto que o próprio teria escrito, e falado.
Parabéns ao Dana Milibank. Penetrou na alma do grande idiota.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
President Trump’s Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech
NOBEL PEACE PRIZE ACCEPTANCE SPEECH OF PRESIDENT TRUMP
OSLO, DEC. 10, 2018
Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee:
I have received a lot of honors — like, a lot. I was on the cover of Time more than anybody else. I went to the best schools. I was elected president on my first try. It was the biggest electoral college landslide since Reagan. But people tell me this is a big honor — the biggest, maybe. And I think this is very good for you, because your ratings are going through the roof right now. This crowd is much bigger than Obama’s was.
People don’t know this, but some other top guys like Nelson Mandela have won this award before. He’s done an amazing job and is being recognized more and more, even though South Africa is a crime-ridden mess that is just waiting to explode — not a good situation for the people! Anyway, with me, you’re breaking all the records. You’re welcome.
I love Norwegians! I want more immigrants from Norway and others who have the same merit-based complexion that Norwegians have. Why are we having all these people from shithole countries? Why do we need more Haitians? Take them out. They all have AIDS.
I thought I was going get this peace prize when I told your prime minister in January that I was sending Norway some F-52 fighter jets. People laughed and said the F-52 only exists in the video game “Call of Duty: Advanced Warfare.” But they aren’t laughing anymore, because we also sent Norway barrels full of Xbox Ones.
You’re going to need those F-52s because there are a lot of bad hombres in Europe. You look at what’s happening last night in Sweden. Sweden, who would believe this? They’re having problems like they never thought possible. Germany is a total mess. Brussels is a hellhole (although, I admit, Belgium is a beautiful city). Have you seen the videos of destructive radical Islamic terrorism in Britain? Paris is no longer Paris.
The haters and the liars say I don’t deserve this award. They make up fake newsabout how I invented the country of Nambia, shoved the prime minister of Montenegro, thought the prime minister of Singapore was from Indonesia, mistookNew Zealand’s prime minister for Justin Trudeau’s wife, called Israel’s Holocaust memorial “so amazing,” admired Brigitte Macron’s body, rewrote the history of Napoleon’s Russia invasion, substituted a porn actress’s name for the British prime minister’s, mixed up the names for China and Taiwan, and had missile talks while guests at Mar-a-Lago listened.
Wrong!
I was, like, really smart, when I made peace with Rocket Man. By calling him short and fat and saying I would totally destroy him with fire and fury from my big and powerful nuclear button, I got him to negotiate. He still hasn’t given up his nuclear weapons, but he has agreed to stop calling me a dotard. In exchange I have agreed not to attack him, and I have given California to North Korea.
I am bringing peace to the rest of the world, too — peace from terrible, horrible and disgusting deals like the Paris accord and the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The world’s shipping lanes are now more peaceful and quiet. Trade wars are good, and easy to win! I might give people peace from other stupid deals: the insane Iran nuclear deal, the terrible Cuba exchange deal, the worst ever Australia refugee deal, bad-joke NAFTA and obsolete NATO. We have also made air travel more peaceful by making sure people from Syria, Iran, Libya, Somalia and Yemen don’t visit America.
I did not bomb Mexico even though they’re murderers and rapists. I did not bomb Canada, even though they are disgraceful about trade. I didn’t bomb Pakistan, even though they have given us nothing but lies and deceit. I didn’t bomb China, even though they are raping our country. And I have strongly supported the leaders of Turkey, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the Philippines and Russia, as they promote peace by silencing noisy dissidents.
Your Majesties and Highnesses, people who worked for me once said “do not congratulate!” — but I fired most of them. So come on, get up and applaud. You are so lucky that I gave you that privilege.
Um artigo importante para todos os interessados e envolvidos em políticas monetárias no contexto da interdependência global. Um dos autores foi diretor de assuntos internacionais do BaCen.
This paper discusses the scope for international macroprudential policy coordination in a financially integrated world economy. It first reviews the transmission channels associated with, and the empirical evidence on, financial spillovers and spillbacks - which have both increased in magnitude since the global financial crisis. Then it proceeds with evaluating the potential gains associated with cross-border macroprudential coordination, dwelling on both recent analytical contributions and quantitative studies based on multi-country models with financial market frictions. The particular case of currency unions is discussed, and so is the issue of whether coordination of macroprudential policies simultaneously requires some degree of monetary policy coordination. Much of this analysis focuses on the potential for countercyclical policy coordination between major advanced economies and a group identified as systemic middle-income countries (SMICs). Finally, the paper considers practical ways to promote international macroprudential policy coordination. Following a discussion of Basel III's principle of reciprocity and ways to improve it, the paper advocates a further strengthening of the current statistical, empirical and analytical work conducted by the Bank for International Settlements, the Financial Stability Board and the International Monetary Fund to evaluate and raise awareness of the gains from international coordination of macroprudential policies.
'The Moralist': What drove the 'tragic figure' of Woodrow Wilson?
A century after his term in office, many of Wilson's ideals remain deeply divisive.
Randy Dotinga
—In 1913, my great-grandparents – both pioneers in the Oklahoma Territory – decided to honor the brand-new Democratic president of the United States. So they gave the middle names Woodrow and Wilson to a pair of newborn twins – both girls.
My great-aunts each lived nearly a century, one that was deeply influenced by President Woodrow Wilson. He won a war, lost a peace, and pushed progressive values while failing to stand up for minorities, women, and American freedoms.
"He had really great triumphs and really spectacular defeats, and they've been important and lasting," says historian Patricia O'Toole, author of the new book The Moralist: Woodrow Wilson and the World He Made.
Now, nearly 100 years after Wilson began a wrenching decline while in office, some of his ideas remain deeply divisive – especially his landmark commitment to worldwide cooperation instead of isolationist nationalism.
Q: What fascinates you about Woodrow Wilson?
I was collecting books about presidential greatness, and I took a look at the index of one of them. The Wilson entries just went on and on, and he took up more space than Lincoln, Washington or Roosevelt.
Q: Why did you title the book "The Moralist"?
His conscience and deep moral concern allowed him to get legislation through Congress for six years when he had control of both Houses. Then the country voted Republican in the mid-term election of 1918, and all of a sudden he's a minority president.
He's not used to this. He's still trying to lead by his conscience and notions of morality, but it's not working any more.
His admirable moral sense hardens into moral superiority. He becomes unbending and ever more certain that he's on the right side of history, the guardian of American ideals, and everyone else is a threat. It's an overwhelming moral vanity.
Q: How does he manage to be so progressive while being so backwards at the same time?
He had been a champion of free expression, but he now holds the record of the greatest repression of dissent of any president.
As for race, he believed in segregation, but he knew it wasn’t fair. He just didn’t know any other thing to do about it. He said he did not know how to pass a law that would change people's attitudes.
That, of course, is what people were still saying to Martin Luther King Jr. 50 years later.
Wilson might have taken more a more enlightened stand. You hope that a leader will do that, especially if he knows in his gut that his position is morally wrong. But he knew he would lose, so he just bowed to the pressure.
Q: What surprised you about Wilson?
He was afraid of other powerful men and couldn't schmooze. His only male friend was his doctor, and he had 99% of his meals either alone or with his family.
It's extremely different from Theodore Rosevelt. If you were in his office at 11 in the morning and talking to him about something, he'd be likely to say, "Well, senator, can you have lunch with me and my family? Quentin was asking about your dog the other day." You'd go back to Capitol Hill thinking, "I really like this guy. I'll work with him."
Wilson never had this kind of good will going for him.
The other surprising thing is that he was a terrible negotiator because he didn't approve of negotiation. He never understood that when you make concessions to other people, you can ask for concessions from them.
Q: Despite his dour appearance, Wilson was quite the besotted romantic when it came to women. What did you discover on that front?
Women were not threatening to him.There are love letters between him and his first wife, and it's clear that they could hardly wait to see each other and be in each other's arms.
After he loses her, he's absolutely desolate and doesn't imagine he'll have another wife at all. Then he falls in love at first sight with Edith Bolling Galt. Sometimes he'd walk back to the White House from her house, and he'd be whistling and do a jig.
[She become Wilson's second wife, and many historians believe she managed the White House when he fell ill toward the end of his second term.]
Q: What is Wilson's legacy?
It's internationalism – the idea that there should be one alliance in the world, that everyone would have an interest in preventing war.
He thought global problems required global cooperation and global solutions. It was the most truly revolutionary idea of the 20th century in international relations.
Q: Do you think he's a tragic figure?
I do. He really was a deeply principled man, but there are these blots on his record of race and gender and the repression of dissent.
And then he's a pathetic figure after the mid-term elections of 1918. He can't get anything done, and he's just railing against the world. That's tragic for him and for us.
