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quinta-feira, 9 de abril de 2015

Volcanoes and climate - Special report The Economist

Ecologistas de todo o mundo, estudai! Vocês não têm nada a perder, só um pouco de audiência (e de grana...).
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Volcanoes and climate

After Tambora

Two hundred years ago the most powerful eruption in modern history made itself felt around the world. It could happen again at almost any time

IF ALIENS had been watching the Earth during 1815 the chances are they would not have noticed the cannon fire of Waterloo, let alone the final decisions of the Congress of Vienna or the birth of Otto von Bismark. Such things loom larger in history books than they do in astronomical observations. What they might have noticed instead was that, as the year went on, the planet in their telescopes began to reflect a little more sunlight. And if their eyes or instruments had been sensitive to the infrared, as well as to visible light, the curious aliens would have noticed that as the planet brightened, its surface cooled. 
Mount Tambora (pictured), a volcano on the Indonesian island of Sumbawa, was once similar in stature to Mont Blanc or Mount Rainier. But in April 1815 it blew its top off in spectacular fashion. On the 10th and 11th it sent molten rock more than 40 kilometres into the sky in the most powerful eruption of the past 500 years. The umbrella of ash spread out over a million square kilometres; in its shadow day was as night. Billions of tonnes of dust, gas, rock and ash scoured the mountain’s flanks in pyroclastic flows, hitting the surrounding sea hard enough to set off deadly tsunamis; the wave that hit eastern Java, 500km away, two hours later was still two metres high when it did so. The dying mountain’s roar was heard 2,000km away. Ships saw floating islands of pumice in the surrounding seas for years.
In his book “Eruptions that Shook the World”, Clive Oppenheimer, a volcanologist at Cambridge University, puts the number killed by the ash flows, the tsunamis and the starvation that followed them in Indonesia at 60,000-120,000. That alone would make Tambora’s eruption the deadliest on record. But the eruption did not restrict its impact to the areas pummelled by waves and smothered by ash.
When the sulphur hits the stratosphere
The year after the eruption clothes froze to washing lines in the New England summer and glaciers surged down Alpine valleys at an alarming rate. Countless thousands starved in China’s Yunnan province and typhus spread across Europe. Grain was in such short supply in Britain that the Corn Laws were suspended and a poetic coterie succumbing to cabin fever on the shores of Lake Geneva dreamed up nightmares that would haunt the imagination for centuries to come. And no one knew that the common cause of all these things was a ruined mountain in a far-off sea.
While lesser eruptions since then have had measurable effects on the climate across the planet, none has been large enough to disrupt lives to anything like the same worldwide extent. It may be that no eruption ever does so again. But if that turns out to be the case, it will be because the human world has changed, not because volcanoes have. The future will undoubtedly see eruptions as large as Tambora, and a good bit larger still.
Mixed in with the 30 cubic kilometres or more of rock spewed out from Tambora’s crater were more than 50m tonnes of sulphur dioxide, a large fraction of which rose up with the ash cloud into the stratosphere. While most of the ash fell back quite quickly, the sulphur dioxide stayed up and spread both around the equator and towards the poles. Over the following months it oxidised to form sulphate ions, which developed into tiny particles that reflected away some of the light coming from the sun. Because less sunlight was reaching the surface, the Earth began to cool down.
The sulphate particles were small enough to stay aloft for many months, so the cooling continued into the following year. By the summer of 1816 the world was on average about 1ºC cooler than it had been the year before—an average which hides much larger regional effects. Because the continents are quicker to cool than the heat-storing seas are, land temperatures dropped almost twice as much as the global average.
This cooling dried the planet out. A cooler surface meant less evaporation, which meant less water vapour in the lower atmosphere and thus less rain. Rainfall over the planet as a whole was down by between 3.6% and 4% in 1816.
If such numbers seem suspiciously accurate, considering that most of the world of 1816 was devoid of thermometers and rain gauges, it is because they come from recent computer modelling of the climate that seeks to mimic the conditions Tambora created. Like all modelling results, such numbers need caveats. These results, though, and similar ones from other models, can be accorded the credence that comes from having been proved right in similar situations.
The 1991 eruption of Mount Pinatubo in the Philippines was about a sixth as large as Tambora’s in terms of the volume of lava, rock and ash, and about a third as large in terms of sulphur emissions. Satellites showed that in the summer of 1992 the sulphur it had spewed into the atmosphere was reducing the amount of sunlight getting to the Earth’s surface by well over three watts per square metre; for comparison, the warming effect of the 40% increase in the atmosphere’s carbon-dioxide level since the age of Tambora is just two watts per square metre.
With the energy absorbed by the Earth reduced, temperatures fell by around half a degree in the year after Pinatubo; rainfall dropped off significantly, too. Computer models run after the eruption but before these effects became visible captured the effects reasonably accurately (though they had a tendency to overestimate the cooling). This is one of the best reasons for thinking that such models capture the workings of the climate quite well.
The historical record largely bears out what the models suggest Tambora did. Across Europe the summer of 1816 was cold and wet, and the harvest terrible. The effects were most notable around the Alps; in Saint Gallen, in Switzerland, the price of grain more than quadrupled between 1815 and 1817. Starving migrants took to the roads in their hundreds of thousands; mortality rates climbed due to starvation and disease. Death also stalked Yunnan, where Tambora’s cooling shut down the monsoon and cold days in summer killed the rice harvest for three years running.
Monsoons, which are driven by the difference in temperature between hot land and cooler sea, are particularly vulnerable to the excessive cooling of the land that volcanoes bring. Their weakening can have effects on more than crops. In his excellent account of the global impacts of the 1815 eruption, “Tambora”, Gillen D’Arcy Wood of the University of Illinois draws on the writings of James Jameson, a doctor in Calcutta, who held the lack of fresh water which followed the failure of the 1816 monsoon responsible for the cholera epidemic that swept through Bengal the following year.
Was this all down to one volcano? Not entirely; nothing in the climate has a single cause. The global climate shifts in various ways on a number of timescales, and its particular disposition at the time a volcano strikes will influence the way the volcano’s effects play out. The fact that an El Niño event—a swing in the global climate driven by the slopping of warm water east across the Pacific towards South America—was getting under way at the time of the Pinatubo eruption in 1991 undoubtedly modulated its climatic effects.
Alan Robock, an expert on links between volcanoes and climate at Rutgers University, notes a particularly intriguing initial condition that could have influenced the world’s response to Tambora. There had been another large eruption—larger than Pinatubo—just six years before. No one knows where this 1809 eruption was, but its signature can clearly be seen in the Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets. The sulphur put into the stratosphere by volcanoes shows up quite clearly in the year-by-year records of what was going on in the atmosphere that climate scientists extract from polar ice cores. These records make it possible to give dates to large eruptions in the past even if no one recorded the event at the time (see chart).
Cooling Mr Knightley
The ice cores show that the 1809 eruption was easily large enough to have had effects on the climate, and there is some evidence of cooling in subsequent years. In Jane Austen’s “Emma”, which according to Euan Nisbet, a geologist at Royal Holloway, London, seems to follow the weather of 1814, spring is remarkably late, with apple trees blossoming in the middle of June. Pre-cooling along these lines might have made some of the subsequent effects of Tambora more marked, while possibly lessening others. Some researchers believe that a number of eruptions close together might be able to trigger a climate downturn that lasts considerably longer than the few years models normally predict; a set of eruptions in the late 13th century, this idea suggests, may have been part of the reason for the subsequent global cooling known as the “little ice age”.
If the prior state of the climate system constrains an eruption’s effects, so does that of the human world. The damage done to Europe by the preceding quarter-century of revolutionary and Napoleonic war could have left it particularly vulnerable to 1816’s “year without a summer”. The situation in Yunnan would hardly have been as dire had the population not been hugely expanded by the Qing dynasty’s encouragement of new settlers.
Similarly uncaptured in models, but even more fascinating to speculate about, are the after-effects of the Tambora downturn. In America, the spike in grain prices caused by Europe’s hunger drove a wave of farmers across the Appalachians to where the Ohio Valley was enjoying far more clement weather, with barges taking exports for Europe down the Mississippi in ever larger amounts. The collapse in the grain price when Europe’s harvest recovered contributed to the American economy’s first major depression.
The historian John Post, in a study of Tambora’s effects published in 1977, “The Last Great Subsistence Crisis in the Western World”, held that the volcano reshaped European politics. The disorder that sprang up in the bad weather from 1816 to 1818, and its subsequent repression, created a climate for authoritarian rule that held sway until the middle of the century. Mr D’Arcy Wood points out that it was in the aftermath of the Tambora famines that farmers in Yunnan started to plant opium poppies, the value of which as a cash crop offered some insurance against future failures of the grain harvest.
On top of such structural shifts, there are the personal stories. If Shelley, Byron and their romantic entourage had not been cooped up in a Swiss villa by incessant rain, would they have amused themselves by writing horror stories for each other—including John Polidori’s “The Vampyre”, the first novel to deal with seductive bloodsucking aristocrats, and Mary Shelley’s “Frankenstein”, which has shaped fears of scientific innovation from that day to this? If the summer frosts of “Eighteen-hundred-and-froze-to-death” had not driven Joseph Smith, a farmer, from Norwich, Vermont to Palmyra, New York, a place of vigorous religious enthusiasms, would his son Joseph junior still have been able to find the golden tablets to which the angel Moroni led him a few years later, or would the history of Mormonism have been very different?
Reappraising the risks
And what if this happened again? In general, volcanoes are not something people around the planet worry about very much. In lists of the 40 most expensive and most lethal natural disasters since 1970 recently produced by Swiss Re, a reinsurer, no eruptions feature at all. Models of the economic losses that large eruptions could cause are nothing like as well developed as those that the insurance industry uses for storms, floods or earthquakes, because such losses have mattered little. Some reinsurers, though, are beginning to put that right.
One worry is that even quite a small eruption could cost a lot if it hit a built-up part of a developed country. A study by Willis Re suggests that an eruption of Italy’s Vesuvius like the one which took place in 1631 (a much smaller event than that which destroyed Pompeii) could lead to an economic loss of well over €20 billion ($22 billion). Most of the property damage would be down to buildings collapsing under the weight of the ash that falls on them. The 1707 eruption of Mount Fuji produced only 2% as much ash as Tambora did, but Christina Magill of Macquarie University has calculated that if both eruptions were rerun today the urban area affected by heavy ashfall would be greater in the case of the Fuji eruption, since a great deal of that ash fell on what is now Tokyo.
The other reason for thinking more seriously about the damage done by volcanoes than recent history might seem to merit is that geology shows that they need to be assessed on much longer timescales. Today’s earthquakes, storms and floods—which make up the bulk of the natural disasters that insurers worry about—are doing more damage than yesterday’s did, but that is because they hit a world in which there is more valuable property that is likely to be insured, not because the disasters themselves are getting worse. The world’s worst storm or earthquake over a millennium is not all that much worse than the worst of a century. With volcanoes things get worse and worse the deeper in time you look.
In terms of direct effects, this is still not particularly worrying for most of the world’s population. Seven out of eight people on the planet live more than 100km from any potential eruptions. The “Global assessment report” (GAR) prepared for the UN summit on disaster-risk reduction held in Sendai, Japan, in March found that 95% of those at risk live in just seven countries. Five—Indonesia, the Philippines, Japan, Mexico and Guatemala—are on the circum-Pacific “ring of fire”, where clashing tectonic plates promote volcanism as well as earthquakes; the other two are Ethiopia and Italy. Two-thirds of the exposed population is in Indonesia.
The good news for the people who are at risk is that volcanoes—unlike earthquakes—provide a fair amount of warning before doing their thing. Scientists are increasingly good at looking out for such warnings, and most volcanoes that are close to lots of people are now pretty carefully monitored, though there are exceptions—the GAR points to the Michoacan-Guanajuato cinder-cone field in Mexico as a worrying one. Satellites and seismology are likely to pick up some signs of imminent eruptions from almost all the others. When the warnings seem to merit it, action can be taken. During the 2010 eruptions of Mount Merapi in Indonesia, the largest so far this century, 350,000 people were evacuated; as a result the death toll was only a few hundred. Evacuations kept the casualties at Pinatubo similarly small.
Unfortunately, predicting really large eruptions may be harder than predicting smaller ones like Merapi’s. Before a very large eruption you can expect a volcano to have been dormant for centuries; it takes time for the infernal forces to build up. But that does not mean that the first eruption of any long-dormant volcano will be catastrophic. It might have decades of throat-clearing to go through before it really lets rip. It might go back to sleep.
It was with this in mind that geologists embarked on a project to try to understand long-dormant Pinatubo’s history soon after it started to show signs of life in 1990. They found that the volcano seemed not to be the throat-clearing type, specialising instead in dramatic eruptions. Stephen Sparks of Bristol University says that understanding did a lot to make people feel justified in calling for a big evacuation.
Wherever the next big eruption happens, though, and whether predicted or not, it will, like Tambora, have global effects—and this time there will be a greater range of them. The climate is not the only global system now open to interruption.
All disasters now reverberate more than they would once have done. Disrupted supply chains transmitted the losses from the Japanese earthquake and tsunami in 2011 far and wide; tourism meant many more Swedes died in the Indian Ocean tsunami of 2003 than in any recent disaster on their home soil. Volcanoes, though, have the added ability to interfere with one of the ways in which such connections between far-off places are supported. As Eyjafjallajokull in Iceland showed five years ago, a quite small eruption’s ash cloud can have a big impact on air traffic if it is in an inconvenient place.
A really big eruption would shut down large swathes of airspace for a couple of weeks. If the airspace in question were hard to reroute around, that would have both direct impacts on the aviation industry—Eyjafjallajokull cost it about $1.7 billion—and indirect impacts on its users—valued at about twice the direct effects in that case. The losses would not be evenly spread or easily predictable. The Kenyan women who provide most of the labour for the country’s cut-flower industry suffered disproportionately when Eyjafjallajokull kept their blooms from market.
Another problem not seen when Tambora erupted would be damage to the ozone layer. The reactions by which chlorine destroys ozone are encouraged by the sulphate particles produced by volcanoes. In the 19th century that didn’t matter; there wasn’t any chlorine in the stratosphere. Now, thanks to human intervention, there is. Pinatubo saw global reductions in stratospheric ozone levels and a marked deepening of the “ozone hole” over Antarctica. If a Tambora-scale eruption were to happen in the near future it would have even stronger effects.
Warmer house on the prairie
And then there is the climate. If, like Tambora and Pinatubo, the volcano in question is close to the equator, Mr Robock says models predict an average cooling of perhaps 2ºC in the summer of the next year over much of North America, Europe, Asia and Africa, and decreased precipitation over the Amazon, southern Africa, India, South-East Asia and China. The models also make predictions about the weather in the intervening winter: the particles that cool the surface warm the stratosphere, which sets up a strong Arctic jet stream in a particular configuration. Expect a peculiarly warm winter in America’s prairies, western Europe and Central Asia, and a very cold one in eastern Canada, the Middle East and southern China.
What these shifts would mean for agriculture is hard to say. The experience of Tambora suggests gloom, but this is not that world. For one thing, there is more agricultural land in more places. That gives more scope for bad harvests in some regions being offset by better ones elsewhere. Both models and studies of the years after Pinatubo suggest that, for various reasons, the world’s plant life as a whole gets more productive in the cooler, drier years that follow eruptions. It is also possible that some parts of a world stressed by global warming might experience sudden cooling as less of a problem than it was after Tambora—though the dryness might exacerbate their challenges.
Another reason for tempered optimism is that the world would know what was coming. Mr Robock and his colleagues would be spreading the word before the eruption was over. Futures markets would doubtless pay attention. So, one would hope, would governments.
The Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre is dedicated both to providing warnings about the human impacts of climate shifts and extreme weather and to acting as an advocate for the people who suffer from them most. It spends a lot of time looking at how to get timely warnings of the likely regional effects of El Niño events to the countries and people they are most likely to harm, along with advice on how to limit the damage. Its head, Maarten van Alst, says he thinks that the climate impacts of a contemporary Tambora might be comparable to those of the big El Niño of 1997-98, which have been estimated at $36 billion, with 130m lives affected and 21,000 lives lost. And as with El Niños, forewarned would be forearmed. Mr van Alst and his colleague, Pablo Suarez, are trying to get a programme started that would study what actions should be given priority in that lull between the eruption and the cooling that would follow.
Such vigilance could come into its own well before there is another Tambora, since there is a way for considerably smaller eruptions to have climatic effects. Eruptions that take place well away from the equator cool only their own hemisphere, and these lopsided coolings have an impact on the intertropical convergence zone (ITCZ), a belt of rain around the equator. When the northern hemisphere cools the ITCZ shifts south, and that causes droughts in Africa’s Sahel. Of the Sahel’s four worst years of drought during the 20th century, three took place after northern-hemisphere eruptions: in the year after the Katmai eruption in Alaska, (1913) and the years of and after the El Chichón eruption in Mexico (1982 and 1983).
A repeat of the Tambora-sized blast at Taupo in New Zealand that took place 1,800 years ago, on the other hand, would push the ITCZ to the north and bring plentiful rain to the Sahel. The Amazon, though, which depends on the ITCZ staying put, would have a dry few years.
For a smallish volcano at high latitudes the effects on the ITCZ would probably swamp the local and regional effects. The direct damage a full-on Tambora would wreak in a populated region would be far greater, and its hard-to-foresee effects further afield, like those Eyjafjallajokull had on Kenya, might conceivably reinforce each other in calamitous ways, multiplying the economic damage. Still, in most cases it seems likely that here, too, the climate effects would trump the rest.
Pinatubo—picayune by comparison
But that does not mean their impacts would be as dire as those felt two centuries ago. As well as having a wider agricultural base and more foresight, the world today is more developed and better governed. A lot of the damage done in famines such as those of the 1810s comes from agricultural workers losing income at a time of price rises and governments doing nothing about it. Today the proportion of the population working the land is in most places much lower than it was then, and most governments both perceive a need to act during famines and have the capabilities to do so. There might well be a need for humanitarian interventions in the weird-climate years that followed; but such interventions do now happen.
That said, there is no reason to limit concern to Tambora-sized eruptions. There are much larger ones on offer. Some 26,500 years ago the Taupo volcano in New Zealand erupted with well over ten times the power it mustered 1,800 years ago. The odds of a really big eruption in any given year are tiny. Over a century, though, they mount up to maybe a few percent. So, though few of those alive today would perish in a rerun of Tambora, the chances of something much worse over their lifetimes cannot be ruled out. And though forewarning would help, there is no way of forestalling. Humans have huge powers over the planet. But they cannot stop a volcano whose time has come.

Napoleao escapou de Santa Helena e voltou clandestinamente a Paris... - Simon Leys

Já li este romance, na versão em francês, e assisti ao filme que foi feito a partir dele. Nenhum deles me deixou inteiramente satisfeito, mas recomendo a leitura deste livrinho, pois é sobretudo saboroso.
Sempre gostei de liberdades com a história, tipo What If, ou apócrifos verdadeiros (???).
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

The Death of Napoleon cover
Retail:  $14.95
Special offer:  $10.47 (30% off)
Format: Paperback
Publication date: May 5, 2015
Pages: 144
ISBN: 9781590178423
Series: NYRB Classics
Categories:
Available as E-Book, International Literature
As he bore a vague resemblance to the Emperor, the sailors on board the Hermann-Augustus Stoeffer had nicknamed him Napoleon. And so, for convenience, that is what we shall call him.
Besides, he was Napoleon… .

Napoleon has escaped from St. Helena, leaving a double behind him. Now disguised as the cabin hand Eugène Lenormand and enduring the mockery of the crew (Na­po­leon, they laughingly nickname the pudgy, hopelessly clumsy little man), he is on his way back to Europe, ready to make contact with the huge secret organization that will return him to power. But then the ship on which he sails is rerouted from Bordeaux to Antwerp. When Napoleon disembarks, he is on his own.
He revisits the battlefield of Waterloo, now a tourist destination. He makes his way to Paris. Mistakes, misunderstandings, and mishaps conduct our puzzled hero deeper and deeper into the mystery of Napoleon.

Quotes

What a pleasure to read a real writer…The Death of Napoleon is utterly satisfying sentence by sentence and scene by scene, but it is also compulsively readable…By giving us a Napoleon who cannot find how to retrieve [his public] face, Simon Leys throws light on our universal need to bring inner and outer reality together, to understand who we really are.
—Gabriel Josipovici, The Times Literary Supplement

I am glad to report that Simon Leys’s The Death of Napoleon has one hell of an idea—the absurdity of trying to retrieve time or glory—and is written with the grace of a poem.
—Edna O’Brien, The Sunday Times

Alternative history…is enjoyable and at the same time, like all daydreaming, brings a sensation of guilt. But The Death of Napoleon is also a fable, and Simon Leys is an expert fabulist.
—Penelope Fitzgerald, The New York Times Book Review

Entertaining and clever, this is a sweetening reminder of the ephemerality of great achievements—and by implication those of the not so great.
—Booklist

An elegant and engaging piece of alternative history, gently tragic and wryly comic.
—D. J. Enright, The Times Literary Supplement

A small masterpiece. So much spirit, so much insolence, and so much emotion joined in so few pages overwhelmingly earn the reader’s enthusiasm and praise. One closes the book regretfully, sincerely hoping that Simon Leys will not stop there.
—Corinne Desportes, Le Magazine Littéraire

Powerful, touching—and delightful, too—this invention of a post-Waterloo career led by Bonaparte—not on St. Helena.
—Francis Steegmuller

12 de Abril: nao por 20 centavos, nem 200 milhoes de dolares, ou 40 bilhoes de reais

Self-explaining:

Terceirizacao: como o governo quer cobrar tudo, de todos, a emenda vai ficar pior que o soneto - Reinaldo Azevedo

De fato, depois da intervenção do Levy, o projeto virou uma estrovenga. Se tudo isso passar, a contratação via terceirização vai ficar tão cara quanto o trabalhador normal, e o Brasil vai continuar um país caro e pouco competitivo.
Ou seja, vamos continuar na informalidade e com baixa empregabilidade.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

O Brasil não se deu conta do que aconteceu ao longo desta terça-feira, dia 7 de abril, do que pode ser perpetrado nesta quarta, dia 8, e do que pode ser consumado na terça próxima, dia 14. Refiro-me às negociações e votação do texto e dos destaques do Projeto de Lei 4330/2004, que trata das terceirizações. Como o ministro da Fazenda, Joaquim Levy, vai ter de fazer concessões — e diminuir os cortes — ao negociar com o lulo-petismo-cutismo as medidas provisórias que tratam do seguro-desemprego, abono, pensões e auxílio doença, resolveu fazer o quê? Com a autorização de Dilma Rousseff, a presidente-camarada, partiu pra cima do PL da terceirização com a determinação de um esfomeado ao se deparar com um banquete.

Se o poderoso presidente da Câmara, Eduardo Cunha (PMDB-RJ), não se der conta do que está em curso, acabará, desta feita, levando um fabuloso olé de Levy e atuando como um seu laranja. Vamos ver.

Depois de dez anos de enrolação à sombra de uma ladainha sindical cutista sem conexão nenhuma com a vida real do trabalho, o único que enxergou uma raia limpa para o nado livre, o borboleta, o de peito, o de costas e o de ladinho foi mesmo o ministro. Por quê?

O PL 4.330/2004, de autoria do então deputado Sandro Mabel (PMDB-GO) e relatoria de Arthur Maia (SD-BA), estava prontinho para ser votado. O texto, depois de algumas correções, estava redondo e entregava o que prometia: regulamentava a terceirização, tirando milhões de trabalhadores de uma espécie de semiclandestinidade. Define-se com clareza que as empresas — públicas, privadas ou mistas — podem recorrer a serviços de terceirizados tanto para atividades-meio como atividades-fim, o que é, aliás, uma garantia constitucional.

O PL entrou na pauta de votação da Câmara nesta semana cometendo a proeza de atender, pois, empresários e trabalhadores. Passava a proteger, pela primeira vez, os terceirizados, oferecendo garantias jurídicas ao contratante. Sem o texto, trabalhadores e empresas ficavam à mercê de um troço famigerado chamado Súmula 331 do TST, que, na prática, proíbe a terceirização, cassando de uns e outros direitos constitucionais.

Ao fim desta terça, o PL da terceirização conservava, sim, a quase totalidade do conteúdo de seus 20 artigos originais. Depois que Levy entrou em campo para “negociar”, no entanto, o texto passou a contar com 27 e se transformou numa estrovenga, num monstrengo.

O governo federal meteu a sua mão peluda no projeto e o transformou numa espécie de reforma tributária, micro no tamanho, mas ambiciosa na arrecadação. Tornado o czar da economia, o ministro evoluiu, perdoem o trocadilho, para “levyandades” legais. Queria aproveitar o PL 4.330 para rasgar a Lei de Dividendos, de 1995, e tungar 15%, a título de IRRF (Imposto de Renda Retido na Fonte), de pessoa jurídica submetida ao regime de lucro presumido. Maia diz que isso não passa. Mas e o resto? Levy quer ainda usar o PL 4.330 para alterar a Lei Complementar 123/2006, que vem a ser a que define o Estatuto Nacional da Microempresa e da Empresa de Pequeno Porte. O homem está fora do controle. Um PL, que é uma lei ordinária, não pode mudar uma Lei Complementar, hierarquicamente superior.

Só isso? Tem mais.  Está escrita no rascunho fechado nesta terça a seguinte maravilha, com a qual o relator concordou:

“- A empresa contratante deverá reter, a título de contribuição previdenciária, 11% sobre o valor bruto da nota fiscal ou fatura de prestação de serviço, que poderá ser compensado por qualquer estabelecimento da empresa contratada, por ocasião do recolhimento das contribuições destinadas à Previdência Social. No caso de empresa sujeita à contribuição previdenciária substitutiva, a retenção será de 3,5% (art. 16).
- A empresa contratante deverá reter, sobre o valor bruto da nota fiscal ou fatura de prestação de serviço, a título de (art. 17):
- Imposto de Renda na Fonte, a alíquota de 1,5%;
- Contribuição Social sobre o Lucro Líquido (CSLL), a alíquota de 1%;
- Contribuição para o PIS/Pasep, a alíquota de 0,65%; e
- Contribuição para o Financiamento da Seguridade Social (Cofins), a alíquota de 3%

Entenderam? A empresa contratante se transforma num braço operacional da Receita Federal e recolhe em lugar do Fisco o que é devido pela contratada. Maia confessa: “Acatei a maioria das emendas para fazer a retenção na fonte pagadora de todas as contribuições previdenciárias, PIS/Cofins, CLSS, FGTS e INSS”. 

Traduzindo: o governo bota as empresas para recolher impostos para ele. É como se dissesse: “Paga pra mim, vigia pra mim, entrega pra mim… E não bufa!”. Ora, leitor amigo, você conhece, e já deve ter acionado, algum call center para reclamar de serviços prestados por uma empresa privada. Mas já conseguiu, por acaso, reclamar do péssimo atendimento dos serviços públicos nas áreas de saúde, educação, previdência, segurança, fisco etc.? O governo gosta de ser xerife dos negócios e serviços alheios, mas, paradoxalmente, é ele o mais incompetente.

Escrevi ontem à noite que, de “neoliberais” como Levy, assim o chamam as esquerdas, o inferno está cheio. Suas intervenções podem provocar o que nem a CUT conseguiu: inibir as terceirizações. Cuidado, Levy! A alternativa pode ser o desemprego, o que não é bom para o seu caixa.


Mercosul: Uruguai quer recuperar liberdade para negociar, pois o bloco nao avanca

Acho que o chanceler uruguaio pronunciou uma frase verdadeira, embora complexa, que é a de saber o que deseja, ou o que pretende fazer, o governo, e o que deseja o povo, e que ele NÃO pode fazer.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Nin: “La política exterior debe reflejar lo que piensa la gente, no el gobierno ”

Uruguay planteará a sus socios del Mercosur el cumplimiento del artículo 1° del Tratado de Asunción que establece la libre circulación de bienes y servicios.
El País (Montevideo, 8/04.2015) 
Nin Novoa concurrió a la Comisión de Asuntos Internacionales de Diputados. Foto: M. Bonjour
VALERIA GILjue abr 9 2015
En el marco de lo que llamó una "política de sinceramiento" anunció que se preparan documentos para proponer la eliminación de trabas al comercio y servicios, dijo ayer el canciller Rodolfo Nin Novoa en la Comisión de Asuntos Internacionales de Diputados. "Buscaremos la manera de flexibilizar la posibilidad de acuerdos bilaterales", agregó.
Si bien se mostró preocupado por la marcha del Mercosur y planteó una reformulación del bloque, dejó en claro que "el Mercosur es nuestro punto de partida, porque estamos en la región y somos de la región. No somos sepultureros del Mercosur, pero tiene que haber un sinceramiento en su funcionamiento".
"La política exterior del Uruguay debe ser el reflejo de lo que piensa la mayoría de los uruguayos y no lo que piensa el partido que ganó las elecciones", señaló Nin Novoa, marcando así un cambio de política en relación al anterior gobierno de José Mujica.
Como principios generales de la política exterior, el canciller nombró "la protección de todos los derechos humanos en todas partes del mundo". En ese marco, señaló que Uruguay trabajó para incluir en la declaración de la Unasur la referencia al respeto de los derechos humanos en Venezuela.
A la salida de la comisión, dijo que en la cumbre de la Américas que se realizará en Panamá mañana viernes y el sábado, la posición de Uruguay será "no tratar" el tema de la crisis en Venezuela. "Ya tuvimos una amplia discusión de un día entero en la Unasur, y la intención de la inmensa mayoría de los países que participaremos es hablar de cuestiones técnicas, en particular de metas para el desarrollo y la prosperidad de los pueblos".
Nin Novoa reconoció que "hay matices" en el Frente Amplio sobre la política exterior que se lleva adelante con respecto a Venezuela, pero aclaró que "no hay que dramatizar". "Podemos tener una visión diferente sobre algunas cosas, pero tenemos informes dignos de preocupación sobre situaciones que se dieron en Venezuela", indicó.
.. .
Asimismo aseguró que "el tema de los derechos humanos no es válido en el principio de injerencia en la política interna de otros países. Hay que ayudar a que los derechos humanos se respeten para todos, en todo el mundo".

TISA.

"Nos tenemos que preguntar si tenemos que estar adentro o afuera y yo creo que tenemos que estar adentro", dijo el canciller sobre la participación de Uruguay en el TISA (Acuerdo en Comercio de Servicios). Además aclaró que Uruguay "no va a negociar sus monopolios, muchos de los cuales están asegurados por la Constitución de la República.

Cambio Radical.

La oposición quedó conforme con los lineamientos de política exterior que expuso el canciller. "Se observa un gran cambio casi radical con la política exterior del gobierno anterior, empezando por la profesionalización de los cargos y el abandono de un criterio exclusivamente partidario", dijo a El País el presidente de la Comisión de Asuntos Internaciones, Daniel Peña, del Partido Nacional. Su compañero de bancada Jaime Trobo consideró como "una muy buena señal la profesionalización que se lleva a adelante en la Cancillería".

Las Gestiones con EE.UU.


El canciller Rodolfo Nin Novoa dijo que el gobierno hizo gestiones ante el Departamento de Estado de Estados Unidos para que ese país se haga cargo de la manutención de los exreclusos de Guantánamo refugiados en Uruguay. "Lo he hablado con funcionarios de secretaría de Estado y se está trabajando en un marco de reserva y discreción", dijo Nin Novoa.

CAMBIOS EN LA CANCILLERÍA.


Eliminan a itinerantes de Mujica.


De los cinco cargos de embajador itinerante que creó el gobierno de José Mujica, la administración del presidente Tabaré Vázquez solo mantiene a uno. Se trata de Romero Rodríguez, embajador en África. "El resto no tenemos intención de llenarlos", dijo ayer el canciller Rodolfo Nin Novoa en la comisión de Asuntos Internacionales de Diputados. El ministro destacó que el equipo de embajadores que tiene es "de profesionales" y "no político". "Hacemos mucho hincapié en la profesionalización", subrayó. Solo nombró cuatro embajadores políticos (Héctor Lescano en Argentina, Ariel Bergamino en Cuba, Guillermo Dighiero en Francia y Francisco Ottonelli en el Vaticano). Para otros destinos como Suecia, Egipto, Catar, la Organización Mundial de Comercio (OMC) y Estados Unidos (Carlos Gianelli) eligió a embajadores de carrera. Nin Novoa adelantó que remitirá una ley al Parlamento para modificar el estatuto de los funcionarios y profesionalizar aun más la carrera del servicio exterior. Según dijo, Uruguay cuenta con 51 representaciones diplomáticas en el exterior y una plantilla de 572 funcionarios.

Gustavo Chacra: um nao-religioso numa festa religiosa e de memoria judaica (Rua Judaica)

Rua Judaica é o boletim do cônsul de Israel no Rio de Janeiro, sempre com notícias perfeitamente tendenciosas (ou seja, expressando o ponto de vista judeu, ou israelense), mas perfeitamente objetivas, sinceras, claras, transparentes, honestas.
Sempre apreciei, sem precisar concordar com tudo o que vai escrito ou transcrito ali.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Um goy brasileiro-libanês em um Seder em NY
Gustavo Chacra
Rua Judaica, 9/04/2015



Description: https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/1225570297/40379_10150242688785468_809675467_13935112_2657714_n.jpg

Guga Chacra – De Nova Iorque para a Rua Judaica
Sou de origem cristã. Pelo lado materno (italiano e português), católico. Pelo lado paterno, dos meus avós libaneses, sou metade cristão grego-ortodoxo e metade cristão grego-católico (melquita). Na prática, não sou religioso e minha família tampouco é religiosa. Meus pais esqueceram de me batizar, embora meus irmãos tenham sido batizados. Já adulto, fui batizado por um judeu no rio Jordão em reportagem para o caderno de Turismo da Folha. E não descarto me batizar na Igreja Melquita ou na Ortodoxa em São Paulo.

Description: http://internacional.estadao.com.br/blogs/gustavo-chacra/wp-content/uploads/sites/137/2009/07/photo_02.jpg

Sei que algumas famílias cristãs, sejam elas católicas ou ortodoxas, ainda mantem a tradição religiosa em festas como o Natal ou a Páscoa. Na minha, porém, sempre se restringiu a troca de presentes no 24 de dezembro com uma ceia de comida libanesa. Na Páscoa, quando éramos pequenos, ganhávamos ovos de chocolate. Sei que o mesmo ocorre com a maior parte dos meus amigos. Apenas alguns mais religiosos vão à missa nestas datas. Mas é raro. No final das contas, é um jantar em família.


Quando recebi o convite da minha amiga Betty Steinberg para o Seder na casa dela em Connecticut, para a celebração do Pessach, não imaginava como esta festividade judaica seria tão diferente. A leitura da história do povo judeu, orações e canções lindas em hebraico. A importância de cada comida no prato. A participação de todos. Fiquei impressionado como os judeus sabem guardar e conservar a sua história.

 Description: https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/1225570297/40379_10150242688785468_809675467_13935112_2657714_n.jpg Description: https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/1891161539/Caio_Blinder4_400x400.jpg Description: http://www.owurman.com/images/282_16.jpg

Em dúvida, ainda perguntei para o jornalista Caio Blinder, que também estava presente, se isso era comum também em famílias judaicas mais seculares, como a dele. Ele me explicou que sim. E também me disse ser comum convidar não judeus como eu e a minha mulher (também de origem libanesa cristã, com italiano e português como eu). Na época do movimento pelos direitos civis, segundo o Caio, era muito comum famílias judaicas convidarem negros para o Seder. Foi um dia que ficará para sempre na minha memória.

quarta-feira, 8 de abril de 2015

Propinas no Vaticano: companheiros da Igreja montam esquema de arrecadacao

Calma, calma, não são os nossos companheiros, são os deles. E as propinas eram as indulgências, ou seja, bônus globais da Igreja católica, mas falsos, e vendidos como se fossem verdadeiros. Foi por isso que Lutero se revoltou, mas ele não tinha Polícia Federal, por isso teve de se esconder, até conseguir convencer uns incautos que a Igreja tinha montado o mais vasto esquema de propinoduto de toda a história.
Mas isso só até chegarem os companheiros atuais, que foram muito mais ambiciosos...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

Today's selection -- from God's Bankers by Gerald Posner. One of the scandalous practices of the Catholic church was the sale of "indulgences" to raise money. Indulgences allowed Catholics to buy forgiveness for their sins with cold, hard cash. Most remember that indulgences were one of the primary reasons Martin Luther made the cataclysmic decision to leave the Catholic church and start the "Protestant" movement. However, few realize that indulgences were used by the Catholic church as a primary source of revenue for over a thousand years, and that the practice did not end as a result of Luther's protests:

"The cost of running the church's kingdom while maintaining the profligate lifestyle of one of Europe's grandest courts pressured the Vatican always to look for ways to bring in more money. Taxes and fees levied on the Papal States paid most of the empire's basic expenses. The sales of produce from its agriculturally rich northern land as well as rents collected from its properties throughout Europe brought in extra cash. But over time that was not enough to fuel the lavish lifestyles of the Pope and his top clerics. The church found the money it needed in the selling of so-called indulgences, a sixth-century invention whereby the faithful paid for a piece of paper that promised that God would forgo any earthly punishment for the buyer's sins. The early church's penances were often severe, including flogging, imprisonment, or even death. Although some indulgences were free, the best ones -- promising the most redemption for the gravest sins -- were expensive. The Vatican set prices according to the severity of the sin and they were initially available only to those who made a pilgrimage to Rome.

Satan distributing indulgences

"Indulgences helped Urban II in the eleventh century offset the church's enormous costs in subsidizing the first Crusades. He offered full absolution to anyone who volunteered to fight in 'God's army' and partial forgiveness for simply helping the Crusaders. Successive Popes became ever more creative in liberalizing the scope of indulgences and the ease with which devout Catholics could pay for them. By the early 1400s, Boniface IX -- whose decadent spending kept the church under relentless financial pressure -- extended indulgences to encompass sacraments, ordinations, and consecrations. A few decades later, Pope Paul II waived the need for sinners to make a pilgrimage to Rome. He authorized local bishops to collect the money and dispense the indulgences and also cleared them for sale at pilgrimage sites that had relics of saints. Sextus IV had an inspired idea: apply them to souls stuck in Purgatory. Any Catholic could pay so that souls trapped in Purgatory could get on a fast track to Heaven. The assurance that money alone could cut the afterlife in Purgatory was such a powerful inducement that many families sent their life savings to Rome. So much money flooded to Sextus that he was able to build the Sistine Chapel. Alexander VI -- the Spanish Borgia whose Papacy was marked by nepotism and brutal infighting for power -- created an indulgence for simply reciting the Rosary in public. The new sales pitch promised the faithful that a generous contribution multiplied the Rosary's prayer power.

"Each Pontiff understood that tax revenues from the Papal States paid most of the day-to-day bills, while indulgences paid for everything else. The church overlooked the widespread corruption and graft inherent in collecting so much cash and instead grew ever more dependent on indulgences. And as they got ever easier to buy and promised more forgiveness, they became wildly popular among ordinary Catholics.

"Indulgences were, however, more than a financial lifeline. They also helped medieval Roman Popes withstand challenges to their secular power. So-called antipopes -- usually from other Italian cities -- claimed they, rather than the pope elected in Rome, had the political or divine right to rule the Catholic Church. Although some antipopes raised their own armies and had popular backing, they never mustered the moral authority to issue indulgences. Repeated efforts over centuries by pretenders to the Papacy to package and sell forgiveness for sins failed. Few Catholics believed that anyone but the Roman Pope had the direct connection with God to offer a real Indulgence. And when the Pope's armies were called upon to sometimes crush an antipope, it was usually the flood of cash from indulgences that paid for the war.

"By the reign of Leo X -- the last nonpriest elected Pope in 1513 -- a growing chorus of critics condemned indulgences as a shameless ecclesiastical dependence. Leo, a prince from Florence's powerful Medici family, was a cardinal since he was thirteen. He was accustomed to an extravagant lifestyle by the time he became Pope at thirty-eight. Leo made the Papal Court the grandest in Europe, commissioning Raphael to decorate the majestic loggias. The Vatican's servants nearly doubled to seven hundred. Assuming the role of a clerical aristocracy, cardinals were called Princes of the Church. Leo had no patience for critics who demanded he curb the sale of indulgences. He tried silencing his detractors by threatening excommunication.When that failed, he pressed ahead with a futures market by which diminution was available for sins not yet committed. So much cash flooded in that he could build St. Peter's cathedral.

"Pope-Kings unvaryingly were scions of a handful of powerful Italian families. When one of their sons became Pope, the by-products of a Papacy often included rampant corruption, pervasive nepotism, and unbridled debauchery. The cash from indulgences mostly became a bottomless pit.

"The licentious lifestyle of the Papal Court and the widespread abuses in selling indulgences became a rallying cry for Martin Luther and the Reformation. Pope Leo responded by excommunicating Luther. One of the few benefits from the schism was that since Protestants condemned indulgences, the Holy See remained unopposed when it came to selling forgiveness to believers in Christ.

"The steady flow of cash became ever more important as the Vatican suffered from the repercussions of the liberal political and social upheaval that swept Western Europe in the late eighteenth century, climaxing in the 1789 French Revolution."

God's Bankers: A History of Money and Power at the Vatican
Author: Gerald Posner
Publisher: Simon & Schuster
Copyright 2015 by Gerald Posner
Pages 8-11

Ajuste economico: cortes nos investimentos, quase nada em custeio - Mansueto Almeida

Nem precisa comentar. Está tudo expresso claramente nesta postagem do melhor especialista em contas públicas do Brasil, o economista Mansueto Almeida (não é meu parente).
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

O lado real do ajuste fiscal: corte de 30% do investimento público

Sempre que falei que, INFELIZMENTE,  o governo cortaria fortemente o investimento público para tentar alcançar a meta do primário, as pessoas se revoltavam contra mim. Bom, peço para não atacarem o mensageiro. Levantei os números do investimento público para o primeiro trimestre do ano, completando a série com os dados do SIAFI para março de 2015.
O que os dados mostram? a valores de março de 2015, o investimento público da União (exclui estatais) passou de R$ 22,3 bilhões no primeiro trimestre de 2014 para R$ 15,6 bilhões no primeiro trimestre de 2015. Uma queda real de R$ 6,7 bilhões ou de 30%!
E quem são os grandes perdedores? Olhem na tabela abaixo:  (1) Min da Defesa: – R$ 1,8 bilhões; (2) Min do Desenvolvimento Agrário: – R$ 1,2 bilhão; (3) Min da Educação: – R$ 1,2 bilhão; (4) Min dos Transportes: – R$ 1,1 bilhão e (5) Min da Saúde: – R$ 941,8 milhões. Sinto informar que as áreas de educação e saúde tiveram cortes. Por enquanto, não se nota corte no Minha Casa Minha Vida (ver Ministério das Cidades) mas isso é questão de tempo. A propósito, eu espero um corte de investimento de, no mínimo, uns R$ 30 bilhões este ano. Em três meses governo já cortou quase R$ 7 bilhões de investimento e nada do custeio.
Investimento público da União (exclui estatais) – 1o TRIM de 2014 vs 1o TRIM de 2015 – R$ milhões de março de 2015
INV
Fonte: Tesouro Nacional e SIAFI. Elaboração: Mansueto Almeida
OBS: inclui o Minha Casa Minha Vida no Ministério das Cidades.

Venezuela: ditadura chavista encontra complacencia no continente - FoxNews

A despeito de ser FoxNews, uma cadeia notoriamente de direita, isso não impede fatos de serem fatos. Seria interessante ter um desmentido dos governos sobre sua inoperância, conivência, complacência ou cumplicidade.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Latin American leaders remain silent on Venezuela's human rights abuses

  • Venezuela Regional Silence.jpg
    FILE - In this Dec. 5, 2014 file photo, UNASUR leaders pose for a group photo at the inauguration of the new UNASUR headquarters building in Quito, Ecuador. From left to right are Suriname's President Desi Bouterse, Brazil's President Dilma Rousseff, Argentina's President Cristina Fernandez, Ecuador's President Rafael Correa, Colombia's President Juan Manuel Santos, UNASUR General Secretary and former Colombian President Ernesto Samper, Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro, and Bolivia's President Evo Morales. The South American regional bloc did attempt to mediate between the Venezuelan government and the opposition last year. But that effort fell through, and observers see those leaders as loath to try again. (AP Photo/Dolores Ochoa, File)
From Mexico to Brazil, leaders in Latin America have largely kept silent amid charges of human rights abuses in Venezuela and are unlikely to speak out against their neighbor at this week's Summit of the Americas.
Many Latin American heads of state gathering in Panama City are bound to oil-rich Venezuela by business dealings if not ideology, and are put off by recent U.S. sanctions against some of the country's officials. Others do not want to be seen as doing Washington's bidding, particularly as they face protests and plunging approval ratings at home.
"Venezuela has successfully played the history of U.S. imperialism and U.S. heavy-handedness cards, in a way that has made people want to back away from public criticism," said Geoff Thale, an analyst at the Washington Office on Latin America.
The Obama administration last month froze the U.S. assets and revoked visas for seven senior officials accused of human rights violations related to protests last year against President Nicolás Maduro's socialist government. The unrest is blamed for more than 40 deaths and triggered a crackdown on criticism that led to the jailing of several opposition leaders, including February's surprise arrest of Caracas Mayor Antonio Ledezma.
Human Rights Watch and other advocacy groups issued a statement on Tuesday asking the countries attending the summit to call Maduro's administration to task for its alleged harassment of rights defenders.
But rather than highlight alleged abuses, the U.S. sanctions have drawn widespread condemnation in Latin America, denying Obama a hoped-for diplomatic victory lap at the summit for his decision to restore ties with Cold War nemesis Cuba. A reference to Venezuela as a threat to U.S. national security included in the sanctions declaration is standard bureaucratic language for the United States, but disturbing to a region with a long history of U.S. interference, from support for past military regimes to efforts to topple leftist governments.
Host Panamanian President Juan Carlos Varela said that while regional leaders are concerned about the situation in Venezuela, both the government and the opposition, which has been calling for Maduro's resignation, bear responsibility. Safeguarding the results of congressional elections later this year is the best way to resolve the impasse, he said.
"As a democratic country, for sure, we defend human rights, we defend the right of the Venezuelan opposition to participate in democratic elections," he said in an interview Tuesday with The Associated Press. "But we also have to defend the right for President Maduro to finish his term."
Ricardo Zuniga, the U.S. National Security Council's senior director for Latin America, said Tuesday during a press briefing on Obama's upcoming visit that the situation in Venezuela is a concern of all governments around the region. But he played down the language labeling Venezuela a national security threat.
"We don't have any hostile designs on Venezuela," he said. "We are Venezuela's largest trading partner. We have an extensive and deep history between our countries, including a lot of family connections."
The U.S. action has been breathing new life into Maduro's government just as a plunge in oil prices looked set to deepen economic turmoil marked by widespread shortages and soaring 68 percent inflation. He has promised to deliver Obama a petition signed by 10 million Venezuelans calling on the U.S. to repeal the sanctions.
The pushback from the region seems to have caught the U.S. off guard.
"I was a bit, I will confess, disappointed that there weren't more who defended the fact that clearly this was not intended to hurt the Venezuelan people or the Venezuelan government even as a whole," Roberta Jacobson, the top State Department official for Latin America, said last week about the sanctions.
It was no surprise that leftist allies such as the governments of Ecuador, Bolivia and Nicaragua would leap to defend Caracas. All have a history of vocal opposition to Washington. But even more moderate governments and traditional U.S. allies in the region have been reluctant to criticize Maduro.
Some governments are protective of deep economic ties to Venezuela, including Argentina and more than a dozen nations that have received subsidized oil under the Venezuelan-led Petrocaribe alliance.
Others worry about instability spilling over. In Colombia, President Juan Manuel Santos is trying to protect important trade with Venezuela, repair relations that nearly collapsed under his combative conservative predecessor, Alvaro Uribe, and retain Venezuelan support for complicated peace talks with leftist rebels.
Meanwhile the presidents of regional heavyweights, Mexico, Brazil and Chile are dealing with their own domestic crises brought on by slumping economies and government corruption charges, so are reluctant to antagonize left-wing constituents who still revere the late Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez.
Mexico's Enrique Peña Nieto has been forced to slash spending and partially rein in much-touted energy reforms due to plummeting oil prices. He is also fighting scandals over alleged cronyism and the disappearance of 43 students who authorities say were detained by police, handed over to a drug gang and murdered last September.
Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff's slumping approval ratings rival those of Maduro, with just 12 percent of citizens saying in a recent poll that they viewed her government's performance as "good" or "excellent." Driving voters away are a sputtering economy and a spreading corruption scandal at state oil company Petrobras. While her predecessor Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva was a regional powerbroker, Rousseff has not developed a clear foreign policy or a leadership role beyond Brazil.
Both leaders have been the target of protests calling for their resignation.
Rousseff and Chilean President Michelle Bachelet are former political prisoners who would seem natural candidates to speak out about human rights concerns. But Bachelet's popularity also has dropped over allegations her son used his influence to secure a bank loans — a corruption scandal that threatens her agenda to combat inequality in Chile.
With the exception of comments this week by Uruguay's foreign minister expressing concern over the jailing of opposition leaders and use of force against protesters, Latin America's most public criticism of Venezuela has come from those outside the halls of power.
In a letter released Monday, 19 former leaders from Latin America and Spain called on Maduro's government to release jailed activists and urged respect for "constitutional principles and international standards."
Latin diplomats like to say they can be more effective raising concerns privately with Venezuelan officials rather than airing dirty laundry in public. They point to mediation efforts by the South American regional bloc Unasur, which last year briefly brought the government and opposition to the negotiating table, and say they may exercise this leverage again should things spin out of control around legislative elections later this year.
Maduro has promised to deliver to Obama a petition signed by 10 million Venezuelans calling for the U.S. sanctions to be revoked, but Panama's president said regional leaders won't allow the tensions to dominate the conference.
"The summit isn't about the bilateral relationship between the United States and Venezuela," Varela said. "But if they (Obama and Maduro) have to meet, Panama is a good place to meet, Panama is a good place to talk, Panama is a good place to solve differences. That's the tradition of our country."
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O protecionismo brasileiro, em todos os seus estados - Otaviano Canuto

QUÃO FECHADA PARA O COMÉRCIO É A ECONOMIA BRASILEIRA?
Otaviano Canuto e associados 
Voxeu, Nº 122 - Janeiro/Março de 2015
 
Embora tenha se tornado uma das maiores economias do mundo, o Brasil continua a figurar entre os países mais fechados, se considerarmos a participação das exportações e das importações no PIB. Este texto argumenta que isso não pode ser explicado apenas pelo tamanho da economia brasileira. Isso se deve, antes, à maior confiança depositada na integração doméstica das cadeias de valor nacionais em oposição à participação em redes globais de produção. Uma maior abertura comercial poderia promover ganhos de ficiência e ajudar o Brasil a enfrentar seus desafios de produtividade e de competitividade.
De acordo com as medidas tradicionais de penetração comercial no nível macro (participação das exportações e importações no PIB), o Brasil é uma economia    extremamente fechada.  No país, essa proporção era de apenas 27,6% em 2013 – uma das mais baixas no mundo. Notavelmente, a abertura comercial do Brasil está muito aquém da de seus pares entre os BRICS, nos quais a proporção do comércio em relação ao PIB chegou a pelo menos 50% nos últimos anos. O tamanho do Brasil é muitas vezes usado para explicar o escasso grau de abertura do país. Como a comparação com outras grandes economias já indica, esse argumento não se sustenta diante de um exame mais criterioso. Embora seja verdade que as grandes economias tendem a apresentar menores coeficientes de exportação e importação em relação ao PIB, isso não consegue explicar os níveis excepcionalmente baixos de penetração comercial observados no Brasil.

Leia o artigo aqui: 

terça-feira, 7 de abril de 2015

Die brasilianische Diplomatie aus historischer Sicht - novo livro Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Pois é, eu já tenho livros e artigos em Inglês, Francês, Espanhol, em Galego, e até em Português, mas estava faltando algo nessa língua absolutamente certeira e melodiosa, além de cultíssima, que é o Alemão. Agora já não falta mais.
Um amigo recentemente "adquirido" -- se o verbo se aplica -- Ulrich Dressel, do Rio Grande do Sul,gostou tanto do meu livro Nunca Antes na Diplomacia (2014), que se ofereceu para traduzi-lo em alemão. Meu contrato autoral com a editora que o publicou prevê reserva em línguas estrangeiras, mas unicamente em Inglês e Espanhol, o que me deixa livre, portanto, para Alemão, Francês, Chinês (ou mandarim), basco, catalão, provençal, e o que mais vier.
Mas, para não repetir o livro e fazer um volume muito longo, resolvi fazer uma edição resumida.
Saiu este livro, cujo índice segue logo abaixo.


Die brasilianische Diplomatie aus historischer Sicht
Essays über die Auslandsbeziehungen und
Außenpolitik Brasiliens

Inhalt

Vorwort

Einführung: Die brasilianische Diplomatie in all ihren Stadien


1. Die Auslandsbeziehungen Brasiliens aus historischer Sicht

2. Entscheidungsprozesse in der Geschichte der brasilianischen Außenpolitik

3. Eine neue diplomatische Architektur: Änderungen in der Außenpolitik

4. Denken und Handeln der engagierten Diplomatie: eine evolutive Perspektive

5. Die brasilianische Diplomatie im 21. Jahrhundert: Saldo und Wertung

6. Eine engagierte Auslandspolitik: ihre institutionellen Auswirkungen

7. Die Präferenz für die Option Süd: ein neuer geografischer Determinismus?

Allgemeine Literaturhinweise

Estou colocando o expediente, e a Apresentação, em Alemão, mas seguida da versão original em Português, neste link do Academia.edu:
https://www.academia.edu/11838693/27_Die_brasilianische_Diplomatie_aus_historischer_Sicht_2015_
Assim que estiver revisto integralmente, vou colocá-lo à disposição, para os que puderem ler em alemão, claro. Ficou melhor que a edição original, pois o olho atento do Ulrich corrigiu pequenas e grandes impropriedades de estilo e de construção de frases.
Divirtam-se, naturlich...

Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Lulo-petismo: para onde se olha tem crimes bilionarios - Comperj (O Globo)

Estava tentando separar os crimes econômicos do lulo-petismo -- que são aqueles equívocos de política econômica que provocaram e provocam grandes perdas ao país -- dos crimes comuns, essas roubalheiras que prometem, ou pelo menos deveriam, levar esses mafiosos à cadeia por longos anos.
Mas resulta que é difícil separar essas coisas, porque equívocos econômicos são construídos deliberadamente para permitir roubalheiras, e estas são disfarçadas de projetos aparentemente viáveis para, a partir da sua aparência de seriedade, permitirem esse verdadeiro assalto aos cofres públicos que é cometido pelos chefões mafiosos com a conivência de capitalistas promíscuos. Todos eles merecem estar na cadeia, e não apenas os empresários, que na verdade são em grande medida instrumentados pelos mafiosos partidários para fazer o que fazem.
Vejam este exemplo da Comperj, por exemplo: foi concebida pelo chefe da quadrilha para ser mais um duto a jorrar dinheiro por todos os lados, e beneficiar todos os gangsters do partido. Da mesma forma Pasadena: não se tratou de um "mau negócio", e sim de um excelente negócio, pois permitiu desviar dinheiro em dólares, milhões, já no exterior, sem precisar de bancos nacionais, doleiros, malas de dinheiro vivo, enfim, essas coisas atrasadas. Os companheiros agora criaram várias vacas leiteiras que vão ficar por aí durante anos, mesmo que eles sejam escorraçados do poder, como deve ser feito.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

Comperj dará prejuízo de R$ 45 bi à Petrobras
Patrícia Cagni e Eduardo Bresciani – O GloboO Globlo, terça-feira, 7 de abril de 2015 

Prejuízo garantido 
• Perda mínima no Comperj, obra investigada na Lava-Jato, será de R$ 45 bi, conclui estatal 

BRASÍLIA - A Petrobras estimou em um documento produzido por sua equipe técnica que o Complexo Petroquímico do Rio de Janeiro (Comperj), em Itaboraí (RJ), deve gerar um prejuízo mínimo de US$ 14,3 bilhões (R$ 44,8 bilhões) aos cofres da companhia, em valores deste ano. Entram no cálculo, entre outros fatores, investimentos feitos que não podem ser recuperados e gastos com a manutenção durante a paralisação da obra. O documento, obtido pelo GLOBO, foi apresentado ao Tribunal de Contas da União (TCU) em fevereiro no âmbito de um processo que discute irregularidades na obra.

O Comperj é um dos empreendimentos da Petrobras em que houve pagamento de propina e participação de cartel dos fornecedores, segundo delações premiadas da Operação Lava-Jato. O projeto inicial era de uma unidade de gás natural, duas refinarias e uma petroquímica. Apenas a unidade de gás continua em andamento, com previsão de conclusão das obras em junho de 2017. A primeira refinaria, chamada de "trem 1", está com 82% das obras concluídas, mas foi suspensa em dezembro do ano passado devido a restrições de caixa. A segunda refinaria ainda não saiu do papel, e o projeto de petroquímicas foi cancelado em julho de 2014.

O debate com o TCU é sobre qual a melhor opção: retomar o investimento no "trem 1" em 2019, para terminar a refinaria, ou abandonar o que já foi feito até agora nesta parte do projeto. Segundo os técnicos da Petrobras, a retomada geraria um prejuízo menor, de US$ 14,3 bilhões, enquanto a desistência do projeto traria um prejuízo maior, de US$ 17 bilhões (R$ 53,1 bilhões). Estes dados são descritos no documento VPL@2015, o que significa o resultado com base no momento atual.

"Dentre os cenários avaliados, o cenário 1 (complementação mecânica das unidades de refino da refinaria trem 1) minimiza as perdas econômicas para a Petrobras", afirma o documento da Petrobras apresentado ao TCU.

Para se ter uma ideia, o prejuízo estimado do Comperj seria maior do que todos os gastos com a organização das Olimpíadas do Rio, em 2016, estimados em R$ 37,7 bilhões.

A planilha apresentada pela companhia revela que, independentemente dos dois cenários, US$ 13 bilhões (R$ 40,7 bilhões) que já foram investidos não teriam mais como ser recuperados, o chamado "custo afundado". Estão nessa conta edificações e equipamentos que não poderiam ser aproveitados em outras obras.

Previsão inicial era gastar US$ 6,1 bilhões
A previsão da Petrobras é que somente no final da vida útil do Comperj, chamado VPL prospectivo, o negócio poderia se tornar lucrativo, trazendo para a estatal um retorno de US$ 1,2 bilhão (R$ 3,9 bilhões). A companhia, porém, teria gastos adicionais de US$ 1,8 bilhão (R$ 5,62 bilhões) com a postergação do investimento, além de outros US$ 6,4 bilhões (R$ 20,1 bilhões) para concluir o projeto. No caso da obra ser abandonada, deixando de existir os gastos com manutenção, o prejuízo nesse mesmo período seria de US$ 1,4 bilhão (R$ 4,4 bilhões).

A Petrobras não informou com qual prazo trabalhou no VPL prospectivo nesse caso. O padrão para obras na área de refino é de vida útil de 25 anos, mas, no caso da refinaria Abreu e Lima, em Pernambuco, o cálculo foi feito como se a operação fosse "infinita", gerando um fluxo de caixa constante para a companhia.

A construção do "trem 1" tem previsão de prejuízo desde o início das obras. Em 2010, quando o projeto foi aprovado pelo Conselho de Administração da empresa, a previsão de resultado era negativa em cerca de US$ 700 milhões (R$ 2,18 bilhões). A implementação da refinaria só foi levada adiante porque o complexo foi apresentado de forma conjunta ao conselho e havia estimativa de lucro com a construção da segunda refinaria e das petroquímicas.

A previsão inicial para o complexo era de gastos de US$ 6,1 bilhões (R$ 19 bilhões). Após as seguidas mudanças no projeto, a Petrobras já admitiu que os custos seriam de US$ 30,5 bilhões (R$ 95,1 bilhões) e, em documentos internos, chegou a estimar em US$ 47,7 bilhões (R$ 148,8 bilhões) o investimento total.

Procurada, a Petrobras não respondeu a questionamentos encaminhados pelo GLOBO.

Para o TCU, a estratégia de reunir os empreendimentos como um projeto conjunto fez com que fossem levadas adiante as obras da refinaria sem a análise adequada. "Esse cenário de incertezas demandava maior cuidado em decisões que pudessem impactar os resultados do empreendimento, pelo aumento das necessidades de investimento", registraram os técnicos do TCU em auditoria realizada no ano passado.

Em suas delações premiadas, o ex-diretor da Petrobras Paulo Roberto Costa e o ex-gerente Pedro Barusco afirmaram ter recebido propina decorrente de contratos do Comperj. Os delatores ligados ao grupo Toyo Setal, Júlio Camargo e Augusto Ribeiro de Mendonça, disseram que o cartel atuou fortemente na divisão das obras e apresentou uma planilha que simulava um campeonato de futebol, no qual as empreiteiras dividiam os lotes colocados em licitação.

No auge, 29 mil trabalhadores no complexo
Auditoria do TCU sobre o empreendimento questionou contratações emergenciais de US$ 7,6 bilhões (R$ 23,7 bilhões) para a obra realizadas, quando Costa ocupava a Diretoria de Abastecimento da Petrobras. O TCU constatou que, nos casos em que houve licitação no próprio Comperj, a Petrobras conseguiu preços 14,27% abaixo da previsão inicial. A auditoria ressaltou que houve pagamento de R$ 1,5 bilhão em aditivos porque equipamentos ficaram parados devido à falta de vias de acesso a Itaboraí. Houve prejuízo na compra de equipamentos que não serão mais usados devido a mudanças no projeto. Foi com base nesse trabalho que o TCU decidiu ouvir a Petrobras sobre os aspectos globais do Comperj.

A paralisação de obras e problemas de empreiteiras contratadas decorrentes da Operação Lava-Jato já causaram demissões em massa em Itaboraí. No auge, 29 mil trabalhadores trabalhavam nas obras. Em março, eram 10,6 mil.

Politica Externa: hora de trocar de políticas, de atitudes, de pessoas - Pedro Luiz Rodrigues

150407PedroLuizRodriguesPoliticaExterna

Diário do Poder, 7/04/2015
PEDRO LUIZ RODRIGUES
BOAS AS MUDANÇAS NA FAZENDA E NA EDUCAÇÃO. FALTA O ITAMARATY
O Brasil bem poderia aproveitar a oportunidade representada pela VII Cúpula das Américas – a se realizar no Panamá nos próximos dias 10 e 11 – para voltar a mostrar-se com sua verdadeira cara aos países do Hemisfério e do resto do mundo.
Somos um caso único de potência emergente que aceitou despir-se da natural expressão de sua condição, apenas pela canhestra pretensão de melhor ser aceito pela vizinhança. Deixamos de ter voz própria nos assuntos da região, preferindo nos submeter ao assembleísmo próprio dos diretórios estudantis.
Deve o Brasil, de imediato, romper os penduricalhos exóticos com os quais  nos últimos doze anos os liliputeanos  bolivarianistas da região têm buscado restringir nossos movimentos, reduzindo o País à situação em que se encontrava Gulliver ao despertar, após o naufrágio.
Estados Unidos e Cuba serão os grandes protagonistas do encontro no Panamá. Estarão, os dois, juntos, pela primeira vez, numa reunião de cúpula hemisférica . A despeito das disparidades de tamanho e poder entre os dois, sentar-se-ão  como iguais, buscando superar os inúmeros obstáculos que ainda os separam.
Quanto ao Brasil, ficaremos apenas como mais um na massa geral.
A pergunta que cabe fazer  é  se atende a nosso interesse nacional  continuar a representar o papel limitado a que fomos reduzidos, de mero integrantes do clube que tem como sócios principais uma Cristina Kirchner e um Nicolas Maduro.Não será o momento de recuperarmos voz própria e liderança nos assuntos da região?
Não se trata, é claro, de repudiar nossa condição de sul-americanos. Mas  está na hora de jogar no lixo a cartilha diplomática imposta pelo PT, que reduz nossa atuação regional a uma abanação de  rabo diante da mediocridade.
Conduzidos pelos ideológos do PT, fomos aos poucos perdendo a consciência de onde se encontra nosso verdadeiro  interesse nacional. Não é por outra razão que acabamos de tapa-olho, conduzidos pelo cabresto pelos governos da Argentina e da Venezuela.
Esses dois países serão sempre de interesse estratégico para o Brasil. Mas nossos interesses no mundo extrapolam, em muito, os modestos limites de nossa complicada vizinhança.  Não há razão para que abdiquemos de nossas próprias necessidades e aspirações.
Uma grande oportunidade para essa mudança - para fazer retornar a  formulação e a condução da política externa brasileira à sua trajetória histórica – se abriria com o afastamento do professor Marco Aurélio Garcia da assessoria especial da Presidência da República para assuntos internacionais.
A presidente Dilma percebeu que só tem a ganhar colocando gente competente em cargos estratégicos. Está feliz com o Joaquim Levy, está feliz com o Janine, e vai ficar também feliz com a saída de Pepe Vargas de seu entorno de assessores.
Acertaria a presidente se, assim como fez para restaurar a eficiência e credibilidade da área econômica de seu governo, decidisse também por incutir racionalidade e bom-senso  à política externa brasileira. Para isso, contudo, seria necessário retirar o Garcia de cena.
Este, a propósito, anda inconformado com o desarranjo que tomou conta do Partido dos Trabalhadores. Na prática, vem até mesmo fazendo declarações que mais caberiam ao presidente do partido, o deputado Rui Falcão.
Como um dos fundadores do PT, o  professor acha que tem o dever de dedicar mais tempo e esforços para tentar reparar as fissuras que se multiplicam na estrutura do partido, a cada dia mais chacoalhada pelo  envolvimento de alguns seus integrantes em estrepolias enquadráveis no Código Penal.
Se nesse esforço de guiar o PT  for o acadêmico tão bem sucedido quanto o foi na definição das prioridades da política externa do Brasil - que é o que tem feito nos últimos doze anos – o partido pode ir encomendando sua missa de sétimo dia, estará fadado ao desastre. 
Talvez devesse o assessor presidencial, um gesto de grande patriotismo, adotar a recomendação que está propondo  ao tesoureiro do partido, João Vaccari Neto, de pedir demissão do cargo, porque seria positivo tanto para ele, Vaccari, quanto para o próprio PT. Mas se o professor decidisse ele mesmo pedir demissão do cargo e assumir o comando do partido, seria positivo para ele e para o Brasil.
 O embaixador e jornalista Pedro Luiz Rodrigues é diplomata de carreira