1372) A volta ao mundo em 29 dias...

Sim, é possível, como prova este casal de americanos, segundo matéria abaixo.
Eu faria em dois meses de férias, para ficar menos cansativo e mais instrutivo, mas nada impede de tentar.
Em todo caso, sempre se pode aprender com as lições dos outros.
Vejamos...

Around the World in Four Easy Lessons
By Maryann Haggerty
Special to The Washington Post
Sunday, September 13, 2009

We did laundry in Honolulu, Hong Kong and Madrid.
Oh, and in a bathtub in Bali.

This summer, my husband and I, both well past backpacker age, traveled around the world in 29 days. That's an average of less than four days in each of the eight countries we visited. It was exhilarating, exhausting and, of course, the trip of a lifetime.

I could drone on about the splendor of the Taj Mahal at dawn, the sensory assault of Tokyo's Shinjuku district at night and the welcoming off-hours ambiance of that dim little heavy-metal bar in Barcelona. But don't worry. I know what you really want to know: How did we plan this? And what did we pack?

We learned a notebook's worth of lessons: Fly east to west, don't take a trip like this unless your marriage is strong and, perhaps most important, yes, it's possible to travel around the world even when, like most Americans', your vacation time is scarce.

Lesson No. 1: When planning, remember: It's your trip.
Not surprisingly, we cooked up the idea of traveling around the world over a pitcher of beer.

Late last year, we were trying to agree on a really spectacular vacation to commemorate, among other things, a milestone birthday. Southeast Asia? The European Grand Tour? As we sat in our corner bar, we kept adding possibilities, making things more and more complicated, until my husband brought up the big one: Why not around the world?

Yeah, sure. Who has the time for that? Or the money?

Nonetheless, I began reading books and trawling Web sites. There is an accepted template for what's called RTW travel. You must do it slowly -- say, at least six months or a year. You must get off the beaten path, disdaining all those things that regular tourists are there to see, such as renowned museums or the Great Pyramids. You should probably carry a backpack, stay in the cheapest place in town and wash your clothes in the sink.

And you absolutely, positively must go to Thailand.

This didn't work for us. We had jobs we couldn't leave for long. And we didn't see the appeal in sharing cold-water showers in a $10-a-night hostel.

But . . . we could take four weeks. And we actually did have quite a bit of cash saved. If you traveled for a month instead of six months, the hotels could at least have private baths with hot showers. We mapped out dream routes and must-do's until we convinced ourselves that with some tight scheduling we could pull it off. There wouldn't be time to immerse ourselves in any culture for too long or to get too far off the beaten path.

But guess what? We're city people. We wanted to see the skyscrapers of Hong Kong and the masterpieces of the Prado. Call us shallow, but we wanted to see the Taj Mahal.

To buy an RTW ticket, you can work through consolidators, those travel agencies that buy the tiny newspaper ads with the teeny print. Some have established Web operations aimed at independent travelers. You can book prearranged group tours, and even spectacularly expensive RTW cruises.

The international airline alliances -- Oneworld, Star Alliance and SkyTeam -- also sell RTW tickets, each with its own complex rules. I talked with the consolidators, but I also fiddled, sometimes for hours, with the cool Web scheduling tools that Oneworld and Star Alliance provide.

And sometime in March, we had it pinned down: an 11-flight, culture-clash-filled itinerary, stopping only in places new to both of us. There were beaches in Hawaii and Bali, ancient wonders in Egypt and Jordan, city stays in Tokyo and Hong Kong. We jammed in the Taj Mahal and left almost a week for Spain. We actually stretched it a hair beyond four weeks -- that one extra day made the Delhi-to-Amman connection work, at least on paper. And somehow, we did it without a stay in Thailand.

Lesson No. 2: Packing is important, but don't worry -- they'll sell you stuff.
You can buy anything in Hong Kong. Good, because my husband was threatening to burn the denim skirt that I had worn every day for more than a week in Asia.

I liked the skirt. It had plenty of pockets for lugging cameras, maps and more on our long walks. And as temperatures day after day stayed closer to 100 degrees than 90, it was more comfortable than jeans.

With temperatures forecast to keep climbing as we visited India, Jordan and Egypt, jeans were a bad idea. But at least in the Muslim countries, my short skirt wasn't recommended.

What I needed were adventure pants, those super-lightweight synthetic-fabric cargo pants, wrinkle-proof, sun-proof, with pockets inside zippered pockets. Just like the ones that had served me so well on past bird-watching trips in Latin America. In fact, just like the ones in my closet at home.

When we planned this trip, we agreed to do it all with carry-on luggage. Aside from those pesky checked-baggage fees, we didn't want to mess with lost luggage on a schedule that could have us leaving a country before our bags arrived. That meant we each carried a 22-inch wheeled bag, plus a day-bag-size backpack. Some travel gurus sniff at wheeled bags. But our backs are no longer up to lugging duffel bags, and those wheels come in handy if you're spending more time in the corridors of international airports than you are running for a bus along an unpaved African road.

We each kept the weight of our combined bags somewhat under 30 pounds, and that passed muster on each of the five airlines we flew. That meant no dress shoes (wear the sneakers, pack the sandals), one light sweater, a rain jacket, summer-weight clothes and underwear for eight days. The gol' darned TSA bag -- three-ounce bottles of shampoo and all the other liquids in a one-quart zip-lock -- went in the day bag, along with other toiletries, cameras, electronics, airplane reading matter, valuable paperwork and one full change of those clean clothes, just in case.

Forget taking just two sets of clothes and washing one out in the sink each night. A T-shirt might dry overnight in the Jordanian desert, but even the flimsiest of undies is still going to be damp when it rains for days on end in Tokyo. So we hunted down wash-ops along the way. Swanky resorts hide their laundry facilities from the guests and charge outrageously for each piece. But the kind of moderately priced small hotels that cater to middle-class families have guest laundries or nearby laundromats that meet tourist needs. For instance, while the clothes tumbled in the coin-operated dryer in Madrid, we ducked out for tapas and a beer. By trip's end, we had presentable clothes for the final flight, but every other stitch was filthy, so we'd done something right.

No matter how carefully you pack, though, you're going to bring something extra -- perhaps one too many pairs of jeans -- and you're going to forget something -- perhaps a pair of adventure pants.

However, you can buy anything in Hong Kong. A store on Nathan Road had several racks of women's adventure pants, but one big catch: They were all sized for tiny Asian women. In the States, I'm a medium. Here, a medium was barely making it up over my knees.

But remember, you can buy anything in Hong Kong. The saleswoman disappeared into the storeroom a few times before she finally brought out the pants that I wore every day until we reached Europe -- the perfect color, the perfect pockets.

And the perfect size: an XXL.

Lesson No. 3: Technology is great, but you need paper.
At 3:30 a.m., the heavily armed guard at the New Delhi airport departures terminal was in no mood to learn about e-tickets.

I can't imagine that the idea was new to him, living as he does in a nation synonymous with high-tech. But he acted as though it was. The helpful hotel concierge who had accompanied us to the airport showed him our passports and explained over and over that we didn't have paper plane tickets, just electronic ones. That wasn't enough. The guard wanted a ticket.

It was time for the red folder.

Before we left the States, I printed out every hotel confirmation e-mail, every driver's phone number, every set of directions to shuttle buses and train stations. I scanned our passports, sent the images to Gmail and printed out extra copies. I printed at least a half-dozen copies of our airline itinerary as it appeared on the American Airlines Web site. And I put all those many sheets of paper, arranged in chronological order, in a red paper folder, the kind you buy a grade-school kid for 69 cents. It lived in the outside pocket of my little backpack.

With a flourish, I pulled out a copy of the itinerary, with our names, the date, everything. This document was no more official than any other printout in my folder, but the guard examined it closely and decided that we had a right to be where we were supposed to be.

We could not have planned this trip without the Internet. But technology isn't infallible, so you need backups. We approached that in a number of ways, some more successful than others.

For instance, books are heavy. To lighten our burden of thinly sliced trees, we loaded dozens of books, mostly freebie classics, onto a Kindle (for my husband) and an iPod Touch (for me). But you're not allowed to use either of these 21st-century marvels during takeoff and landing. They're not so hot poolside, either. So we agreed that we could each take one old-fashioned paperback that we would throw out when we finished. I think we each cheated and took two. But at least we got rid of some of the paper.

We had less luck with guidebooks. To cut that weight, we downloaded PDFs of relevant Lonely Planet chapters and stored them on the iPod. We packed just a few teeny-tiny paperback city guides, the kind that really do fit into a back pocket, and bought more along the way.

It turns out that reading long PDFs on an iPod screen is almost as difficult as deciphering detailed city maps on that same screen. And the Cairo guidebook we were able to find in Egypt wasn't much help with the Arabic signs in the subway system, and even less help when we got lost walking around the Zamalek neighborhood on a morning so hot and smoggy you couldn't see the banks of the Nile. At that point, I longed for a paper Lonely Planet.

Lesson No. 4: Even when things don't go according to plan, it can be cool.
Once we finally got past that guard at the airport in Delhi, I was ready to leave India. The Taj Mahal was breathtaking, but temperatures for two days had been flirting with an outrageously hot 45 degrees Celsius (I didn't want to do the math -- it comes to 113 degrees Fahrenheit) and Indian traffic had left my nerves raw. Also, it was not quite 4 a.m.

Unfortunately, the plane we were supposed to take to Jordan was canceled. I'll skip the dramatics and get to the point: This is why we bought travel insurance. It meant that we didn't have to pay for our extra day in Delhi. If the delay had run into another day, it would have covered that, too. After a nap back at our hotel, I hit the international phone lines to cancel what I had been assured was our charming little hotel in Amman -- the one recommended by a friend who used to live there. We arranged instead to have a driver pick us up at the Amman airport the next day and go directly to Petra, the ancient city of jaw-dropping red-rock ruins that was our main reason for the Jordan stop. I regret losing that day in Jordan, but at least we didn't lose any unbudgeted money.

Many long-term travelers keep their plans loose, in good part to keep costs down. They don't book rooms until they arrive at their destination; they haggle with drivers on the spot; they keep their flight plans as flexible as the airlines allow. When I have plenty of time, I'll do the same.

But four weeks was all we had, so we made all our reservations ahead, via the Internet, except for a few hotel nights in Bali and Barcelona. We studied up on airport-to-city public transit, or we arranged for drivers to meet our flights. I'm sure finding local rooms and local buses might have been cheaper, but it wasn't worth it to me.

To keep ourselves oriented, we filled our notebooks in advance with salient facts about each destination: language, time zones and more. My husband printed one little spreadsheet that was an anchor as we hopped among countries with vastly different customs (how much to tip?), currencies (About 100 to the dollar, like in Japan? Or about 10,000, like in Indonesia?) and latitudes (sunset was 7:56 p.m. in Cairo; the next night in Madrid, it was 9:46 p.m.)

And because of the travel insurance, the 24-hour flight delay wasn't a crisis. We spent the time in our air-conditioned hotel, eating Indian food, sitting by the pool, checking e-mail and decompressing, something that definitely hadn't been on the carefully arranged schedule for that day.

Maryann Haggerty is a former Washington Post writer and editor. Her blog from this trip is at http://tinyurl.com/rtw29. She will join the Travel Talk chat Monday at 2 p.m. on http://www.washingtonpost.com/liveonline.

1371) Doing Business in Brazil (rather: NOT doing business in such a country)

As condições imperantes no Brasil são, de fato, horríveis, e o ambiente de negócios não é propriamente um ambiente, apenas uma atmosfera mal cheirosa, com milhares de entraves burocraticos, corrupcao, carga tributária irracional e outros problemas.
Constatem vocês mesmos...

World Bank – Doing Business 2009

The World Bank’s annual evaluation of “Doing Business” conditions world wide (133 countries) rank Brazil with worse conditions (for doing business) in 2009.
In 2008, Brazil was near the “bottom” of this ranking (127th), but in 2009 was ranked 129th. “What was already really bad, got worse”, affirmed Prof. Carlos Arruda at the Dom Cabral Foundation, who coordinated this survey.
Only Bolivia and Venezuela were ranked worse than Brazil.
Although Brazil has “good” macro economic indicators, it had a very bad classification in other items like the level of the tax burden, waste of government funds, regulatory frameworks, quality of infrastructure, and education.

This report surveys the time it takes to open a new business in these nations – Hong Kong (6 days), China (37 days), Peru (41 days), Uruguay (65 days), Brazil (120 days), and Venezuela (141 days).
See Doing Business 2009

1370) Um novo codigo penal para punir terroristas

O pai do jornalista Daniel Pearl, correspondente do Wall Street Journal barbaramente trucidado por terroristas islâmicos no Paquistão, propõe um novo quadro jurídico para lidar com o fenômeno do terrorismo, não apenas o da Al Quaeda ou islâmico, mas qualquer terrorismo. Endosso plenamente suas recomendações, feitas ao seu governo, mas que devem ser consideradas como universais.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

We Need a New Legal Regime to Fight the War on Terror
An open letter to the attorney general.
By JUDEA PEARL
The Wall Street Journal, Opinion, September 12, 2009

As Americans commemorate the eighth anniversary of the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center, many of us are conscious of another symbol of the war on terror: the detention center at Guantanamo Bay, whose fate is still uncertain. If the crumbling twin towers conjure memories of America's shock and pain, Guantanamo is a monument to our nation's reaction after 9/11—and the moral dilemmas we face in this difficult new era.

On Jan. 22, 2009, President Barack Obama set up three task forces to review and recommend strategies concerning various aspects of the Guantanamo detention facility. They met with families of terror victims in June and issued a preliminary report in July, which called for the use of both military and federal courts for the disposition of detainees held at Guantanamo.

I met with the members of the task forces, along with many families of terror victims. We focused primarily on the legal dilemmas facing the U.S. government as it seeks to balance the security needs of the American people with the rights of potentially dangerous detainees.

There was much bitterness expressed at that meeting. The words "it is all politics" were repeated again and again, as victims' families expressed their frustration at what they viewed as the government's indecision and lack of moral clarity. Family members spoke passionately about lost loved ones who had not been "given their human rights to argue for their innocence." The sadness and rage expressed in that room still ring in my ears today.

After that meeting, on June 21, 2009, I wrote a letter to the three task forces. I am now making an edited version of the letter public, with the hope that it gets the attention of Attorney General Eric Holder before he makes his final recommendations to President Obama.
***

My name is Judea Pearl. I am the father of Daniel Pearl, the Wall Street Journal South Asia bureau chief who was abducted and brutally murdered in Karachi, Pakistan, Jan. 31, 2002.

If there is one thing that could soothe the pain of those of us whose loved ones were murdered by terrorists, it is the knowledge that our losses were not in vain, but have been channeled towards eradicating the evil of terrorism from the face of the earth.

Let me be clear: We are less concerned about details—like where these men will serve their sentences—that seem to dominate the public debate. We care most about the message our government projects about its determination in this struggle.

The message from our government should reach the ears of several audiences: terrorists, their sympathizers, their potential recruits, the world at large, and, most importantly, the next generation of Americans.

First and foremost, it must proclaim unequivocally that America is still committed to the war on terror, and that this war includes not just active combatants or members of recognized terrorist organizations, but the ideology of terror itself. In other words, America should affirm its commitment to fight any ideology that licences the targeting of innocent civilians to transmit political messages.

In the same way that our medical research institutions have declared a war on cancer—not on one tumor or another—your message should make it clear that America is not merely at war with al Qaeda or individual perpetrators of the crimes. It is the ideology of terrorism in its various incarnations that is our most fierce enemy.

With this objective in mind, you should recommend that detainees suspected of terror be classified as a new legal category. Existing categories derived from criminal law and conventional warfare are not equipped to deal with the threat democracies now face.

America must muster the courage to define a new category and deal with it on its own terms. This is perhaps the most important recommendation that your task forces could make.

By crafting the Geneva Conventions at the end of World War II, the international community demonstrated the necessity of creating new legal frameworks to deal with new realities. That same need should now compel the international community to embrace a legal category to deal with the new phenomena of a war with no foreseen ending; an army with no honor and no respect for human life; an army with no uniform, no country and no government; and an army that does not reciprocate agreements.

I am constantly reminded of the case of piracy, which was a menace until the mid-19th century, when the international community got together and eradicated in just a few years. This was only possible because of a radical change in international law that proclaimed it a crime not against a particular state, but against all mankind. It is this kind of sweeping legal innovation that we and the entire civilized world hope to see you propose.

Whatever decisions you make regarding the physical and legal handling of the current detainees, it is imperative that going forward every potential terrorist would know that, if caught, he will not be entitled to privileges under existing legal categories but subject to a new set of restrictions.

In addition to placing detainees in this new category, you should also recommend that they are tried in closed sessions. Detainees should not be given a platform to broadcast messages to their comrades or recruits back home. There is nothing more enticing to a would-be terrorist than the prospect of becoming the center of world attention, able to broadcast his alleged grievances to every living room on this planet.

Our son was murdered—and his beheading videotaped—to satisfy this craving for publicity. Your recommendations must make it clear to every would-be terrorist that, if captured, he will go down the path of total oblivion to the extent allowed by law.

The question of freedom of speech might enter into this issue, especially if media gag orders are considered. Here I am reminded of child pornography, which is not protected by the First Amendment, not for the purpose of limiting consumption, but for the purpose of curbing production. We live in a world where a sizable segment of the population is aroused by cruelty. To prevent this cruelty from spreading, we must impose blackouts on much of what these detainees may wish to boast about in their testimonies.

We who are living the war on terror every minute of our lives wish you success in your difficult, yet historic task. The future of civilized society may depend on your decisions.

Mr. Pearl, a professor of computer science at UCLA, is president of the Daniel Pearl Foundation, founded in memory of his son to promote cross-cultural understanding.

1369) Brasil no ranking de competitividade

WEF – World Competitiveness Ranking

On 8th Sept., the World Economic Forum released its annual ranking of 133 nations regarding their “competitiveness” – permitting and encouraging economic competition. In the 2008/2009 ranking, Brazil placed 64th, but increased its position by 8 ranks to 56th in the 2009/2010 ranking.

As in the Transparency International ranking, Chile was also ranked 30th in competitiveness – the highest position for a Latin American nation – followed by Costa Rica (55th). Ranked below Brazil were – Panama (59th), Mexico (60th), Uruguay (65th), Colombia 69th), Peru (78th) and Argentina (85th). Bolivia (120th) and Paraguay (124th) were the worst ranked in the region. Regarding the other BRICs, China was ranked 29th, India in 49th rank and Russia at 63rd.

How was Brazil’s ranking composed? This index is composed of several variables ⇒ Labor Market (10th), Business Sophistication (32nd), Innovation (43rd), Technological Readiness (46th), Financial Market Sophistication (51st), Training & University Education (58th), Infrastructure (74th), Health & Basic Education (79th), Labor Market Efficiency (80th), Institutions (93rd), Market Efficiency (99th), and Macroeconomic Stability (109th). Brazil’s bank spreads are ranked very badly – 131st (out of 133 nations). The average for spreads of Brazilian banks is 35.6% versus 457.5% in Zimbabwe and 33.5% in Madagascar.

See: Global Competitiveness Report

1368) Financial Times: Política de petróleo no Brasil é "desafinada"

Política de petróleo no Brasil é "desafinada", diz Financial Times
da BBC Brasil, 09/09/2009

O diário britânico Financial Times afirma em editorial publicado nesta quarta-feira que os planos para a exploração do petróleo da camada pré-sal anunciados pelo governo são "extremamente vagos", comparáveis ao que o jornal chama de "nota desafinada".

"Por uma década, o Brasil tem desempenhado um serviço inestimável de mostrar um modelo superior de desenvolvimento para a América Latina em comparação ao de Hugo Chávez e seus acólitos. Mas as recentes decisões de Brasília sobre como administrar as gigantescas novas descobertas de petróleo soam desafinadas", afirma o editorial.

O presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva anunciou as novas regras como forma de manter a riqueza do petróleo no país, mas, segundo o FT, o governo estaria tratando o conceito de propriedade como um "fetiche".

O discurso do governo "pode ser politicamente astuto em uma região seduzida por sirenes nacionalistas, mas isso não deixa de ser um retrocesso para o Brasil", diz o jornal.

"O pacote de leis excessivamente vagas...faz com que Lula e Rousseff pareçam estar servindo mais ao interesse público do que à promoção dessas leis", diz o FT.

Para o jornal, a proposta de produção partilhada --em que o governo mantém propriedade legal sobre o petróleo-- em vez do regime de concessão em vigor seria um exemplo desta "desafinação".

"O excesso de confiança nacionalista é evidente no papel dado à Petrobras, a empresa de petróleo parcialmente estatal, que tem garantida liderança de operações e uma participação de pelo menos 30% em cada contrato", diz o jornal."As PSCs (Production Sharing Contracts, conhecido no Brasil como produção partilhada) são usadas por países com sistemas legais tão fracos que precisam por em contratos (sujeito ao arbítrio internacional) o que países maduros determinam em lei."

De acordo com o FT, atualmente a Petrobras é uma das maiores empresas mundiais de petróleo, com especialidade em exploração em águas profundas, mas isso deve ser pesado junto a outros fatores.

A exploração em águas profundas é um teste para qualquer empresa e exige alto investimento, diz o editorial, mas "depender muito da Petrobras pode sobrecarregar a empresa, atrasando a produção - e o rendimento".

"Uma Petrobras que não precisa competir pela operacionalidade tem poucas razões para fazer o melhor de si. Disciplina de mercado e forte regulamentação podem mantê-la excessivamente cuidadosa. Sem eles, a Petrobras se arrisca a sofrer o mesmo destino de outras empresas estatais: desperdício, ineficiência e, no pior caso, um Estado dentro do Estado."

O FT ainda critica os detalhes extremamente vagos dos planos anunciados por Lula e os atribui à promoção da candidatura de Dilma Rousseff à presidência, no ano que vem.

"Mas as manobras eleitorais devem colocar em perigo o esquerdismo pragmático (e bem sucedido) do Brasil", conclui o editorial.

1367) A marcha do apartheid no Brasil

Os autores e promotores dessa lei da desigualdade racial deveriam ser processados por incitacao ao racismo explicito...
-------------
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Câmara aprova o Estatuto da Igualdade Racial
Agência Câmara - 09/09/2009

A comissão especial que analisou o Estatuto da Igualdade Racial (PL 6264/05) aprovou, nesta quarta-feira, a redação final do substitutivo do relator, deputado Antônio Roberto (PV-MG). O texto prevê medidas como o incentivo à contratação de negros em empresas, o reconhecimento da capoeira como esporte, a reclusão de até três anos para quem praticar racismo na internet, o livre exercício dos cultos religiosos de origem africana e o estímulo às atividades produtivas da população negra no campo. A proposta foi o resultado de mais de seis anos de discussão no Congresso.

Depois de um acordo com deputados contrários a alguns pontos da matéria, a comissão aprovou a redação final do substitutivo com mudanças em relação ao texto original. Entre elas, estão a redução de 30% para 10% da proporção de candidatos negros que os partidos devem ter nas eleições; a retirada da obrigatoriedade de reserva, nos estabelecimentos públicos, de vagas para alunos negros vindos de escolas públicas na mesma proporção dessa etnia na população; e a supressão do inciso que definia quem eram os remanescentes de quilombos.

Outra mudança foi a retirada da expressão "igualdade" do dispositivo que trata da contratação de atores negros em produções artísticas. Mesmo com as modificações, Antônio Roberto frisou: "A essência continua a mesma: a inserção do negro brasileiro nos níveis de poder".

A matéria tramita em caráter conclusivo e será enviada ao Senado. Um dos pontos do acordo foi o de que não seria apresentado nenhum recurso no sentido de que o projeto fosse votado no Plenário da Câmara.

Reconhecimento da desigualdade
Na opinião do presidente da comissão especial, deputado Carlos Santana (PT-RJ), as mudanças no texto não são significativas. Segundo ele, "já é o máximo" o fato de haver o reconhecimento da condição de desigualdade da população negra. "Para todos que estão na favela, nos cárceres, porque lá somos maioria, esta é uma vitória", sustentou.

Participante das negociações que possibilitaram o acordo, o ministro da Promoção da Igualdade Racial, Edson Santos, também considerou que a grande conquista é o reconhecimento da desigualdade: "Esse documento dá visibilidade à presença do negro na sociedade, às condições em que ficou após a Abolição da Escravatura e aos direitos que teve sonegados. Teremos condição de dar celeridade à reparação desses problemas por meio de políticas públicas do Estado."

Autor da primeira versão do projeto do estatuto no Senado, em 2003, o senador Paulo Paim (PT-RS) comemorou a aprovação. Ele disse compreender as mudanças que o projeto sofreu: "Aqui foi aprovado o texto possível. O mingau se come pelas beiradas, e foi isso que o movimento social, com muita inteligência, soube fazer."

Já o deputado Damião Feliciano (PDT-PB) reclamou das mudanças e disse que foram prejudicadas "muitas conquistas", como as cotas na educação. "Estamos aprovando um estatuto desidratado", avaliou. Ele disse que, inicialmente, era prevista uma cota de 20% de atores negros nos meios de comunicação, percentual que ficou fora da versão final.

Íntegra da proposta:
- PL-6264/2005

Veja os principais pontos da proposta aprovada

Notícias relacionadas:
Comissão aprova uso de fundo para reduzir desigualdades raciais
Ministro pede prioridade para Estatuto da Igualdade Racial

1366) Nos pagamos a conta: isto tambem é Brasil... (ter, com asco)

Se alguém acreditar que haverá uma economia final, também acredita em duende, Papai Noel, coelhinho de Páscoa, em palavra de político, etc...

Câmara aprova em 1º turno mais 7.709 vagas de vereador
Reinaldo Azevedo 10/09/09 05:13

Por Ranier Bragon, na Folha:
Em meio a muita polêmica e uma pressão nos corredores e gabinetes que durou semanas, a Câmara dos Deputados aprovou ontem à noite em primeiro turno a emenda à Constituição que pretende criar 7.709 novas vagas de vereadores no Brasil, elevando o atual tamanho das Câmaras Municipais em 14,8%.
O texto foi aprovado por 370 votos a 32, com 2 abstenções, e ainda precisa passar por votação em segundo turno para ir à promulgação. A emenda redimensiona o tamanho da maioria das Câmaras, aumentando cadeiras principalmente em cidades entre 80 mil e 1 milhão de habitantes. Capitais como São Luís e Maceió, por exemplo, sairiam dos atuais 21 vereadores para 31. São Paulo permaneceria com 55 vereadores.
A votação foi feita sob uma galeria lotada por centenas de suplentes de vereadores que há semanas pressionam os deputados na Câmara. A expectativa deles é que as Câmaras deem posse imediata aos suplentes assim que a emenda seja promulgada, já que o texto fala em eficácia imediata, sem retroatividade de salários e benefícios.
Há muitas dúvidas em relação a isso. Vários deputados dizem que vão recorrer aos tribunais superiores sob o argumento de que o novo tamanho das Câmaras, para valer para este mandato, teria de ser aprovado antes das convenções partidárias das eleições de 2008.
A emenda aprovada ontem é a resposta dos congressistas a uma decisão do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral de 2004 que cortou cerca de 8.000 vagas de vereadores ao interpretar o artigo da Constituição sobre as Câmaras. Os defensores da emenda aprovada ontem alegam que ela diminui o teto de gastos das Câmaras de 5% a 8% da receita dos municípios, dependendo do tamanho, para 3,5% a 7%.
“Existirá uma economia de R$ 2,2 bilhões anualmente”, afirmava panfleto distribuído ontem pela Associação Brasileira de Câmaras Municipais.