Temas de relações internacionais, de política externa e de diplomacia brasileira, com ênfase em políticas econômicas, em viagens, livros e cultura em geral. Um quilombo de resistência intelectual em defesa da racionalidade, da inteligência e das liberdades democráticas.
O que é este blog?
Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida;
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sábado, 16 de junho de 2012
O Stalin sem Gulag, 2 (ainda bem) - Augusto Nunes
domingo, 27 de maio de 2012
Comissão da (Meia) "Verdade": fracasso previsto - Marco Antonio Villa
Na verdade, concordo com ele em prever o fracasso dos trabalhos da tal de Comissão, mas distancio-me dele por fazer um julgamento ainda mais severo sobre a composição da Comissão. Acredito que vários membros não exibem nem requisitos intelectuais, nem equilíbrio político, ou sequer condições morais para integrar uma comissão desse tipo, comprometidos que estão com uma postura enviesada sobre o período e os eventos que o rechearam.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
‘Verdade? Que verdade?’Marco Antonio Villa
quinta-feira, 1 de março de 2012
Tropecando no proprio discurso: sobre a Siria, claro...
La valse-hésitation du Brésil sur la Syrie d’Al-Assad
segunda-feira, 20 de fevereiro de 2012
Republica Mafiosa do Brasil?
‘A cara do Brasil’, de J.R. Guzzo
domingo, 12 de fevereiro de 2012
Associacao Chavez-Lula-Dilma: refinaria da Petrobras
Em primeiro lugar, que ela não precisaria necessariamente estar sendo construída em Pernambuco, pois outros estados a disputavam e também ofereceram condições excelentes: Bahia, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba e Ceará.
A escolha de Pernambuco NÃO foi feita em bases técnicas, econômicas, objetivas, colocando no papel todos os dados técnicos e econômicos dos diferentes lugares possíveis.
Ela foi feita em bases inteiramente políticas, e não por estadistas, economistas ou simples políticos brasileiros, em total soberania, como deveria ser.
Ela foi feita pessoalmente por Hugo Chávez, com base em suas opiniões pessoais, não com base a um julgamento bem informado no plano técnico.
O ex-presidente Lula, a ex-ministra das Minas e Energia, logo em seguida convertida em ministra-chefe da Casa Civil, Dilma Rousseff, concordaram imediatamente, sem discutir, com a proposta de Hugo Chávez, o que é uma tremenda renúncia de soberania, e uma demonstração da falta de critérios técnicos na escolha do local.
Agora, independentemente de todos os atrasos do processo, como descreve esse editorial, a Petrobras ainda aguarda decisão da PDVSA (ou seja, de Chávez, pois nada, hoje, na Venezuela, repito NADA, se faz sem a palavra do caudilho). Lamentável...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
PDVSA falha, outra vez
Editorial O Estado de S.Paulo
quarta-feira, 25 de janeiro de 2012
A imprensa internacional continua se curvando ante o nada...
Pois é: os companheiros criaram uma máquina poderosa de comunicação -- comprada, seduzida, induzida, estimulada, chantageada -- que faz com que produtos que não significam grande coisa, ou nada, sejam vendidos como sendo a maior maravilha do cenário político universal.
Em parte é desinformação induzida de jornalistas pouco dispostos a empreender um trabalho analítico sério -- e por isso se deixam levar, por simpatia, ou não, pelo clima reinante de oba-oba nos círculos oficiais -- e em parte é esforço concreto de mistificação da realidade, pelos propagandistas das soluções milagre, e dos blefes construídos.
Nunca antes, no Brasil e fora dele, se vendeu mercadorias tão ordinárias como se fosse ouro em pó...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Rousseff's Gender Revolution
Women Take Power in Brazilian Government
Wherever you look in this white marble palace, there are female ministers, female advisers, female experts and female undersecretaries. Only the waiters and the security guards in the entrance hall are men. Thanks to President Dilma Rousseff, everything else at government headquarters is firmly in female hands.
Rousseff is the first female head of state of Latin America's largest country, and she's appointed women to many of her government's most important posts. Ten of them sit in the cabinet. All but one of her inner circle of advisers are women. This isn't because of quotas. "Given a choice between a man and a woman with the same qualifications, she prefers to hire the woman," says Gilberto Carvalho, who runs the presidential office.
Women in Charge
Skilled women aren't hard to find. Brazilian women stay in education longer and attend university in greater numbers than their male counterparts. Although the country has its fair share of machismo, the society itself has distinctly matriarchal characteristics. Men may call the shots out on the street, but women rule everywhere else.
A third of all families are run by women. Often enough, men play only a reproductive role. Child benefit, known as the "bolsa família," is typically paid out to women because they are more responsible with money. Even so, working women earn a third less than men in the same position. Quotas exist only in politics: By law, 30 percent of all candidates in mayoral, gubernatorial and parliamentary elections must be women. Up to now, no more than lip service has been paid to this stipulation.
"The political parties claim they can't find enough qualified women," says Marta Suplicy, the vice president of the Senate. "But that's an excuse. They just don't try hard enough."
Suplicy is a member of the governing Workers' Party (PT) and a long-time champion of sexual equality. In the 1980s she made a name for herself on television fighting for homosexuals' rights.
Later, she served as mayor of Sao Paulo, the country's largest city and its economic hub. "Before I gave my inaugural speech, a politician who was also a friend of mine came to me and said, 'You say a few nice words of welcome, but then leave budgetary matters to me.' I first had to make clear to him which one of us had been elected mayor," Suplicy says.
The bitterest opponents of moves to promote women are sitting in the Brazilian Congress. Religious groups and patriarchal male alliances block all attempts at liberalization, for instance on issues such as abortion. "Luckily we're strong in government, and we have the president to thank for that" says Suplicy.
Effective Clean-Up
Gilberto Carvalho, the universally popular head of the presidential office, is the sole influential male. Carvalho served Rousseff's predecessor, Lula da Silva, for eight years, and nobody knows their way around the labyrinthine corridors of power better than Carvalho. "Gilbertinho," as Rousseff's women affectionately call him, using the Portuguese diminutive, is something like an older brother to them. They consult him whenever they get tangled up in the minutiae of the state apparatus, and they go to see him when the president has chewed them out. "I'm responsible here for the female part," Carvalho says.
Carvalho recalls that men frequently used macho expressions in the presidential palace in Lula's time. Nevertheless, that didn't stop Lula grooming a woman as his chosen successor. His instincts were spot-on. Rousseff now rules the traditionally male bastion of Brasília with an iron fist.
She has already replaced seven ministers, six of them because of various corruption scandals. The patriarchs in the affected parties in her governing coalition beat their chests and threatened her, but the president refused to be intimidated. Rousseff's political clean-up has clearly been effective. None of her predecessors was as popular a year into their presidency as she is now. It didn't take her long to step out of the shadow of Lula, who had become a national hero. The two still have a warm relationship, and once a month Rousseff visits Lula in Sao Paulo, where he is undergoing treatment for throat cancer.
Different Style
But Brazil's iron lady has a very different style of leadership than her jovial predecessor. "Lula acted on impulse and instinct," Carvalho says. By contrast Rousseff is more distanced from her staff. And she hates wheeling and dealing with party bigwigs, governors and parliamentarians.
Lula would fly to a different corner of his giant county every week, and rarely spent more than two days in the capital. His successor is more likely to be seen at her desk than in the government Airbus. The two are also very different in their approach to foreign policy. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was welcomed with open arms by Lula. But he deliberately avoided Brazil during his Latin American trip last week. That's partly because Rousseff criticized the regime in Tehran even before she came to office because of its medieval treatment of women.
Rousseff lives in Alvorada Palace, the official residence of the Brazilian president, together with her mother and aunt. Her closest confidant is Carlos Araújo, a former guerilla comrade-in-arms who is also her ex-husband and the father of her daughter.
O Globo newspaper dubs the head of state's most powerful staffers "the PT Amazons," in a reference to the Portuguese initials of Rousseff's Workers' Party. The group comprises the chief of staff, the planning minister and the minister for institutional relations, who is responsible for contact with the parliament.
Ruthless Manager
The most well-known face of the trio is Rousseff's ethnic German chief of staff, Gleisi Hoffmann, whose unusual first name is the result of a transcription error on her birth certificate. Her parents had wanted to call her "Grace" in memory of Hollywood star Grace Kelly. The men in Congress initially poked fun at the blonde woman with honey-colored eyes, calling her "Dilma's Barbie." But Hoffmann is a ruthless manager, and quickly whipped the congressmen into shape.
Her main task is to push through major government undertakings that are stuck in red tape or threaten to get held up by parliamentary hurdles. Hoffmann is currently overseeing the funding of the stadiums that will host the 2014 soccer World Cup as well as the expansion of ports and energy projects.
As a young girl she wanted to become a nun. Later she studied Marx and Engels and joined the Communists. At the end of the 1980s she became a member of Lula's Workers' Party. Later she was hired as the finance director of the major Itaipu hydroelectric dam. Staff at the presidential palace recall the time she presented the company's finances to the then-president, Itamar Franco. "Oh, you understand some math!" the old man said in surprise, though he subsequently apologized for his slip of the tongue.
Wearing the Pants
She rarely gets home before 10 p.m., when they are already in bed. A domestic servant looks after them. "That's typical in this country: Women look after women," Hoffman explains. There are about 7.5 million female domestic servants in Brazil's households. "They work harder and have fewer rights than most laborers," Hoffmann adds.
Gleisi Hoffmann's cleaning lady has the weekend off. So the chief of staff shares the housework with her husband, Communication Minister Paulo Bernardo. Gleisi is his superior in cabinet meetings, Bernardo admits, but he insists there's no rivalry between them. "My opponents say nothing has changed for me," he says. "They say that Gleisi was already the one wearing the pants at home."
sexta-feira, 13 de janeiro de 2012
"Conversa de diplomata": para boi dormir? - a proposito do que disse a presidente
"Ao contrário do que se imaginava após a eleição, Dilma tem mostrado gosto pelos assuntos internacionais, embora os econômicos sejam seus preferidos. Na sua leitura matinal de jornais inclui sempre o britânico “Financial Times”. A presidente encantou-se com os detalhes da formação do governo Obama, que leu numa biografia do colega americano. Leu também os livros sobre Bolívar presenteados pelo presidente da Venezuela, Hugo Chávez. Detesta, porém, “conversa de diplomata”, segundo define um ministro próximo, querendo dizer, com isso, a linguagem cuidadosa e vaga que algumas vezes é encontrada em relatos do Itamaraty – ainda que a presidente faça questão de prestigiar o Ministério de Relações Exteriores."
Parece que "conversa de diplomata" é uma coisa chata, pouco prática, insossa e irrelevante. Seria verdade?
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
terça-feira, 29 de novembro de 2011
A Ungida (nome interessante) - The New Yorker sobre a escolhida do Nosso Guia...
A REPORTER AT LARGE
THE ANOINTED
Can a former political radical lead Brazil through its economic boom?
by Nicholas LemannDECEMBER 5, 2011
Read more http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2011/12/05/111205fa_fact_lemann#ixzz1f3xWuUY8