terça-feira, 15 de dezembro de 2015

Ludwig Von Mises: um homem de princípios, ganhando influência, mesmo no Brasil (Mises)

O Brasil ("Menos Marx, Mais Mises") e Hélio Beltrão, do Instituto Mises Brasil, são citados nesta pequena crônica sobre a crescente influência de Mises em círculos mais amplos, e isso não tem a ver com propaganda, e sim com valores, com princípios e exemplos.
Mas eu prefiro reter dois outros trechos deste pequeno texto reflexivo sobre o sentido da ação e dos exemplos misenianos:

"Montesquieu once said that although one had to die for one’s country, one was not obliged to lie for it. This seems to have been Mises’s maxim too."

"Mises never tired of telling his students and readers that trends can change. What makes them change are the choices we make, the values we hold, the ideas we advance, the institutions we support."

Concordo inteiramente com essas premissas e valores e faço deles princípios e guias para minha própria ação e atitudes no plano profissional e acadêmico. Não por outras razões (e reações) empreendi uma longa travessia do deserto na era do domínio companheiro sobre nosso país, um período que eu adivinhei que seria sombrio para o Brasil, após uma curta fase de "espera para ver", o que está amplamente refletido em meu livro A Grande Mudança (2003).
Desde então tenho me mantido invariavelmente na oposição ao reino de desmandos, equívocos e arbítrio que logo descambaram para a fraude, a mentira, a corrupção e a roubalheira no mais alto grau, e que eu nunca deixei de denunciar, mesmo em face de prejuízos na carreira e em detrimento de uma melhor situação profissional.
Vou continuar no mesmo caminho: continuando a lutar pelo Brasil, nunca vou mentir sobre a real situação de poder político e de erosão econômica no país, independentemente do que possa ocorrer comigo. Mudanças de tendência ocorrem: esperarei por elas...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

Mises Daily, December 15, 2915

 

As a young man Alexander Hamilton once wrote, “There is a certain enthusiasm in liberty, that makes human nature rise above itself, in acts of bravery and heroism.” While it is tragic that Hamilton would grow up to advocate all sorts of government policies contrary to liberty — America would be better off had he read Cantillion — there is a power in these words that has always resonated with me.

No man better embodies this heroic nature of liberty than Ludwig von Mises.

My favorite example of Mises’s legendary dedication to his principles is his experience during WWI.

Even though he was already an accomplished scholar, his masterpiece Theory of Money and Credit was published in 1912, the Great War brought Mises to the field of battle. As a commanding officer of an Austrian artillery regiment, Mises and his men were tasked with defending the Northern Front of the Austro-Hungarian Empire from the marching Russians.

Not only were Mises and his men outnumbered, but manning the cannons meant being the prime targets of Russian fire. The result was horrific. As Guido Hülsmann details in Mises: Last Knight of Liberalism, “In the first few weeks and months of the war, almost no day went by that did not see entire [Austrian] batteries (about 100 men each) and even regiments (about 500) being wiped out.”

Mises and his men held the line and the Russians were driven back in December of 1914.

After receiving honors for his actions on the battlefield, First Lieutenant Ludwig von Mises was extended an invitation to join a team of fellow economists on the Viennese war council. Though glad to be away from the canons of war, Mises was horrified by what he found — his nation’s greatest minds, men who knew better, becoming apologists for a bureaucratic government seeking to tighten its grip on the economy.

Writes Hülsmann:

Montesquieu once said that although one had to die for one’s country, one was not obliged to lie for it. This seems to have been Mises’s maxim too. He had already demonstrated his readiness to give his life for his country. Now he showed his will to honor the truth even if it brought him in conflict with powerful opponents. ... Mises argued that, “from a purely economic standpoint,” the case for free trade and against protectionism was unassailable.

The power of the argument ... made it impossible for the war party to ignore Mises. Trouble lay ahead.

The trouble came in the form of orders to return back into combat. The government’s message was clear — Mises needed to go. Not for the last time, his decision to stand firm in his defense of liberty put his very life in danger.

Luckily for us all, Mises survived the war and went on to live a life that fundamentally altered the world. He overcame the Nazis, academic blacklists, and the personal hardships that tends to haunt any man who refuses to sacrifice his principles.

While some like Milton Friedman viewed Mises intransigence as a burden to Mises’s influence, I believe his example is vital to the resurgence of Misesian thought today.

We see this on the streets of Brazil, where earlier this year young Brazilians took to the streets demanding “Less Marx, More Mises”! Thanks to the work of people like Helio Beltrão, Mises is now the most popular economist in the country.

We see this in China, where translations of Mises and fellow Austrians have made it into the hands of students and scholars. Even Murray Rothbard is openly discussed in influential circles.

We see it in the incredible growing international network of young Austrian scholars, complete with university programs dedicated to Austrian insights in topics such as entrepreneurship.

Though it rests far away from the halls of power, and apart from any larger political machine, the Mises Institute stands today the most influential libertarian organization in the world, a testament to the power of Mises’s ideas and a commitment to stay true to principle.

Though there is still much to be done, we should never lose sight of the gains we have made — nor lose hope for the future.

In the words of Lew Rockwell:

Mises never tired of telling his students and readers that trends can change. What makes them change are the choices we make, the values we hold, the ideas we advance, the institutions we support.

Unlike Mises, we do not face obstacles that appear hopelessly high. We owe it to his memory to throw ourselves completely into the intellectual struggle to make liberty not just a hope, but a reality in our times. As we do, let us all adopt as our motto the words Mises returned to again and again in his life. “Do not give in to evil, but proceed ever more boldly against it.”

segunda-feira, 14 de dezembro de 2015

Reflexao do dia: Emile Zola sobre os poetas que corrigem os homens

Enquanto eu esperava pacientemente, durante algumas horas, num apartamento vazio que me entregassem um móvel recentemente comprado nos fabulosos serviços que supostamente atendem o consumidor brasileiro, eu pegava o que estava mais disponível para me entreter.
Acabei lendo algumas lettres de jeunesse, que o jovem Émile Zola escrevia a seus amigos.
Esta carta, por exemplo, foi escrita em Paris em 10 de agosto de 1860, ou seja, pelo menos 30 ou 40 anos antes antes que o grande escritor francês chegasse ao pináculo da fama, com o caso Dreyfus.
E o que ele dizia a seu amigo Baille?
Isto:

Le poète a deux armes pour corriger les hommes: la satire et le cantique...
Je m'explique: le poète satirique met à nu l'homme et ses perversités, il les fait rougir et combat son vice par sa honte; le chantre lyrique, au contraire, crée une chimère, un homme idéal, le présente à l'homme réel et ramène ce dernier à la vertu par la sublime couleur dont il l'a peint.

Cf. Émile Zola, Correspondance, Lettres de Jeunesse, vol. I, Paris: Bibliothèque Charpentier; Eugène Fasquelle éditeur, 1907, p. 124.

Ou seja, antes de se tornar um realista, Zola era um romântico...

Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Brasília, 14/12/2015

Research Gate: meu contador passou das 3.500 visualizacoes

O site do Research Gate me avisa que:

Congratulations

Your publications reached 3,500 reads 
 
Está aqui: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Paulo_Almeida2/stats 
 
E também isto: 
 
With 89 new reads, you were the most read author from your institution  
 
Reads 3,527 Last week: 8
 
E quais são os países que estão cobertos nas estatísticas recente de acesso?
Estes: 

Reads by country

Brazil 59
China 8
Iran 8
United States 4
Mozambique 2
Portugal 2
Chile 2
 
 Em termos de textos mais buscados? 

Top read publications

11
Dataset
8
Article
Lua Nova Revista de Cultura e Política 12/1998; DOI:10.1590/S0102-64451999000100008
8
Book
2nd edition edited by Self, 12/2015; Author.
6
 
 
 

WTO ministerial: the skeptical view - Economy Watch

Analysts Question Relevance, Adaptability of the WTO

Economy Watch, December 14, 2015 
International Organizations
 by EW News Desk Team
 
The World Trade Organization contains 162 member states and has existed for 20 years. While it is certainly not the oldest trade organization in existence, many have begun to question its viability in the modern age.
The present round of concerns arrives in reference to the upcoming ministerial conference in Kenya, which takes place later this week. Many feel the WTO lacks the capacity to respond to a world in which many nations have formed economic alliances that bypass the WTO.
The ministerial conference will include more than two dozen ministers from the WTO's 162 member nations. The talks follow failed negotiations that took place in Geneva earlier this year, and will begin their four-day stint roughly where the Geneva talks concluded.
Viviers and others believe the Nairobi meeting will not manage to complete the "Doha Talks" that began in the Qatari capital 15 years ago. At that time, the WTO set an objective of adding billions of dollars to the global economy via cross-border commerce cooperation. Yet, since 2009, progress has stalled due to differences in the goals of wealthy and poor nations, largely over issues like subsidized farming in the developed world.
This, in turn, has led nations to strike out on their own to create trade deals that either partially or wholly do not fall under the WTO's governance. The US has set out to finalize the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) with 12 Pacific Rim nations. The EU and the United States have jointly worked on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. A number of other agreements have also taken place between WTO members outside of the jurisdiction of the WTO, itself.
According to Darlington Mwape, Senior Fellow at the International Center for Trade and Sustainable Development, the "Doha Round is not addressing the current needs of its members.”  He added, “unless we adjust the mandate of the Doha round to include other relevant issues, it may turn out to be irrelevant."
According to Bloomberg Business, the discussion during the Nairobi meeting may revolve around the Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA). This agreement represented a compromise deal designed to improve customs procedures for goods exported from the world's least-developed nations. The WTO believes this could increase merchandise exports by as much as $1 trillion a year. However, at least two-thirds of the WTO's members need to consent for the Trade Facilitation Agreement to pass. If it passes, the Agreement could cut global trade costs by as much as 17.5 percent
Still, few believe such results are possible from this week's talks. William Mwanza, of the Tralac Trade Law Centre said of the meeting: "You wouldn't really expect that the contentious issues will be resolved next week ... It's taken 15 years, and in the past week there hasn't really been so much progress, so you wouldn't really expect much next week."

História Econômica da AL: V CLADHE em SP, julho 2016

Devo participar. 
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 

CLADHE V

The 5th Latin American Congress of Economic History (CLADHE V) will be held in the city of Sao Paulo (Brazil) on July 19-21, 2016. Organizers are the Economic History Associations from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Caribbean, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. Spain and Portugal associations will participate as guests. The Brazilian Association for Research in Economic History (ABPHE) and the School of Economics, Management and Accounting of University of Sao Paulo (FEA/USP) are the hosts of the Congress.

Following the tradition of previous congresses held since 2007, the CLADHE V will provide an academic environment to discuss the latest researches in the economic history of Latin America, as well as to address global perspectives and comparative approaches among regions. The organization of CLADHE V encourages the joint participation of researchers from Latin America and around the world to disseminate and discuss their works as well as to establish common research agendas. It is worth remembering that papers in history of ecnomic thought are very welcome in this Congress. There are Sessions dealing directly with HET topics, such as, for example, the relations between economic ideas and economic policymaking in Latin American history.

The official languages of CLADHE V are Spanish and Portuguese; however, works in English are also welcome. The Congress will be organized through paper sessions, round tables, and conferences.

CALL FOR PAPERS

The call for papers for Sessions is open. The deadline for paper submission is March 1, 2016. The proposal should present an expanded summary of the text (between 250-500 words) and a brief curriculum (with institutional affiliation and a list of recent publications). The selection of approved texts will be the responsibility of the coordinators of the Sessions, respecting the criteria of the International Organizing Committee. Authors of approved abstracts will submit their full papers until 15 May 2016

For further information on the topics covered by the Sessions and on the general organization of the Congress, please go to the website http://www.cladhe5.org/?lang=en .

Should you have any question, please send an e-mail to cladhe5@gmail.com . 

Friedrich Engels, o capitalista financiador do pobretao Karl Marx - Jonathan Sperber

Today's selection -- from Karl Marx by Jonathan Sperber. Though the son of a prosperous businessman, Friedrich Engels turned to communism in his early twenties after seeing the misery of factory workers in Germany and England. His collaboration with Karl Marx became pivotal in the burgeoning European communist movement:

"Born in 1820 in the city of Barmen in the Wupper Valley about thirty-five miles to the east of Cologne, across the Rhine River, [Friedrich Engels, Jr.] was the son of Friedrich Engels, Sr., a prominent textile manufacturer in a region that was a central European pioneer of industrialization. Then as today, the Wupper Valley was home to several varieties of particularly intense Protestantism, and Engels's father was a prominent lay proponent of the Awakening, the German version of revivalism, directed against both the Enlightened, rationalist religion Marx was taught and also the Calvinist orthodoxy prevalent in the area. Sent as a young man, after his years at the Gymnasium, to be a commercial apprentice in the North German port city of Bremen, Engels had a crisis of faith, intensified by reading the works of the Young Hegelians. The many notes he took on David Friedrich Strauss's Life of Jesus, complete with sarcastic observations about biblical literalism and German revivalists, have been preserved and testify to his movement from piety to non-belief. In contrast to Marx, for whom the transition from a rationalist, Enlightened religion to Young Hegelian atheism may have been intellectually stormy but was personally smooth, for Engels it meant a painful break with his family background, especially his father.

"Engels did his military service in [the Prussian army] in 1842, as an officer candidate in the artillery, stationed in Berlin. Being a soldier agreed with him, and he was a lifelong armchair strategist. In later years, his nickname in Marx's circle would be 'The General.' While in Berlin, Engels was a regular member of the Free Men, and wrote several pieces for the Rhineland News, continuing the practice of occasional freelance journalism that he had begun while living in Bremen. After the end of his one-year army service, he returned to the Wupper Valley and, on a visit to Cologne, met Moses Hess, who convinced him of the virtues of communism.


"Engels's father sent him to England for further commercial training with the family's business partners in Manchester, and also to keep him away from his subversive and atheistic German friends. The paternal plan backfired badly: the stay in Manchester only reinforced the young Engels's radical and communist sympathies. Manchester was, as contemporaries said, 'Cottonopolis,' the global symbol and global center of the industrial revolution. As many people lived in this English provincial manufacturing town as in the Prussian capital, but in place of Berlin's intellectual and cultural attractions -- the royal palace, the university and Academy of Sciences, the Opera House and the Singakademie -- Manchester featured hundreds of steam-powered textile mills, whose emissions blanketed the city in a dense cloud of smoke and coal dust.

"This vast manufacturing establishment generated enormous amounts of wealth, but also massive misery. The contrast between the suburban villas of the manufacturers, bankers, and cotton wholesalers and the factory workers' slum neighborhoods -- narrow streets, filthy, permeated with raw sewage, and shrouded in a perpetual gloom of pollution -- made it clear just which groups received the wealth and which the misery. Manchester was as much the city of working-class struggle as of working-class suffering, where the English radicals, the Chartists, denounced the plutocratic government and demanded universal manhood suffrage. Trade unionists strove, in everyday effort, to improve wages and working conditions; socialists proposed sweeping changes to all of society. A year before Engels's arrival, in the Plug Riots -- a combination general strike, insurrection, and outburst of rage at working-class existence -- the city's factory proletariat had risen up and only been suppressed with a large deployment of armed force.

"Associating after business hours with the city's many political opponents of the existing order, Engels also found an informal entree into working-class life through his mistress and future companion, an Irish immigrant named Mary Burns, a factory worker and domestic servant. He decided to write a book about his experiences, emphasizing the contrast between rich and poor, outlining the misery and exploitation of the industrial workers who produced the capitalists' wealth: The Condition of the Working Class in England  (published in German in 1845). While in Manchester, Engels continued to send in pieces to the Rhineland News). As a result of this connection, he wrote an article on political economy for the Franco-German Yearbooks. On his way home from Manchester, he stopped in Paris to [make a new acquaintance, Karl Marx] the editor of the newspaper and magazine that had published his writing."

Karl Marx: A Nineteenth-Century Life
Author: Jonathan Sperber 
Publisher: Liveright Publishing Corporation
Copyright 2013 by Jonathan Sperber
Pages 137-141


Venezuela: o grande teste da clausula democratica do Mercosul e da Unasul (InfoLatam)

Venezuela crisis

Maduro radicaliza el discurso y se prepara para la confrontación

Infolatam/Efe
Caracas, 13 de diciembre de 2015

Las transiciones del populismo a la democracia

El análisis
Carlos Malamud
(Infolatam).- “A la vista de las resistencias exhibidas por Fernández para iniciar un traspaso de poder ordenado a su sucesor, Mauricio Macri, y de las estentóreas declaraciones de Nicolás Maduro referentes a la victoria de la MUD (Mesa de Unidad Democrática), es obligada una reflexión sobre estas cuestiones. Especialmente de la forma en que se produce la alternancia y el paso de un gobierno a otro en algunos países latinoamericanos, como ha hecho recientemente Héctor Schamis”.
La herida en el ala del proyecto socialista tras la derrota electoral de las parlamentaria mantiene encendido el discurso del presidente de Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, que, dijo, está dispuesto a poner su propia vida” para defender el legado de su padre político, Hugo Chávez.El riesgo que supone la mayoría calificada de 112 diputados controlando el Parlamento -que por 15 años estuvo bajo el influjo chavista-, al proyecto de la llamada “revolución bolivariana, es algo que, según Maduro, pone al país ante una “crisis de grandes dimensiones”.
El escenario que se avecina con la toma de posesión del centenar de opositores y los 55 diputados oficialistas, dijo, enfrenta a la nación “ante una crisis de grandes dimensiones” a la que Maduro también se refiere como “una crisis contrarrevolucionaria de poder”.
El líder chavista habló frente a casi tres mil soldados en un acto de la Fuerza Armada (FANB) para asegurar que “se va a generar una lucha de poder entre dos polos: el polo de la patria que quiere seguir construyéndose, y el polo de la antipatria que por primera vez se anota (…) un éxito circunstancial”, dijo para referirse con esto último a la oposición.
El jefe de Estado venezolano que piensa que “se van a generar grandes tensiones”, alertó que ante estas circunstancias la Constitución prevé herramientas para contrarrestar este posible escenario aunque no ahondó en los detalles.
“Hay una rebelión de las masas, no nos llamemos a engaños. Eso sí, la Constitución tiene sus mecanismos para regular este tipo de grandes tensiones históricas y esos mecanismo los vamos a aplicar uno detrás de otro”, dijo.
A lo largo de esta semana tanto Maduro, como el actual presidente del Parlamento, Diosdado Cabello, han dado pistas de las acciones que tomará la mayoría oficialista que controlará la Cámara hasta el 4 de enero, para blindar su poder.
“Esta patria no la implosionan, no la destruyen, no la hacen retroceder. No. A cuesta de nuestra propia vida no lo voy a permitir(…) ante las dificultades más revolución”, reclamó.
Maduro, al igual que algunos líderes del chavismo, afirma que la oposición agrupada en la Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (MUD) logró la victoria “circunstancialmente” producto de una “guerra no convencional” que busca “desbancar de raíz el modelo social político económico” propuesto en el país con la llegada al poder de Hugo Chávez (1999-2013).
Aunque señaló que “como demócrata” reconoce la derrota, pidió a sus partidarios “no nos confiemos” y les llamó además a que se preparen “para defender la patria y que nadie vacile, esta es la causa más justa que jamás haya existido”, dijo.
“No permitiremos que la derecha y la burguesía entreguen la independencia”, añadió el mandatario que, dijo además, ser “un soldado listo y preparado para dar su vida y sacrificarse en el campo que toque sacrificarse por ver a nuestra patria libre y soberana”.
Este mismo llamado lo ha hecho estos días Maduro a la militancia del Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (PSUV), a quienes ha llamado a reorganizarse y ahondar en los motivos de la derrota que dio un revés al chavismo que se midió en más de dos millones de votos.
Mientras tanto, el excandidato presidencial venezolano Henrique Capriles pidió a Maduro llamar al país a “un gran diálogo nacional” para atender la crisis económica del país suramericano, y dejar de lado los problemas del PSUV.
El gobernador del céntrico estado Miranda afirmó que el país petrolero está “deteriorándose” ante la caída del precio del crudo, que ronda los 31 dólares por barril, el más bajo en once años, por lo que, dijo, “urge” que el Gobierno “convoque a un gran diálogo nacional”.
“Los venezolanos no podemos distraernos, tenemos que exigir que se atienda la peor crisis económica y social de nuestra historia”, señaló el líder opositor a través de un mensaje en la red social Twitter.
En este sentido, el opositor llamó la atención sobre los niveles de las reservas internacionales del país que esta semana, de acuerdo con datos oficiales del Banco Central de Venezuela, se encuentran en 14.601 millones de dólares, según Capriles, el más bajo en los últimos 12 años.
El propio Maduro reveló en la misma jornada que Venezuela perdió el 68 % de los ingresos en divisas producto de la caída del petróleo a lo largo de 2015, un año que calificó de “terrible”, donde “se combinaron todas las formas sucias, ilegales, ilegitimas para atacar a un país, para atacar un modelo de redención”.
Venezuela tiene previsto que la inflación del país cerrará el 2015 en el 100 % y que la economía, que entró en recesión en el 2014, se contraerá este año un 4 %.

Postagem em destaque

Livro Marxismo e Socialismo finalmente disponível - Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Meu mais recente livro – que não tem nada a ver com o governo atual ou com sua diplomacia esquizofrênica, já vou logo avisando – ficou final...