Mini-reflexão sobre o declínio moral do Brasil - Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Mini-reflexão sobre o declínio moral do Brasil

 

 

Paulo Roberto de Almeida

(www.pralmeida.org; http://diplomatizzando.blogspot.com)

[Objetivo: constatações sobre o declínio brasileiro; finalidade: aprofundar o diagnóstico]

 

 

Quando, em determinados países, supremos mandatários não cumprem requisitos mínimos de moralidade e impessoalidade no cargo, a cidadania tem o direito de escorraçá-los do poder.

Esta é a base da Declaração da independência americana: as treze colônias decretaram sua separação da coroa britânica basicamente por abuso de poder. Cansaram-se do dirigente e lhe disseram adeus, tendo de pegar em armas para assegurar esse direito.

E quando é a própria cidadania que não cumpre esses requisitos mínimos de respeito à moralidade pública? 

O que fazer?

Isso tem a ver, também, com o coração do regime democrático. A legitimidade da governança.

Não é possível “aposentar” um povo, ou pelo menos metade dele, simplesmente porque apoia a imoralidade no cargo.

 

Nos EUA, Donald Trump não chegou a isso, mas teve a seu favor quase a metade da população, ainda que nem todos concordassem com ele: ali foi um caso extremo de sectarismo partidário, que se aproximou da miopia política, ou da tolerância com a desfaçatez e a falcatrua. 

No Brasil, o capitão tem muito menos do que isso, e acredito mesmo que se trata apenas de uma minoria — maximizada artificialmente pelas redes sociais — que o segue na sua imoralidade, por fanatismo, por desinformação ou talvez mesmo por tolerância com o crime, não considerando a questão mais problemática da intolerância com a esquerda em geral, com a esquerda corrupta em especial, que foi, digamos, circunstancial. Existem governos de esquerda, ou social democráticos, que conseguem ser razoavelmente morais: talvez o Uruguai, a Nova Zelândia, a Suécia. Não foi o caso no Brasil.

 

Mas, no caso do Brasil, o problema é que a imoralidade e a conivência com o crime estão presentes nos círculos do poder, nos estratos dirigentes, nas classes dominantes, entre integrantes da corporação que deveria justamente zelar pela justiça, inclusive entre cidadãos perfeitamente de direita, ou conservadores, já que a esquerda se revelou basicamente corrupta. Existem exceções nesse leque, mas são trânsfugas, uma minoria, poucos altamente vocais.

Quando isso ocorre, não parece haver qualquer perspectiva de solução razoável aos grandes problemas do Brasil no horizonte de uma geração, isto se a imoralidade e a corrupção se revelarem passageiras, digamos uma fase transitória em nosso longo, demorado e penoso itinerário para a democracia cidadã (universal, não restrita como na Grécia antiga, ou segregada, como em grande parte da história dos EUA, supostamente a maior democracia do mundo).

É o que parece estar ocorrendo atualmente no Brasil: uma democracia restrita, de baixíssima qualidade, com corrupção e imoralidade dominantes, se não crescentes.

 

Confesso meu desalento. Não esperava que nossas supostas elites dirigentes fossem tão inconscientes, tão corruptas, tão dispostas a se venderem ao pior demagogo no poder.

A tragédia é ainda pior por se tratar da personalidade mais medíocre e perversa conhecida em toda a história do Brasil.

Como fomos descer tão baixo na escala civilizatória?

Considero que a dissidência, o direito de divergir, a recusa de determinadas decisões “legais” (mas ilegítimas em sua essência) estejam no cerne de um regime democrático. A rebeldia, mesmo isolada, é um direito do cidadão, desde que não atentatória às instituições que garantem o essencial da funcionalidade de um Estado normal. 

Mas não tenho certeza de que o Brasil constitua ainda, se é que algum dia o foi, um “Estado normal”. No Império, apesar do parlamentarismo de fachada — que considero um regime político superior ao presidencialista — nunca foi um Estado normal: era apenas uma aristocracia escravocrata, que ainda não acabou em espírito, se é que o fez na prática.

 

Vou usar desse meu direito para declarar-me em ruptura não apenas com o governo atual do Brasil, mas também com seus estratos dirigentes, ou quase todos eles: políticos, membros das altas esferas do Judiciário, corporações do Estado, civis e militares, “classes produtoras” (como se dizia antigamente, mas elas só incluíam os patrões, não os trabalhadores), enfim, todos aqueles que detêm uma parcela mínima de poder, e que se mostram indiferentes ao imenso teatro de imoralidades que flui dos mais altos círculos do poder.

Se a condição oficial de dissidente comprovado não me é reconhecida, resta-me ser um apátrida virtual em meu próprio país.

 

Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Brasília, 3797, 22 de novembro de 2020

 

 

 

1ª juíza brasileira a presidir tribunal da ONU diz desejar ‘abrir caminhos’

DeEstadão Conteúdo

postado em 20 de novembro de 2020

No final de 2015, a juíza Martha Halfeld de Mendonça Schmidt, da 3ª Vara do Trabalho de Juiz de Fora, em Minas, sofreu o que ela própria gosta de chamar de um ‘golpe de sorte’. Navegando pelo Facebook, se deparou com o anúncio de quatro vagas abertas no Tribunal de Apelações da Organização Mundial das Nações Unidas (ONU).
“Foi pelo perfil de um juiz colega meu que, na época, era diretor de assuntos internacionais da Associação dos Magistrados Brasileiros. Eu vi aquela notícia: ‘ONU seleciona juízes para seus tribunais internos’ e fui conferir no site”, contou em entrevista por vídeo à reportagem. “Era aquilo mesmo, só que as inscrições fechavam três dias depois. Então foi uma loucura”, completou.
Com uma bagagem de mais de quase duas décadas na magistratura e experiências de mestrado e doutorado na França, Martha passou na seleção como a candidata mais votada na Assembleia Geral da ONU em novembro daquele ano e se tornou a primeira brasileira a ocupar uma das sete cadeiras na Corte. Para isso, além das provas e entrevistas, costurou uma articulação política com apoio do Itamaraty, do então presidente do Supremo Tribunal Federal, Ricardo Lewandowski, e de outros nomes de tribunais superiores e do Executivo. Associações nacionais de magistrados e personalidades do mundo Jurídico, nacional e internacional, também apoiaram sua candidatura.
Depois de quatro anos como juíza do Tribunal de Apelação, a juiz-forana está prestes a assumir a presidência da Corte. O mandado começa em 1º de janeiro de 2021 e vai até o final do mesmo ano.
“Na presidência, eu quero tentar honrar essa tradição brasileira de boa diplomacia, com gentileza, com respeitabilidade, com honestidade, com boa-fé, que é a marca de diplomacia brasileira”, planeja a magistrada.
O Tribunal de Apelação da ONU tem como atribuição julgar, em segunda instância, causas trabalhistas e administrativas envolvendo funcionários e colaboradores da entidade. O sistema foi concebido para tornar mais transparente, independente e profissional o sistema de administração de justiça da ONU e para atender aos quadros da organização, que tem imunidade de jurisdição, ou seja, não se submete à Justiça de nenhum país.
“Eu sempre fui servidora e depois juíza da Justiça do Trabalho e na ONU eu tive que dar uma virada para o Direito Administrativo, isso foi um desafio muito grande”, conta Martha sobre os primeiros anos no tribunal.
O colegiado se reúne em três sessões anuais, de duas semanas cada, na sede da ONU, em Nova Iorque, ou em outras jurisdições, como nas filiais em Genebra, na Suíça, e Nairobi, no Quênia. Como não existe uma ‘Constituição da ONU’, cada julgamento envolve horas de discussão, dentro e às vezes fora do plenário, entre os juízes que compõem a Corte – atualmente, além da brasileira, um sul-africano, uma alemã, um grego, uma neozelandesa, uma canadense e um belga.
“É um aprendizado de um ‘Direito novo’ que a gente compreende no cotidiano, porque cada agência das Nações Unidas tem um Direito específico. A gente não tem uma faculdade para estudar esse ‘Direito novo’. Então a gente tem que estudar dentro do caso concreto qual a legislação aplicável. Isso supõe uma pesquisa e uma preparação prévia”, diz sobre a rotina. “As formações jurídicas são diferentes. A gente tem que associar os diversos sistemas jurídicos com as culturas próprias dos juízes. Sem falar que a gente julga, às vezes na mesma sessão, o caso de servidor altamente qualidade de Nova Iorque e um capacete azul da África. É como um caldeirão de diversidade e a gente tem que tentar solucionar aquele caso de uma forma adequada e aceita por todos como viável. Tem participação coletiva o tempo inteiro”, explica.
Ao revisitar as memórias dos julgamentos em busca de uma história que traduza o choque cultural de compor um tribunal internacional, Martha lembra de uma de suas primeiras sessões.
“Eu era relatora do caso. Estudei bastante e levei a minha sugestão de decisão para apreciação pelos membros da turma”, contextualiza. “Eles não concordaram e chegaram a uma conclusão totalmente contrária. Eu fui vencida, digamos assim, mas não convencida. De tal forma que eu resolvi escrever um voto divergente, mas como eu era relatora, também tive que escrever o voto majoritário. Foi um exercício dentro de mim, porque na jurisdição nacional, normalmente, quem vence escreve o voto. Mas lá eu tive que defender o ponto de vista contrário. Foi um exercício de humildade e me deu uma propulsão para melhorar a minha capacidade de comunicação e persuasão em outra língua”, lembra.
Outra diferença marcante para a jurisdição brasileira é a confidencialidade dos julgamentos. As sessões são feitas a portas fechadas, embora os fundamentos sejam publicados quando os juízes chegam a uma decisão. “É bem diferente dos julgamentos nacionais que são televisionados”, conta.
Martha diz que encara a experiência como ‘uma aventura com responsabilidade’. “Traz um tipo de motivação extra, é um desafio diferente”, avalia. “A carreira de magistratura no Brasil é apaixonante, eu amo o que eu faço aqui, mas eu comecei a trabalhar muito cedo e eu não considero realísticas as minhas chances de promoção. Então, é uma oportunidade de, ao mesmo tempo, viver outros ares, ter uma outra experiência, uma aventura com responsabilidade, mas ao mesmo tempo enriquecer a profissão daqui e enriquecer a ONU com a nossa contribuição”, diz.
Como o trabalho no tribunal da ONU não demanda dedicação exclusiva, Martha segue como juíza na 3ª Vara do Trabalho de Juiz de Fora. Como magistrada, adota uma linha de defesa da resolução consensual de litígios.
“Muitas vezes os conflitos têm origem não no que está ali perante o juiz, mas em alguma coisa que está ali subjacente. Eu percebi com a prática, isso depois de muitos anos de magistratura, que se a gente tiver uma ocasião, uma oportunidade de restabelecer o diálogo entre as partes conflitantes, muitas vezes elas próprias chegam a uma solução que às vezes é melhor que o julgamento. Porque o julgamento resolve o caso, põe fim estatisticamente ao processo, mas muitas vezes não resolve o conflito, não atende à necessidade humana de respeitabilidade”, defende.
No tribunal internacional, Martha tem mandato até 2023, sem possibilidade de renovação. Segundo a juíza, seu maior desejo é inspirar outros brasileiros que tenham vontade de construir uma carreira internacional.
“Eu espero que a minha atuação lá sirva para abrir caminho para outros brasileiros, latinoamericanos e, de modo geral, de países em desenvolvimento. Claro que tem toda uma trajetória, toda uma carreira pretérita que embasa e dá legitimidade para a candidatura. Mas se o meu percurso puder servir de inspiração para outras candidaturas eu vou ficar bem feliz. Esse é o meu objetivo: abrir caminhos”, conclui.

Trump: derrotado, pratica a política da terra arrasada (Le Monde)

 Président Trump, an IV : l’heure de la terre brûlée

Par Gilles Paris

Par Gilles Paris

Par Gilles Paris

Le Monde, 22/11/2020

Le président sortant américain n’a plus la tête aux affaires de l’Etat, et laisse œuvrer son administration. Une transition à l’image de son mandat.

Donald Trump, lors d’une partie de golf, à son club de Sterling (Virginie), le 21 novembre. TASOS KATOPODIS / AFP

Depuis le 3 novembre, la présidence Trump hésite entre le drame et la bouffonnerie. Le battu diffuse courriels sur courriels qui disent que l’heure est grave avec des accents churchilliens. Il y dénonce, tout en demandant de l’argent à ses fidèles, la vilenie sans limites des démocrates dont on ne voit pas trop bien ce qu’on pourrait faire à part les embastiller tous, ou bien les torturer un petit peu pour l’exemple, puis il s’en va golfer.

Ce qui lui reste d’avocats claironne matin et soir qu’un complot de dimension historique est sur le point d’être mis au jour. Qu’une fraude électorale transitant par le Venezuela, la Chine, Cuba, l’Espagne et l’Allemagne (on déplore personnellement l’absence de la Corée du Nord), a privé le président de sa victoire. Que les démocrates sont incapables de démontrer qu’ils n’ont pas triché, comme si la charge de la preuve leur revenait.

Lire aussi: Aux Etats-Unis, l’obstination de Donald Trump à nier sa défaite fracture le camp républicain

Donald Trump ne gouverne plus, ou presque. Son agenda officiel est vide un jour sur deux. Il a brièvement participé au sommet virtuel du G20, samedi 21 novembre, pour dire tout le bien qu’il pensait du président des Etats-Unis, puis il est parti en grand équipage vers les greens de Virginie pendant que ses pairs débattaient d’une bricole, la pandémie de Covid-19.

Robert Fisk: o grande reporter do Oriente Próximo - Interview by Richard Falk with biographer Daniel Falcone

November 9, 2020

The Life of Robert Fisk

by Richard Falk – Daniel Falcone

Robert Fisk. (UCTV).

In this interview, International Scholar Richard Falk provides his personal recollections of Robert Fisk. Falk explains how Fisk provided the world with well- informed perspectives that offered critical thinking and grim realities of the acute struggles stirring throughout the Middle East region. Falk comments on Fisk’s “unsparing exposure of Israeli abusive policies and practices toward the Palestinian people” indicating that his “departure from the region left a journalistic gap that has not been filled.”

Falk also discusses how the study, coverage and understanding of the Palestinian cause has shifted over the years from one of “exposing the hypocrisy and greed of the powerful” to more political and activist-centered solution based forms, within geo-political coverage. Despite this, Falk praises Fisk for “his commitments to peace, self-determination, and neutrality.” 

Daniel Falcone: I can recall being amazed by Robert Fisk’s researching capabilities and stamina. In order to read both Pity the Nation and The Great War for Civilization it requires the reader to get through over 1,700 pages. Can you comment on Fisk’s reporting over the years in general as a Middle East correspondent?

Richard Falk: Fisk was a vivid writer with a startling ability to observe, comment, and interpret. In this sense, unlike the others I have mentioned with the partial exception of Gloria Emerson, Fisk could be read for literary satisfaction as well as for a kind of episodic journalistic autobiography that brought together his experience of contemporary wars and strife. What his published books establish is the extent of Fisk’s illuminating understanding of turmoil in the world, and the degree to which the blood being spilled can be traced back to European colonialism and forward to American imperial ambition in both Asia and the Middle East.

Daniel Falcone: Can you explain how in your view Robert Fisk’s reporting and writings shaped understandings and perceptions of the Middle East? Do you recall any professional and personal interactions with him over the years? How do you categorize his journalistic reputation and writing style?

Richard Falk: Robert Fisk was one of the few journalists in the world relied upon to give first-hand reports from the fields of strife on the conflicts occurring throughout the Middle East. His reportage seemed guided by an overriding commitment to truthfulness as to facts, brashness and vividness of reporting style, and an interpretative understanding that got it right from perspectives of human consequences.

He was given the most dangerous combat assignments in several of the most challenging hot spots in the world, including Northern Ireland during The Troubles, Lebanon (declaring Beirut as his home) during its decade-long civil war, and Afghanistan during the period when the West was arming Afghan extremists to oppose the Russian presence. In the latter role, he was badly beaten by Afghans enraged by the Western interventions and yet Fisk explained to the world while still bloody that he empathized with Afghan anger as their villages and homes were being devastated by U.S. air attacks and a combat role that escalated the violence.

Specifically, in the Middle East, Fisk gave the world a truly independent, informed, and critical understanding of the struggles occurring throughout the region, including an unsparing exposure of Israeli abusive policies and practices toward the Palestinian people. Fisk’s departure from the region left a journalistic gap that has not been filled. It is important to appreciate that there are few war correspondents in the world that combine Fisk’s reporting fearlessness with his interpretative depth, engaging writing style, and candid exposures of the foibles of the high and mighty.

Fisk never sought refuge by hiding behind curtains of political correctness. On the contrary, he prided himself on a commitment to what might be called ‘judgmental journalism’ in his professional demeanor, which is best understood as portraying reality as he saw and experienced it, which in Middle East contexts meant stripping away the geopolitical delusions peddled by powerful government to hide their true motives. He was particularly controversial in recent years by depicting the U.S. anti-Damascus combat role in Syria as not really about the future of Syria or even counterterrorism, as Washington claimed, but was mainly motivated, with prodding from Tel Aviv and Riyadh, by anti-Iran, anti-Shi’ia containment and destabilization goals.

This assessment was confirmed by my two personal interactions with Fisk that illustrated his approach to truth-telling in two very different contexts. The first occurred a bit over 20 years ago. I was interviewed by a Libyan film crew who were surprised by finding Princeton police at my house at the same time due to some death threats I received after supporting Palestinian grievances during an appearance on the BBC program ‘Panorama.’

The young Libyan filmmakers were making a documentary on the evolution of Israel/Palestine relations. After finishing with me they left for Beirut to interview Fisk, conveying to him that my house was guarded as I was living under threat. This exaggerated the reality of my situation, and prompted Fisk to write a column for The Independent without ever contacting me describing my situation as emblematic of Zionist efforts to intimidate critics of Israel by threats of violence.

As a sign of his worldwide impact, I received more than 100 messages of solidarity, many of which said that they were praying for my safety. The drama past, but I cannot imagine another prominent journalist willing to go out on a limb to show concern for someone in my circumstances. At the same time, I cannot imagine writing such a piece without checking the facts with the person in question.

This latter point goes to the one widespread criticism of Fisk’s flamboyant approach, which took note of his impatience with details, and willing to craft his articles around truths he firmly accepted as descriptive of reality. In my case, he didn’t really care if the Libyans were reliably reporting as it was a helpful anecdote for making the underlying argument that he correctly believed to be descriptive of reality—namely, Zionist tactics of intimidation to quiet or even silence voices of criticism. This is an interesting issue raising questions about the distinction between core and peripheral reliability.

Whereas the journeymen journalists are wary of going against the prevailing consensus on core issues (for instance, they slant reality in pro-Israeli direction, and would have described me as an extreme critic of Israel or even someone accused of being ‘anti-Semitic), the Fisks of this world embellish peripheral matters to engage their readers while being reliable forthright on core matters even when offensive to the societal majority. Although Fisk did this in a progressive vein, others take similar factual liberties to feed the conspiratorial and reactionary appetites of their right-wing followers.

My other equally illuminating contact with Fisk was during a West Coast visit a decade ago, when he came to California to give a university lecture. I was approached by the organizers to act as his chauffer during the visit, which I was thrilled to do. It gave me the opportunity to confirm Fisk’s reputation as highly individualistic, irreverent, and provocative self that was on display whether he was reporting from a war zone or talking to students on a college campus. The large turnout and enthusiastic audience reception made clear that Fisk’s influence spreads far beyond readers of his columns in The Independent.

He was recognized throughout the world as a colorful celebrity journalist whose words mattered. There are almost none who have his mixture of bravado, insight, and commitment, and still manage affiliations with mainstream news outlets. In my mind Fisk is a positive example of a celebrity journalist, which for me contrasts negatively with the sort of liberal punditry that issues from the celebrity pen of Thomas Friedman. Whereas Fisk is comfortable in his role of talking truth to power, Friedman relishes his role as the self-proclaimed sage observer who tenders advice to the rich and powerful as to how to realize their goals, combining an arrogance of style with faithful adherence to the pillars of Western orthodoxy (predatory capitalism, global militarism, special relationship with Israel).

Daniel Falcone: What special qualities did Robert Fisk possess that made him so influential and memorable, and perhaps the most distinguished journalist of our time? What did Fisk think of the other styles of journalism that perhaps differed from his own?

Richard Falk: For perspective, I recall my contact, and in these instances, friendship with three other exceptional war correspondents whose traits somewhat resemble the qualities that have made Fisk’s death an irreplaceable loss: Eric Rouleau of Le Monde, Gloria Emerson of the NY Times, and Peter Arnett of Associated Press. Each of them shared a flair for adventure, a pride in their stand-alone journalistic style, a fearlessness in the face of extreme danger that endeared them to combatants, and a sensibility that hovered between the sadness of loneliness and a love of solitude.

These qualities were accompanied in each instance by fiercely independent personalities that gave their home office minders both pride in their stellar reporting and anxious fits as they breached the red lines of establishment thinking. By their nature, such individuals were mavericks who eluded managerial control. They also each shared contempt for what Fisk described as ‘hotel journalism,’ that is, the practice of leading journalists hiring locals to give them stories from the front lines of confrontation while spending most of their days sipping martinis at the hotel bar.

I never observed Fisk at work, but feel confident that his working style resembled that of these others. I did have the opportunity to be with Eric Rouleau in Tehran during the aftermath of the Iranian Revolution, heard accounts of Gloria Emerson’s comradery with American soldiers in combat situations, and was with Peter Arnett in Hanoi while engaged in accompanying three released American POWs back to the United States in the last stage of the Vietnam War.

Although distinct and different in personality and interests, each shared this sense of wanting to get to the bottom of what was happening in the field while listening to the views of leaders, however controversial, in one-on-one. Both Fisk and Arnett were among the few Western journalists who interviewed Osama Bin Laden in the late 1990s. It is reported that Bin Laden was so impressed by Fisk’s approach that he invited him to become a Muslim since he already displayed his devotion to truth.

Fisk’s famously reacted at the end of 2001 to being beaten nearly to death by a mob of angry Afghan refugees living in a Pakistani border village who recognized him as a Westerner when his car broke down, and vented their anger by a brutal attack that was halted by a local Muslim leader. Fisk’s words, which included disapproval of such violence, were also atypical for most, but characteristic for him: Of the attacker he said “There is every reason to be angry. I’ve been an outspoken critic of the US actions myself. If I had been them, I would have attacked me.”

Daniel Falcone: How did Fisk cover the Palestinians? What is his legacy on the coverage of the conflict? Are there any journalistic outfits, think-tanks, organizations or academics that you consider to cover the plight of the Palestinian people well while providing context the way Robert Fisk did?

Richard Falk: Fisk took for granted his support for the Palestinian struggle, his disgust at the tactics of control relied upon by Israel, while condemning America’s use of its geopolitical muscle contributed to the prolonged struggle of the Palestinians for breathing space in their own homeland. This should not be understood as Fisk adopting a blind eye toward Palestinian wrongdoing and diplomatic clumsiness. He was almost alone among influential journalists in voicing skepticism from the outset of the Oslo peace process initiated on the White House Lawn in 1993. Fisk, above all, blended his passion for core truths with an undisguised judgmental approach toward wrongful conduct, regardless of the eminence of the target.

There are many initiatives that try to present the Palestinian ordeal in a realistic way, and I have dealt from time to time with many of them. I would mention, first of all, Jewish Voice for Peace, which has done its best to express views that acknowledge the violations of Palestinian basic rights, including imposition of an apartheid regime that oppresses, fragments, and victimizes the Palestinians as a people whether through occupation, dispossession, ethnic cleansing, and denial of elemental rights of return. Palestine Legal has been courageous and highly competent, providing expert guidance and involvement in legal cases and controversies involving issues bearing on Palestinian rights.

In journalistic and academic circles there are a few bright spots in the United States. As online sources of information, insight, and reportage sympathetic to the Palestinians I would mention Mondoweiss, Middle East Eye, and the Electronic Intifada, each well edited, online publishers of quality material. Among individuals who have been outspoken and influential I would mention Marwan Bishara, Phyllis Bennis, Norman Finkelstein, Noam Chomsky, Ilan Pappe, Noura Erakat, Lawrence Davidson, and Virginia Tilley.

Over the years, I have had little patience with the tortured reasoning and moral pretentiousness of ‘liberal Zionists’ who jump at any partisan olive branch so long as it leaves Israel as a Jewish state with Jerusalem as its capital and doesn’t require giving up most of the unlawful settlements in the West Bank. However, the recent abandonment of such a posture by the most eminent of liberal Zionists, Peter Beinart, is both a refreshing realization that Zionism is not reconcilable with a sustainable peace and a signal to American Jews to rethink the format for a political compromise that shifts away from the two-state mantra.

In Israel and Occupied Palestine there have been perceptive and brave NGOs that have been outspoken in their criticism of Israeli tactics. In Israel I would mention B’Tselem on violations of human rights, Badil on questions bearing on the treatment of Palestinian refugees and residents of Israel, and Israel Committee Against House Demolitions. Several Israeli journalists have been outspoken critics of Israel behavior toward Palestine, and I would express particular admiration for Gideon Levy and Amira Hass.

Among intellectually inclined progressive activists, Jeff Halper shines, writing several important books, including War Against People: Israel, Palestinians, and Global Pacification (2015). He has an outstanding forthcoming book, an exceptional example of ‘advocacy journalism’ insisting that one democratic state with equality for both peoples is the only path to a just and sustainable peace. If it is to be achieved it must include accepting certain views: the reality of Israel as a settler colonial state, the non-viability of the Zionist project to establish and maintain an exclusivist Jewish state, and the dependence on a grassroots collaborative political process of Jews and Palestinians seeking a just peace through democratization and basic rights.

In Occupied Palestine, Mohammed Omer acted as a brave war correspondent under the most difficult conditions, and endured harsh physical abuse by Israeli security forces. In relation to human rights, Raji Sourani an outstanding lawyer, has for many, many years documented abusive Israeli behavior in Gaza, including identifying its criminal character, while serving as Director of the Palestine Centre of Human Rights in Gaza. He has been imprisoned several times by Israel and arrested on at least one occasion by the Palestinian Authority.

I have had the opportunity to know and work with almost all of these individuals and groups, and have admired their courage, perseverance, and dedication to justice. Their ethic has had an advocacy, solutions-oriented character that never seemed an integral part of Fisk’s contributions that were more focused on exposing the hypocrisy and greed of the powerful, than finding solutions for bloody conflict beyond the anti-imperialist advocacy of withdrawal and peacemaking, although he never made a secret of his commitments to peace, self-determination, and neutrality.

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The Great War for Civilisation

Descrição

Product Description

With the Israeli-Palestinian crisis reaching wartime levels, where is the latest confrontation between these two old foes leading? Robert Fisk's explosive Pity the Nation recounts Sharon and Arafat's first deadly encounter in Lebanon in the early 1980s and explains why the Israel-Palestine relationship seems so intractable. A remarkable combination of war reporting and analysis by an author who has witnessed the carnage of Beirut for twenty-five years, Fisk, the first journalist to whom bin Laden announced his jihad against the U.S., is one of the world's most fearless and honored foreign correspondents. He spares no one in this saga of the civil war and subsequent Israeli invasion: the PLO, whose thuggish behavior alienated most Lebanese; the various Lebanese factions, whose appalling brutality spared no one; the Syrians, who supported first the Christians and then the Muslims in their attempt to control Lebanon; and the Israelis, who tried to install their own puppets and, with their 1982 invasion, committed massive war crimes of their own. It includes a moving finale that recounts the travails of Fisk's friend Terry Anderson who was kidnapped by Hezbollah and spent 2,454 days in captivity. Fully updated to include the Israeli withdrawal from south Lebanon and Ariel Sharon's electoral victory over Ehud Barak, this edition has sixty pages of new material and a new preface. 

"Robert Fisk's enormous book about Lebanon's desperate travails is one of the most distinguished in recent times." -- Edward Said

Review

"He is a devastating witness to the failure of politics to guard mankind against itself." -- Sunday Times, March 11, 1990 

"One is left in awe at…[Fisk's] industry, commitment and courage in reporting the ugliest of the world's current conflicts." -- Literary Review, 1990 

"Robert Fisk is one of the outstanding reporters of this generation. As a war correspondent he is unrivalled." --Financial Times, February 24, 1990

About the Author

Robert Fisk is the Middle East Bureau Chief for theIndependent (UK) and has reported from Belfast, Lebanon, Iran, and Iraq. He is the world's most-decorated foreign correspondent, having won the British Press Awards' International Journalist of the Year award seven times. The author of two previous books, Pity the Nation and The Great War for Civilisation, Fisk lives in Beirut and Ireland.

Product Description

A sweeping and dramatic history of the last half century of conflict in the Middle East from an award-winning journalist who has covered the region for over forty years, The Great War for Civilisation unflinchingly chronicles the tragedy of the region from the Algerian Civil War to the Iranian Revolution; from the American hostage crisis in Beirut to the Iran-Iraq War; from the 1991 Gulf War to the American invasion of Iraq in 2003. A book of searing drama as well as lucid, incisive analysis, The Great War for Civilisation is a work of major importance for today's world.

Review

"A magisterial report from the shifting front lines of the Middle East. It deserves to be read by all those concerned with what is happening in Iraq today." — The Boston Globe“A stimulating and absorbing book, by a man who . . . has met the leading players, from bin Laden to Ahmad Chalabi. . . . A formidable production.” — The New York Times Book Review“Vivid, graphic, intense. . . . A book of unquestionable importance. . . . [Fisk’s] experience of war is unmatched, [as is] his capacity to convey that experience in concrete, passionate language.” — The Washington Post Book World“Fisk’s magnum opus. . . . Seals [his] place as a venerable, indispensable contributor to informed debate in and about the Middle East.” — The Nation“Powerful . . . Mr. Fisk is a gifted writer and an accomplished storyteller . . . his love affair with the region and the glamorous profession of being a foreign correspondent finds expression on every page.” — The Economist

About the Author

Bestselling author and journalist Robert Fisk holds more British and international journalism awards than any other foreign correspondent. Fisk is currently the Middle East correspondent of The Independent, based in Beirut. He has lived in the Arab world for more than 40 years, covering Lebanon, five Israeli invasions, the Iran-Iraq war, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the Algerian civil war, Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, the Bosnian and Kosovo wars, the American invasion and occupation of Iraq and the 2011 Arab revolutions. He has been awarded the British International Journalist of the Year Award seven times and has also received the Amnesty International UK Press Award twice. Robert Fisk received a Ph.D. in Political Science from Trinity College, Dublin and was The Times's (London) Belfast correspondent from 1971-1975 and its Middle East correspondent from 1976-1987. He is also the author of Pity the Nation, a history of the Lebanese war, and The Age of the Warrior, an anthology of his ‘Comment’ pieces from the Independent. 

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

CHAPTER ONE

“One of Our Brothers Had a Dream . . . ”

"They combine a mad love of country with an equally mad indifference to life, their own as well as others. They are cunning, unscrupulous, and inspired."—“Stephen Fisher” in Alfred Hitchcock’s Foreign Correspondent (1940)I knew it would be like this. On 19 March 1997, outside the Spinghar Hotel in Jalalabad with its manicured lawns and pink roses, an Afghan holding a Kalashnikov rifle invited me to travel in a car out of town. The highway to Kabul that evening was no longer a road but a mass of rocks and crevasses above the roaring waters of a great river. A vast mountain chain towered above us. The Afghan smiled at me occasionally but did not talk. I knew what his smile was supposed to say. Trust me. But I didn’t. I smiled back the rictus of false friendship. Unless I saw a man I recognised—an Arab rather than an Afghan—I would watch this road for traps, checkpoints, gunmen who were there to no apparent purpose. Even inside the car, I could hear the river as it sloshed through gulleys and across wide shoals of grey stones and poured over the edge of cliffs. Trust Me steered the car carefully around the boulders and I admired the way his bare left foot eased the clutch of the vehicle up and down as a man might gently urge a horse to clamber over a rock.A benevolent white dust covered the windscreen, and when the wipers cleared it the desolation took on a hard, unforgiving, dun-coloured uniformity. The track must have looked like this, I thought to myself, when Major-General William Elphinstone led his British army to disaster more than 150 years ago. The Afghans had annihilated one of the greatest armies of the British empire on this very stretch of road, and high above me were villages where old men still remembered the stories of great-grandfathers who had seen the English die in their thousands. The stones of Gandamak, they claim, were made black by the blood of the English dead. The year 1842 marked one of the greatest defeats of British arms. No wonder we preferred to forget the First Afghan War. But Afghans don’t forget. “Farangiano,” the driver shouted and pointed down into the gorge and grinned at me. “Foreigners.” “ Angrezi.” “English.” “ Jang.” “War.” Yes, I got the point. “ Irlanda,” I replied in Arabic. “ Ana min Irlanda.” I am from Ireland. Even if he understood me, it was a lie. Educated in Ireland I was, but in my pocket was a small black British passport in which His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs required in the name of Her Majesty that I should be allowed “to pass freely without let or hindrance” on this perilous journey. A teenage Taliban had looked at my passport at Jalalabad airport two days earlier, a boy soldier of maybe fourteen who held the document upside down, stared at it and clucked his tongue and shook his head in disapproval.It had grown dark and we were climbing, overtaking trucks and rows of camels, the beasts turning their heads towards our lights in the gloom. We careered past them and I could see the condensation of their breath floating over the road. Their huge feet were picking out the rocks with infinite care and their eyes, when they caught the light, looked like dolls’ eyes. Two hours later, we stopped on a stony hillside and, after a few minutes, a pick-up truck came bouncing down the rough shale of the mountain.An Arab in Afghan clothes came towards the car. I recognised him at once from our last meeting in a ruined village. “I am sorry, Mr. Robert, but I must give you the first search,” he said, prowling through my camera bag and newspapers. And so we set off up the track that Osama bin Laden built during his jihad against the Russian army in the early 1980s, a terrifying, slithering, two-hour odyssey along fearful ravines in rain and sleet, the windscreen misting as we climbed the cold mountain. “When you believe in jihad, it is easy,” he said, fighting with the steering wheel as stones scuttered from the tyres, tumbling down the precipice into the clouds below. From time to time, lights winked at us from far away in the darkness. “Our brothers are letting us know they see us,” he said.After an hour, two armed Arabs—one with his face covered in a kuffiah scarf, eyes peering at us through spectacles, holding an anti-tank rocket-launcher over his right shoulder—came screaming from behind two rocks. “Stop! Stop!” As the brakes were jammed on, I almost hit my head on the windscreen. “Sorry, sorry,” the bespectacled man said, putting down his rocket-launcher. He pulled a metal detector from the pocket of his combat jacket, the red light flicking over my body in another search. The road grew worse as we continued, the jeep skidding backwards towards sheer cliffs, the headlights playing across the chasms on either side. “Toyota is good for jihad,” my driver said. I could only agree, noting that this was one advertising logo the Toyota company would probably forgo.There was moonlight now and I could see clouds both below us in the ravines and above us, curling round mountaintops, our headlights shining on frozen waterfalls and ice-covered pools. Osama bin Laden knew how to build his wartime roads; many an ammunition truck and tank had ground its way up here during the titanic struggle against the Russian army. Now the man who led those guerrillas—the first Arab fighter in the battle against Moscow—was back again in the mountains he knew. There were more Arab checkpoints, more shrieked orders to halt. One very tall man in combat uniform and wearing shades carefully patted my shoulders, body, legs and looked into my face. Salaam aleikum, I said. Peace be upon you. Every Arab I had ever met repliedAleikum salaam to this greeting. But not this one. There was something cold about this man. Osama bin Laden had invited me to meet him in Afghanistan, but this was a warrior without the minimum courtesy. He was a machine, checking out another machine.It had not always been this way. Indeed, the first time I met Osama bin Laden, the way could not have been easier. Back in December 1993, I had been covering an Islamic summit in the Sudanese capital of Khartoum when a Saudi journalist friend of mine, Jamal Kashoggi, walked up to me in the lobby of my hotel. Kashoggi, a tall, slightly portly man in a long white dishdash robe, led me by the shoulder outside the hotel. “There is someone I think you should meet,” he said. Kashoggi is a sincere believer—woe betide anyone who regards his round spectacles and roguish sense of humour as a sign of spiritual laxity—and I guessed at once to whom he was referring. Kashoggi had visited bin Laden in Afghanistan during his war against the Russian army. “He has never met a Western reporter before,” he announced. “This will be interesting.” Kashoggi was indulging in a little applied psychology. He wanted to know how bin Laden would respond to an infidel. So did I.Bin Laden’s story was as instructive as it was epic. When the Soviet army invaded Afghanistan in 1979, the Saudi royal family—encouraged by the CIA—sought to provide the Afghans with an Arab legion, preferably led by a Saudi prince, who would lead a guerrilla force against the Russians. Not only would he disprove the popularly held and all too accurate belief that the Saudi leadership was effete and corrupt, he could re-establish the honourable tradition of the Gulf Arab warrior, heedless of his own life in defending the umma, the community of Islam. True to form, the Saudi princes declined this noble mission. Bin Laden, infuriated at both their cowardice and the humiliation of the Afghan Muslims at the hands of the Soviets, took their place and, with money and machinery from his own construction company, set off on his own personal jihad.A billionaire businessman and himself a Saudi, albeit of humbler Yemeni descent, in the coming years he would be idolised by both Saudis and millions of other Arabs, the stuff of Arab schoolboy legend from the Gulf to the Mediterranean. Not since the British glorified Lawrence of Arabia had an adventurer been portrayed in so heroic, so influential a role. Egyptians, Saudis, Yemenis, Kuwaitis, Algerians, Syrians and Palestinians made their way to the Pakistani border city of Peshawar to fight alongside bin Laden. But when the Afghan mujahedin guerrillas and bin Laden’s Arab legion had driven the Soviets from Afghanistan, the Afghans turned upon each other with wolflike and tribal venom. Sickened by this perversion of Islam—original dissension within the umma led to the division of Sunni and Shia Muslims—bin Laden returned to Saudi Arabia.But his journey of spiritual bitterness was not over. When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in 1990, bin Laden once more offered his services to the Saudi royal family. They did not need to invite the United States to protect the place of the two holiest shrines of Islam, he argued. Mecca and Medina, the cities in which the Prophet Mohamed received and recited God’s message, should be defended only by Muslims. Bin Laden would lead his “Afghans,” his Arab mujahedin, against the Iraqi army inside Kuwait and drive them from the emirate. King Fahd of Saudi Arabia preferred to put his trust in the Americans. So as the U.S. 82nd Airborne Division arrived in the north-eastern Saudi city of Dhahran and deployed in the desert roughly 500 miles from the city of Medina—the place of the Prophet’s refuge and of the first Islamic society—bin Laden abandoned the corruption of the House of Saud to bestow his generosity on another “Islamic Republic”: Sudan.Our journey north from Khartoum lay though a landscape of white desert and ancient, unexplored pyramids, dark, squat Pharaonic tombs smaller than those of Cheops, Chephren and Mycerinus at Giza. Though it was December, a sharp, superheated breeze moved across the desert, and when Kashoggi tired of the air conditioning and opened his window, it snapped at his Arab headdress. “The people like bin Laden here,” he said, in much the way that one might comment approvingly of a dinner host. “He’s got his business here and his construction company and the government likes him. He helps the poor.” I could understand all this. The Prophet Mohamed, orphaned at an early age, had been obsessed by the poor in seventh-century Arabia, and generosity to those who lived in poverty was one of the most attractive characteristics of Islam. Bin Laden’s progress from “holy” warrior to public benefactor might allow him to walk in the Prophet’s footsteps. He had just completed building a new road from the Khartoum–Port Sudan highway to the tiny desert village of Almatig in northern Sudan, using the same bulldozers he had employed to construct the guerrilla trails of Afghanistan; many of his labourers were the same fighters who had been his comrades in the battle against the Soviet Union. The U.S. State Department took a predictably less charitable view of bin Laden’s beneficence. It accused Sudan of being a “sponsor of international terrorism” and bin Laden himself of operating “terrorist training camps” in the Sudanese desert.But when Kashoggi and I arrived in Almatig, there was Osama bin Laden in his gold-fringed robe, sitting beneath the canopy of a tent before a crowd of admiring villagers and guarded by the loyal Arab mujahedin who fought alongside him in Afghanistan. Bearded, silent figures—unarmed, but never more than a few yards from the man who recruited them, trained them and then dispatched them to destroy the Soviet army—they watched unsmiling as the Sudanese villagers lined up to thank the Saudi businessman who was about to complete the road linking their slums to Khartoum for the first time in history.My first impression was of a shy man. With his high cheekbones, narrow eyes and long brown robe, he would avert his eyes when the village leaders addressed him. He seemed ill-at-ease with gratitude, incapable of responding with a full smile when children in miniature chadors danced in front of him and preachers admired his wisdom. “We have been waiting for this road through all the revolutions in Sudan,” a bearded sheikh announced. “We waited until we had given up on everybody—and then Osama bin Laden came along.” I noticed how bin Laden, head still bowed, peered up at the old man, acknowledging his age but unhappy that he should be sitting at ease in front of him, a young man relaxing before his elders. He was even more unhappy at the sight of a Westerner standing a few feet away from him, and from time to time he would turn his head to look at me, not with malevolence but with grave suspicion.Kashoggi put his arms around him. Bin Laden kissed him on both cheeks, one Muslim to another, both acknowledging the common danger they had endured together in Afghanistan. Jamal Kashoggi must have brought the foreigner for a reason. That is what bin Laden was thinking. For as Kashoggi spoke, bin Laden looked over his shoulder at me, occasionally nodding. “Robert, I want to introduce you to Sheikh Osama,” Kashoggi half-shouted through children’s songs. Bin Laden was a tall man and he realised that this was an advantage when he shook hands with the English reporter. Salaam aleikum. His hands were firm, not strong, but, yes, he looked like a mountain man. The eyes searched your face. He was lean and had long fingers and a smile which—while it could never be described as kind—did not suggest villainy. He said we might talk, at the back of the tent where we could avoid the shouting of the children.Looking back now, knowing what we know, understanding the monstrous beast-figure he would become in the collective imagination of the world, I search for some clue, the tiniest piece of evidence, that this man could inspire an act that would change the world for ever—or, more to the point, allow an American president to persuade his people that the world was changed for ever. Certainly his formal denial of “terrorism” gave no hint. The Egyptian press was claiming that bin Laden had brought hundreds of his Arab fighters with him to Sudan, while the Western embassy circuit in Khartoum was suggesting that some of the Arab “Afghans” whom this Saudi entrepreneur had flown to Sudan were now busy training for further jihad wars in Algeria, Tunisia and Egypt. Bin Laden was well aware of this. “The rubbish of the media and embassies,” he called it. “I am a construction engineer and an agriculturalist. If I had training camps here in Sudan, I couldn’t possibly do this job.”

Supremos Erros; medidas inconstitucionais do STF; livro; Antonio Jorge Pereira Júnior, Milton Vasconcelos Barbosa (orgs)

 "Supremos Erros": juristas apontam decisões inconstitucionais do STF.

BLOG DO ORLANDO TAMBOSI / by Orlando Tambosi / 13h

Ministros do STF se consideram "guias iluminados" e sufocam outros poderes; indicação de Kássio Marques é exemplo disso. Leonardo Desideri para a Gazeta do Povo:

Em 2020, muitos brasileiros sabem de cor a lista dos 11 ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), e a recente escolha de um novo juiz para a corte foi o centro do debate público no Brasil durante dias. Mas o cenário era diferente duas décadas atrás. O STF só se tornou popular no noticiário e nas rodas de conversa a partir de 2002, quando o julgamento sobre o caso do Mensalão começou a transformar os juízes em celebridades.

Para os juristas Antonio Jorge Pereira Júnior e Milton Vasconcelos Barbosa, organizadores da coletânea “Supremos Erros: decisões inconstitucionais do STF”, lançada nesta sexta-feira (20), a ascensão dos ministros do STF ao estrelato foi o ponto de partida para a decadência do trabalho da corte. “O que nos motivou foi o incômodo de perceber que o Supremo tem ampliado cada vez mais uma ação exorbitante das suas competências. Passou do ativismo judicial para um autoritarismo judicial”, diz Pereira Júnior, sobre as causas que levaram à publicação do livro.

É essa extrapolação de competências que é analisada nos 16 capítulos do livro, cada um sobre um caso em que há evidência de abuso do STF. Temas como o inquérito das fakes news, a união homoafetiva, as pesquisas com células-tronco embrionárias, o aborto de anencéfalos e a criminalização da homofobia são abordados pelos 26 autores que participam da coletânea, entre eles o jurista Ives Gandra Martins.

A obra, que foi financiada pela Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (Capes), está sendo lançada em formato digital pela editora Fundação Fênix e pode ser obtida gratuitamente por meio deste link. O prefácio é do jurista e ex-presidente da República Michel Temer.

“Chegou-se a um limite em que é importante a sociedade fazer um exame dessas atitudes progressivas que têm acontecido na corte suprema, para que ela possa voltar aos limites próprios que a Constituição define para sua ação institucional”, afirma Pereira Júnior, para quem há “uma interferência abusiva sobre o Legislativo, o Executivo e sobre a própria Constituição” por parte dos ministros do STF.

“Supremos Erros” busca mostrar as falhas técnicas e de lógica que evidenciam tanto uma tendência ao corporativismo dentro da corte como um direcionamento ideológico das decisões, que deixaram de se apoiar na Constituição. “Eles estão se acostumando à arbitrariedade, a moldar a realidade como eles acham que ela deve ser, e usurpando o poder constituinte, que é o poder de representação do povo brasileiro”, observa o organizador da coletânea.

Na apresentação da obra, os organizadores dizem que os ministros se veem como “guias iluminados para um futuro mais justo”, capazes de trazer luz a “pontos obscuros da sociedade brasileira, que precisariam de modernização”. Com essa pretensão, a corte busca substituir o Poder Legislativo, o Executivo e o próprio eleitorado, “formando uma espécie de geist insondável da ‘democracia brasileira’”, que não pode ser contido por nenhum mecanismo.

Algumas declarações de atuais ministros evidenciam essa tendência. O ministro Luís Roberto Barroso, por exemplo, disse em palestra na UFMG em 2017 que a corte tem o papel iluminista de “empurrar a história”, promovendo “certos avanços sociais, mesmo contra o sentimento majoritário, em casos como o das uniões homoafetivas”. Em julho de 2020, Dias Toffoli, então presidente do STF, disse em entrevista que os membros da corte são “editores de um país inteiro, de uma nação inteira, de um povo inteiro".

Para Pereira Júnior, a recente escolha do ministro Kássio Nunes Marques, que contrariou a própria vontade inicial do presidente Jair Bolsonaro de indicar um jurista conservador para a corte, é um exemplo de como o autoritarismo judicial do STF sufoca os outros poderes para impor uma visão de mundo. “O STF vai boicotando e bloqueando o governo. Partidos pequenos, que não têm força política no Congresso Nacional, usam o STF direto para bloquear o governo. Como lá dentro está cheio de ministros que se identificam ideologicamente com partidos de esquerda, eles vão referendando”, diz.

Um dos autores que participam da coletânea, o jurista André Gonçalves Fernandes, pós-doutor em Filosofia do Direito pela Unicamp e professor-visitante da Universidade de Navarra (Espanha), vê uma retroalimentação entre o vácuo do Poder Legislativo – que não tem exercido adequadamente suas funções –, e o ativismo judicial do STF.

Segundo ele, “muitos coletivos passaram a explorar isso como uma maneira de fazer prevalecer as suas pautas, contornando o caminho natural da deliberação legislativa”. Entre esses grupos estão partidos como o Psol e entidades feministas e abortistas. “Todos já descobriram que ali [no STF] é o caminho mais rápido”, afirma.

No fim, o STF deixa o seu papel de salvaguarda da Constituição e se reveste da função de pautar o futuro do País. “O juiz se coloca em uma posição de profeta, com uma espécie de messianismo político, antevendo um futuro político-judicial. A partir disso, ele pauta a decisão dele em um sentido ou outro. E isso não é função de magistrado. Isso é função de leitor de tarô, da Mãe Diná, coisas do gênero. A função do ministro do Supremo é ser intérprete da Constituição”, afirma Fernandes.