Brasil: um pais onde o crime compensa (e como) - Josias de Souza

Processo do TSE revela que o crime compensa
Josias de Souza
12/03/2017

Em conversa com um amigo, o ministro Herman Benjamin, do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, chamou de “kafkiano” o processo que mantém sub judice a Presidência de Michel Temer. A definição é inexata. Na verdade, o processo é pós-kafkiano. O barulhinho que se ouve ao fundo é o ruído de Franz Kafka se contorcendo no túmulo ao perceber que o absurdo perturbador de sua ficção foi superado por uma história fantástica passada num país imaginário. Uma história bem brasileira.

A realidade dos autos relatados pelo ministro Benjamin está cada vez mais inacreditável. O interesse pelo julgamento do processo diminui na proporção direta do aumento das evidências de que a vitória de 2014 foi bancada com dinheiro roubado da Petrobras. Autor da ação que pede a cassação da chapa Dilma Rousseff—Michel Temer, o PSDB anda tão ocupado em salvar o país que já não tem tempo para cobrar a punição dos crimes que apontou.

O tucanato tornou-se o esteio do governo Temer. O derrotado Aécio Neves virou um levantador de ministros. O vice-derrotado Aloysio Nunes Ferreira acaba de ser nomeado chanceler. Na oposição, o PSDB era incapaz de reconhecer a honestidade dos governantes. No governo, esqueceu que o PMDB é incapaz de demonstrá-la. Todo o dinheiro sujo que a Odebrecht investiu em 2014 não daria para vestir 1% das desculpas esfarrapadas dos tucanos para conspirar contra a lógica no TSE.

Devolvida a Porto Alegre e à sua insignificância, Dilma Rousseff entregou-se a duas atividades. Quando não está cuidando dos netos, dedica-se a denunciar o ''golpe''. No TSE, os defensores de madame se juntam aos advogados de Michel Temer numa tabelinha a favor da protelação. Difícil saber se golpeados e golpistas fogem de um julgamento rápido por que são capazes de tudo ou por que são incapazes de todo.

Há mais: Temer, o processado, indicará entre abril e maio, dois dos ministros que o julgarão no TSE. Há pior: o presidente do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, Gilmar Mendes, frequenta o noticiário na condição de conselheiro do acusado. Quando Dilma ainda estava sentada na poltrona de presidente, Gilmar pegou em lanças pela abertura do processo, evitando que a podridão das contas eleitorais descesse para o arquivo. Agora, o mesmo Gilmar afirma: o mais importante é a exposição do lixão, não o resultado do julgamento.

Em meio a este cenário pós-kafkiano, um período excepcional da história do país, a qualquer momento se verá a maioria dos ministros do TSE declarar a respeito dos milhões em verbas sujas que passaram pelas arcas de 2014: “Calma! É só caixa dois, gente!”. E o brasileiro perceberá que não é que o crime não compensa. É que, quando ele compensa, muda de nome.

Presente na criacao da... Guerra Fria: a doutrina Truman (This Day in History)

On This Day: March 12

Updated March 12, 2014, 11:42 am

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On March 12, 1947, President Truman established what became known as the Truman Doctrine to help Greece and Turkey resist Communism.
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Truman Acts to Save Nations From Red Rule

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Asks 400 Million to Aid Greece and Turkey

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Congress Fight Likely But Approval Is Seen

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NEW POLICY SET UP

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President Blunt in Plea to Combat 'Coercion' as World Peril

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PLANS TO SEND MEN

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Goods and Skills Needed as Well as Money, He Tells Congress

By Felix Belair Jr.

Special to The New York Times

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Washington, March 12 - President Truman outlined a new foreign policy for the United States today. In a historic message to Congress, he proposed that this country intervene wherever necessary throughout the world to prevent the subjection of free peoples to Communist-inspired totalitarian regimes at the expense of their national integrity and importance.

In a request for $400,000,000 to bolster the hard-pressed Greek and Turkish governments against Communist pressure, the President said the constant coercion and intimidation of free peoples by political infiltration amid poverty and strife undermined the foundations of world peace and threatened the security of the United States.

Although the President refrained from mentioning the Soviet Union by name, there could be no mistaking his identification of the Communist state as the source of much of the unrest throughout the world. He said that, in violation of the Yalta Agreement, the people of Poland, Rumania and Bulgaria had been subjected to totalitarian regimes against their will and that there had been similar developments in other countries.

Cardinal Points of Departure

As the Senate and House of Representatives sat grim-faced but apparently determined on the course recommended by the Chief Executive, Mr. Truman made these cardinal points of departure from traditional American foreign policy:

"I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

"I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes."

In addition to the $400,000,000 to be expended before June 30, 1948, the President asked Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, upon the request of those countries. The proposed personnel would supervise the use of material and financial assistance and would train Greek and Turkish personnel in special skills.

Lest efforts be made to cast him in the role of champion of things as they are, the President recognized that the world was not static and that the status quo was not sacred. But he warned that if we allowed changes in the status quo in violation of the United Nations Charter through such subterfuges as political infiltration, we would be helping to destroy the Charter itself.

Aware of Broad Implications

President Truman said he was fully aware of the "broad implications involved" if the United States went to the assistance of Greece and Turkey. He said that, while our aid to free peoples striving to maintain their independence would be primarily financial and economic, he reminded Congress that the fundamental issues involved were no different from those for which we fought a war with Germany and Japan.

The standing ovation that marked the close of the President's address was echoing through the Capitol corridors as he left the building to motor to the National Airport, where he left by plane for Key West, Fla., for a four-day rest on orders of his personal physician, Brig. Gen. Wallace Graham.

The President appeared tired from the ordeal of his personal appearance before the joint session, but evidently satisfied that the specific recommendations of his message, with its delineation of the implications of a new policy, had temporarily discharged the obligation of the Executive. It was the turn of Congress to make the next move.

That move was not long in the making. Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, called a meeting of his group for tomorrow morning to consider the President's proposals. The House Foreign Affairs Committee was to consider the kindred $350,000,000 appropriation for destitution relief in liberated countries.

In the sharp and conflicting reaction to the President's program, many voices were raised on each side of the Capitol in approval and in criticism. However, there was little doubt that the vast majority in both houses would reflect the wishes of their leaders and go down the line for the new policy and the added financial responsibility it implied.

Would Bar Any Coercion

Apparently conscious of the advance demands by Senator Vandenberg and others that he set forth the full implications of his recommendations, President Truman explained that one of the primary objectives of our foreign policy had been the creation of conditions in which this and other nations would work out a way of life free from coercion by outside influences.

It was to insure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, that the United States had taken a leading role in the establishment of the United Nations, Mr. Truman went on. And the United Nations was designed to provide a lasting freedom and independence for all its members.

But these objectives could not be attained, said the President, "unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes."

Anticipating criticism, not long in developing, that his proposals to lend $250,000,000 to Greece and $150,000,000 to Turkey would "by-pass the United Nations," Mr. Truman explained that, while the possibility of United Nations aid had been considered, the urgency and immediacy were such that the United Nations was not in a position to assist effectively.

The President made it clear that the responsibilities he asked Congress to face squarely had developed suddenly because of the inability of Great Britain to extend help to either the Greek or Turkish Government after March 31. He said the British withdrawal by March 31 foreshadowed the imposition of totalitarian regimes by force in both countries unless the United States stepped in to support the existing Governments.

The President reiterated that it was a serious course on which he was asking Congress to embark. But he said he would not ask it except that the alternative was much more serious. The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward the winning of World War II, the President recalled.

Although there was a note of apology for the present Greek Government, which the President conceded had made mistakes, it was described as a freely elected one.

The Greek government, he said, represents 85 per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament. He recalled that 692 American observers had been present in Greece when the Parliament was elected and had certified that the election represented a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

Although the President did not specify the allocation of the $400,000,000 it has been generally understood that the Administration intends to use $250,000,000 for Greece and $150,000,000 for Turkey. He asked further authority to permit the speediest and most effective translation of the funds into "needed commodities, supplies and equipment," which was taken to refer to the supply of surplus war equipment to the Greek Army out of United States Army supplies in Europe.

Stefan Zweig e o Brasil: guia sobre o escritor - Paulo Roberto de Almeida

“Stefan Zweig e o Brasil”, Brasília, 5 março 2017, 27 slides. Apresentação em Power Point para a palestra sobre Stefan Zweig, com a presença do ex-chanceler Celso Lafer, do editor Israel Beloch, e da tradutora Kristina Michahelles, da Casa Stefan Zweig (Petropolis, RJ), a ser realizada no Instituto Rio Branco, em 21 de março. Transformado em artigo em Word, para circulação mais ampla. Postado na plataforma Academia.edu (12/03/2017; link: http://www.academia.edu/31826161/Stefan_Zweig_e_o_Brasil) e em Research Gate (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/314720659_Stafan_Zweig_e_o_Brasil?ev=prf_pub).

Um pouco de informação sobre o escritor austríaco, em previsão do seminário abaixo: 

 

Palavras Sem Fronteiras – Emb. Sergio Correa da Costa

Depois do Rio de Janeiro e de São Paulo, Brasília receberá a exposição “Palavras Sem Fronteiras – mídias convergentes”, baseada em obra do Embaixador Sergio Corrêa da Costa.

Em 13 de março, às 19h, o Chanceler Aloysio Nunes Ferreira irá inaugurar no Palácio do Itamaraty a exposição multimídia “Palavras sem Fronteiras – mídias convergentes”, baseada em obra do Embaixador Sergio Corrêa da Costa. Antes de Brasília, a exposição foi realizada na Academia Brasileira de Letras, no Rio de Janeiro (em 2007), e no Museu da Língua Portuguesa, em São Paulo (2009).

Com o apoio da Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão (FUNAG), em parceria com o Instituto de Pesquisa de Relações Internacionais (IPRI), a exposição ficará aberta de segunda a sexta-feira, das 9hàs 19h, e nos sábados e domingos, das 9h às 17h, no período de 14 de março a 13 de abril de 2017. A entrada é franca. Sua inauguração coincidirá com a abertura da Semana da Francofonia - acontecimento anual, sempre no mês de março, em que são celebrados a língua francesa, diferentes formas de manifestações culturais nela veiculadas, a diversidade de culturas e o plurilinguismo. 

Em tal contexto, a FUNAG e o IPRI promoverão em Brasília, juntamente com a UNESCO e a Embaixada da França, duas mesas redondas, voltadas, sobretudo, para o público jovem, nas quais serão debatidos temas como a evolução da linguagem, no mundo digital, e a influência da linguagem digital nas mídias e no jornalismo.

Nesse par de mesas redondas, também será apresentada ao público de Brasília a obra do Embaixador Sergio Corrêa da Costa que inspirou a exposição. O livro contém um índice com três mil palavras e expressões, 16 mil exemplos do seu emprego, recolhidos durante 24 meses e em 15 países, de oito línguas, que refletem 46 idiomas. Trata-se de um verdadeiro vocabulário universal, que amplia continuamente e aproxima as culturas, memórias, tradições e valores.

A montagem da exposição no Palácio do Itamaraty busca integrar a proposta de uma mostra inovadora, em sua origem, com a concepção arquitetônica do palácio, de forma a compatibilizar expografia, conteúdos e tecnologias por meio de intervenções pontuais. Na área da exposição, será instalado um espaço midiático com equipamentos especiais para consulta por deficientes visuais e acesso interativo aos conteúdos, adaptados pela Fundação Dorina Nowill, especializada nessa modalidade de atendimento especial.

A primeira montagem da exposição, com recursos tecnológicos de última geração, foi realizada em 2007 no Rio de Janeiro, na biblioteca Rodolfo Garcia, da Academia Brasileira de Letras, umas das mais modernas e bem equipadas do País, alcançando expressivo de público. Dois anos depois, a mostra foi remontada no Museu da Língua Portuguesa, em São Paulo. Lá, foi projetada em telas de plasma, a migração de diferentes palavras e suas trajetórias por diversos idiomas. Além da projeção da Mostra de Videoarte, com criações exclusivas de artistas contemporâneos que se vem notabilizando nessa modalidade de expressão.

O livro

Com prefácio de Maurice Druon, secretário perpétuo da Academia Francesa e ex-ministro da Cultura da França, o livro foi originalmente publicado na França sob o título Mots sans frontières. Recebeu, em 1999, o Grande Prêmio da Fundação Príncipe Louis de Polignac, do Principado de Mônaco. Um ano depois da premiação, a obra foi editada no Brasil pela editora Record.

Em 2005, Sérgio Corrêa da Costa foi agraciado com o Prêmio Richelieu-Senghor, distinção só concedida às personalidades que hajam prestado uma contribuição excepcional à Francofonia e à irradiação do idioma francês.

O projeto futuro é produzir cerca de mil cópias em DvD, contendo as projeções sincronizadas das palavras, os vídeos realizados para o projeto, as videoartes dos artistas convidados e informações sobre a vida e obra do escritor para distribuição gratuita em escolas, universidades, bibliotecas, centros de pesquisas e documentação. Além de representações diplomáticas no Brasil e no exterior.

O embaixador sem fronteiras

Diplomata, advogado e historiador, Sergio Corrêa da Costa nasceu no Rio de Janeiro em 19 de fevereiro de 1919 e faleceu, na mesma cidade, em 29 de setembro de 2005. Teve longa carreira a serviço do país. Com apenas 20 anos, recebeu sua primeira missão permanente no exterior, como Segundo Secretário na Embaixada em Buenos Aires. Em 1962, foi comissionado embaixador no Canadá, sendo depois promovido a Ministro de Primeira Classe.

No biênio 1967-1968, foi o Secretário-Geral do Itamaraty e exerceu inúmeras vezes, interinamente, o cargo de Ministro de Estado das Relações Exteriores. Ao deixar a Secretaria-Geral, foi removido para a Embaixada de Londres, onde serviu até 1975, quando foi designado Representante Permanente do Brasil junto às Nações Unidas em Nova Iorque. Em 1983, foi nomeado Embaixador nos Estados Unidos. Em agosto daquele mesmo ano, foi eleito para a cadeira de número sete da Academia Brasileira de Letras (ABL), que tem por patrono Castro Alves. Aposentou-se como diplomata em 1986, passando a residir em Paris.

Durante os anos em que viveu na França, trabalhou como advogado internacional e atuou ainda como árbitro, em litígios submetidos à apreciação da Câmara de Comércio Internacional. Foi igualmente o representante da Academia Brasileira de Letras junto à Academia Francesa, a instituição que serviu de modelo para a fundação da ABL em 1897.

Ministros da Fazenda da Mafia? Os proceres petralhas

Um leitor do Estadão faz uma observação pertinente e eu complemento por pertinente: de fato, a organização criminosa que era também um partido de tendências totalitárias, escolhia seus ministros da Fazenda essencialmente para cuidar de suas fazendas particulares, ou seja, para enriquecimento particular, necessariamente criminoso:

Delações

Ao tomarmos conhecimento de apenas parte das delações da Odebrecht, deparamos com nada menos que dois ministros da Fazenda, Antônio Palocci e Guido Mantega, dos governos Lula e Dilma. O que se pode esperar de um partido cujos mandatários escalam seus ministros como arrecadadores de propina? 

LUIZ ROBERTO SAVOLDELLI 

São Bernardo do Campo, SO

Percursos Diplomaticos: Rubens Ricupero - Instituto Rio Branco, 17/03, 15hs

Convite para palestra-debate

Encontros IRBr-IPRI

 Percursos Diplomáticos: Rubens Ricupero

Auditório Embaixador João Augusto de Araújo Castro - IRBr

17/03/2017 – 15h.

A Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão – FUNAG, o Instituto de Pesquisa de Relações Internacionais – IPRI – e o Instituto Rio Branco – IRBr –  têm o prazer de convidar para a palestra-debate “Percursos Diplomáticos: Rubens Ricupero”, a ser proferida pelo Embaixador Rubens Ricupero.

A palestra acontecerá no Auditório Embaixador João Augusto de Araújo Castro, no Instituto Rio Branco, no dia 17 de março às 15h00. 

Stalin e o genocídio ucraniano- Bloodlands

Today's selection -- from Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin by Timothy Snyder. Joseph Stalin wanted to build his country and advance the cause of communism. Central to that was his desire to build industrial factories in cities. But to do that he needed to make a massive investment in large-scale machines, purchasing them in large part from more advanced countries. The only way to afford these machines was to sell surplus grain, which required collectivizing and squeezing a surplus from the primitive farming communities in the vast and fertile lands of the Ukraine. Over time, this effort led to the death of millions of Soviet citizens: "[After an initial attempt at collectivization that failed,] Stalin maintained that the problem with collectivization was that it had been implemented with just a little too much enthusiasm. It had been a mistake, he now asserted, to force the peasants to join the collective farms. The latter now disappeared just as quickly as they had been created. In 1930, peasants in Ukraine harvested the winter wheat, and sowed the seeds for the autumn crops, just as if the land belonged to them. They could be forgiven for thinking that they had won. "Stalin's withdrawal was tactical. Given time to think, Stalin and the politburo found more effective means to subordinate the peasantry to the state. In the countryside the following year, Soviet policy preceded with much greater deftness. In 1931, collectivization would come because peasants would no longer see a choice. The lower cadres of the Ukrainian branch of the Soviet communist party were purged, to ensure that those working within the villages would be true to their purpose, and understand what would await them if they were not. The independent farmer was taxed until the collective farm became the only refuge. As the collective farms slowly regrouped, they were granted indirect coercive power over neighboring independent farmers. They were allowed, for example, to vote to take the seed grain away from independent farmers. The seed grain, what is kept from one crop to plant the next, is indispensible to any working farm. The selection and preservation of the seed grain is the basis of agriculture. For most of human history, eating the seed grain has been synonymous with utter desperation. An individual who lost control of the seed grain to the collective lost the ability to live from his or her own labor. Starved peasants on a street in Kharkiv, 1933 "Deportations resumed, and collectivization proceeded. In late 1930 and early 1931, some 32,127 more households were deported from Soviet Ukraine, about the same number of people as had been removed during the first wave of deportations a year before. Peasants thought that they would die either of exhaustion in the Gulag or of hunger close to home, and preferred the latter. Letters from exiled friends and family occasionally escaped the censor; one included the following advice: 'No matter what, don't come. We are dying here. Better to hide, better to die there, but no matter what, don't come here,' Ukrainian peasants who yielded to collectivization chose, as one party activist understood, 'to face starvation at home rather than banishment to the unknown.' Because collectivization came more slowly in 1931, family by family rather than whole villages at once, it was harder to resist. There was no sudden attack to provoke a desperate defense. By the end of the year, the new approach had succeeded. About seventy percent of the farmland in Soviet Ukraine was now collectivized. The levels of March 1930 had been reached again, and this time durably. ... "By autumn 1931 the failure of the first collectivized harvest was obvious. The reasons were many: the weather was poor; pests were a problem; animal power was limited because peasants had sold or slaughtered livestock; the production of tractors was far less than anticipated; the best farmers had been deported; sowing and reaping were disrupted by collectivization; and peasants who had lost their land saw no reason to work very hard. ... "More than half of the (nonspoiled) harvest was removed from Soviet Ukraine in 1931. Many collective farms met their requisition targets only by handing over their seed grain. Stalin ordered on 5 December that collective farms that had not yet fulfilled their annual requirements must surrender their seed grain. Stalin perhaps believed that peasants were hiding food, and thought that the threat of taking the seed grain would motivate them to hand over what they had. But by this time many of them truly had nothing. By the end of 1931, many peasants were already going hungry. With no land of their own and with little ability to resist requisitions, they simply had no way to ensure that a sufficient number of calories reached their households. Then in early 1932 they had no seed grain with which to plant the fall crop. The Ukrainian party leadership asked for seed grain in March 1932, but by that time the planting was already delayed, meaning that the harvest that fall would be poor. "In early 1932 people asked for help. Ukrainian communists requested that their superiors in the Ukrainian party ask Stalin to call in the Red Cross. ... Ukrainian party members bypassed [General Secretary Stanislav] Kosior and wrote directly to Stalin, taking an angry tone: 'How can we construct the socialist economy when we are all doomed to death by hunger?' "The threat of mass starvation was utterly clear to Soviet Ukrainian authorities, and it became so to Stalin. Party activists and secret police officers filed countless reports of death by starvation. In June 1932 the head of the party in the Kharkiv region wrote to Kosior that starvation had been reported in every single district of his region. Kosior received a letter from a member of the Young Communists dated 18 June 1932, with a graphic description that was probably, by then, all too familiar: 'Collective farm members go into the fields and disappear. After a few days their corpses are found and, entirely without emotion, as though this were normal, buried in graves. The next day one can already find the body of someone who had just been digging graves for others.'... "That Stalin's own policy of collectivization could cause mass starvation was also clear. By summer 1932, as Stalin knew, more than a million people had already starved to death in Soviet Kazakhstan. ... Stalin, a master of personal politics, presented the Ukrainian famine in personal terms. His first impulse, and his lasting tendency, was to see the starvation of Ukrainian peasants as a betrayal by members of the Ukrainian communist party." Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin Author: Timothy Snyder Publisher: Basic Books Copyright 2010 by Timothy Snyder Pages 32-35 If you wish to read further: Buy Now