domingo, 23 de outubro de 2011

Os crimes do Japao em Nanjing, 1937 - um romance verdadeiro...


Recreating the Horrors of Nanjing




Ha Jin has a talent for first lines. Consider these, from his latest novel, “Nanjing Requiem”: “Finally Ban began to talk. For a whole evening we sat in the dining room listening to the boy.”
Jerry Bauer
Ha Jin

NANJING REQUIEM

By Ha Jin
303 pp. Pantheon Books. $26.95.
We do not know who Ban is, why he should have taken so long to speak or why his story has so compelled his as yet unknown audience. As he tells that story, we plunge abruptly into the horrors of the Japanese occupation of Nanjing, then the capital of China’s Nationalist government. It is December 1937. Ban is a Chinese teenager, a boy seized while on an errand for his American employer and forced to serve as coolie to a band of Japanese soldiers who are looting, pillaging and murdering their way across the city, with Ban a terrified witness to their atrocities.
Equally abruptly, the novel then takes us back to the previous month, to the frantic preparations for an evacuation of the government to Chongqing, following the retreating forces of Chiang Kai-shek. For the civilians who will be left behind, a safety zone is hastily organized. Madame Chiang’s piano is loaded into a truck and left for safekeeping in the institution at the heart of Ha Jin’s narrative, Jinling Women’s College.
This is fiction, but fiction that draws heavily on the historical record and in which many of the characters actually lived the events described. The narrator, Anling, a middle-aged Chinese woman, may be Ha Jin’s invention, but she serves as assistant to a well-documented real-life character, Minnie Vautrin, an American missionary from Illinois who served as acting head of Jinling College. Vautrin also figures in Iris Chang’s best-­selling account, “The Rape of Nanking,” one of the inspirations for Ha Jin’s portrait of the doomed city.
When Chiang Kai-shek abandoned Nanjing to the Japanese, a few Western nationals chose to remain. The Americans who stayed were mostly missionaries, among them the formidable Minnie Vautrin. Also present was John Rabe, the German representative of Siemens in Nanjing, a member of the Nazi party who led the extraordinary effort to set up the safety zone in which Jinling College and similar institutions became refugee camps, tenuously protected by the presence and personal courage of a tiny group of foreigners. It is to them that we largely owe the documentation of the rape, pillage, arson and murder that followed.
As a novelist, Ha Jin brings a cool, spare documentary approach to this rich trove of material. His narrative centers on Jinling, an attractively landscaped campus in the heart of the city. The college itself becomes a character, the early hope of its founders that it would be a premier seat of learning as much despoiled by the war as are the lives of those who love and labor within it. The college represents humanity and civilization, repeatedly violated and nearly destroyed.
Ha Jin begins with a fast-­moving accumulation of horrors as some 10,000 refugees cram into Jinling, which was prepared to receive around 2,500. The safety it offers is fragile: Chinese citizens are dragged off and killed by marauding Japanese troops, and young women are attacked on the campus itself. The occupants of the college struggle to find enough food, fuel and shelter for everyone in need, living in constant fear that the Japanese will overrun the place.
The Nanjing Massacre remains a highly controversial topic. Some in Japan still deny or play it down, and its re-­emergence in the 1990s as a prime example of wartime barbarity has been used by the Chinese government as it constructs a highly nationalist version of its history. But Ha Jin is more interested in nuance than polemic. He shows us the Christian Japanese officer who brings supplies for the refugees; the Nazi who saves a quarter of a million Chinese; the Chinese worker who admits that, under torture, he made a false accusation of collaboration against two Americans from the Red Cross; the Chinese doctor, consumed by self-­loathing because of his association with the Japanese, who helps Vautrin rescue Chinese prisoners.
Ha Jin also shows us how the family of Anling, the narrator, is torn apart — with a son-in-law fighting in the Nationalist army, a husband who still admires the Japan in which he once studied, an only son drawn into serving in the army of occupation because of his love for a Japanese woman.
Ha Jin also reminds us that heroism carries its own heavy price. Minnie Vautrin was to die by her own hand, burdened with guilt over those she had failed to save. This emotional turmoil is personified in the character of Yulan, a young woman who goes mad after being raped by the Japanese and accuses the missionaries of collaboration. Vautrin’s struggle to rescue Yulan doubles as a struggle for her own sanity.
The novel does contain some awkward phrasing. Ha Jin writes in his second language, English, a remarkable achievement but one that demands editorial vigilance. The reader is surprised at times to find contemporary slang in the mouths of Chinese characters speaking more than 70 years ago. Early on, for example, a Chinese man seeking shelter for his family is offered a job at the college and blurts out, “For real?”
This is the sort of misstep that can provide an unfortunate distraction in the course of an otherwise fine novel, a book that renders a subtle and powerful vision of one of the 20th century’s most monstrous interludes. The closing section, “The Grief Everlasting,” underscores Ha Jin’s message. There will be no happy ending here, and precious little healing.

Isabel Hilton edits the bilingual news, environmental and analysis Web site Chinadialogue​.net. Her most recent book is “The Search for the Panchen Lama.”

Quatro licoes de (des)economia, ou seja al reves - Gregory Mankiw

Não, o autor não tomou aulas de deseconomia com o Professor Chávez, que tem seu manual al revés, mas entende do assunto. Tanto porque tem um dos manuais de economia mais lidos do planeta, e conhece os programas dos candidatos, por trabalhar para um deles...

The New York Times, October 22, 2011

Four Nations, Four Lessons



AS the economy languishes, politicians and pundits are debating what to do next. When we look around the world, it’s hard to find positive role models. But as we search for answers, it is useful to keep in mind those fates that we would like to avoid.
The recent economic histories of four nations are noteworthy: FranceGreeceJapan and Zimbabwe. Each illustrates a kind of policy mistake that could, if we are not careful, presage the future of the United States economy. Think of them as the four horsemen of the economic apocalypse.
Let’s start with Zimbabwe. If there were an award for the world’s worst economic policy, it might well have won it several times over the past decade. In particular, in 2008 and 2009, it experienced truly spectacular hyperinflation. Prices rose so fast that the central bank eventually printed 100 trillion-dollar notes for people to carry. The nation has since abandoned using its own currency, but you can still buy one of those notes as a novelty item for about $5 (American, that is).
Some may find it hard to imagine that the United States would ever go down this route. But reckless money creation is apparently a concern of Gov. Rick Perry of Texas, who is seeking the Republican nomination for president. He suggested in August that it would be “almost treasonous” if Ben S. Bernanke, chairman of the Federal Reserve, were to print too much money before the election. Mr. Perry is not alone in his concerns. Many on the right fear that the Fed’s recent policies aimed at fighting high unemployment will mainly serve to ignite excessive inflation.
Mr. Bernanke, however, is less worried about the United States turning into Zimbabwe than he is about it turning into Japan.
Those old enough to remember the 1980s will recall that Japan used to be an up-and-coming economic superpower. Many people then worried (too much, in my view) that Japan’s rapid growth was a threat to prosperity in the United States, in much the same way that many people worry today (too much, in my view) about rapid growth in China.
The concerns about Japanese hegemony came to a quick end after bubbles in the real estate and stock markets burst in the early 1990s. Since then, Japan has struggled to regain its footing. Critics of the Bank of Japan say it has been too focused on quelling phantom inflationary threats and insufficiently concerned about restoring robust economic growth.
One of those critics was Mr. Bernanke, before he became Fed chairman. Watching Japanese timidity and failures has surely made him more willing to experiment with unconventional forms of monetary policy in the aftermath of our own financial crisis.
The economists in the Obama administration are also well aware of the Japanese experience. That is one reason they are pushing for more stimulus spending to prop up the aggregate demand for goods and services.
Yet this fiscal policy comes with its own risks. The more we rely on deficit spending to keep the economy afloat, the more we risk the kind of sovereign debt crisis we have witnessed in Greece over the past year. The Standard & Poor’s downgrade of United States debt over the summer is a portent of what could lie ahead.  In the long run, we have to pay our debts — or face dire consequences.
To be sure, the bond market doesn’t seem particularly worried about the solvency of the federal government. It is still willing to lend to the United States at low rates of interest. But the same thing was true of Greece four years ago. Once the bond market starts changing its mind, the verdict can be swift, and can lead to a vicious circle of rising interest rates, increasing debt service and budget deficits, and falling confidence.
Bond markets are now giving the United States the benefit of the doubt, partly because other nations look even riskier, and partly in the belief that we will, in time, get our fiscal house in order. The big political question is how.
The nation faces a fundamental decision about priorities. To maintain current levels of taxation, we will need to substantially reduce spending on the social safety net, including Social SecurityMedicareMedicaid and the new health care program sometimes called Obamacare. Alternatively, we can preserve the current social safety net and raise taxes substantially to pay for it. Or we may choose a combination of spending cuts and tax increases. This brings us to the last of our cautionary tales: France.
Here are two facts about the French economy. First, gross domestic product per capita in France is 29 percent less than it is in the United States, in large part because the French work many fewer hours over their lifetimes than Americans do. Second, the French are taxed more than Americans. In 2009, taxes were 24 percent of G.D.P. in the United States but 42 percent in France.
Economists debate whether higher taxation in France and other European nations is the cause of the reduced work effort and incomes there. Perhaps it is something else entirely — a certain joie de vivre that escapes the nose-to-the-grindstone American culture.
We may soon be running a natural experiment to find out. If American policy makers don’t rein in entitlement spending over the next several decades, they will have little choice but to raise taxes close to European levels. We can then see whether the next generation of Americans spends less time at work earning a living and more time sipping espresso in outdoor cafes.

N. Gregory Mankiw is a professor of economics at Harvard. He is advising Mitt Romney, the former governor of Massachusetts, in the campaign for the Republican presidential nomination.

sábado, 22 de outubro de 2011

Cumprimentos aos argentinos; pesames aos argentinos...

Como diria um filósofo, as consequências sempre vêm depois...
Brilhante, não é mesmo?
Pois é, os argentinos estão de parabéns por realizar as sétimas (se não estou enganado) eleições presidenciais democráticas desde o fim da última ditadura (e foram várias, quase tantas quanto os regimes democráticos) e por escolher em total liberdade seus presidentes. Nem sempre os resultados foram brilhantes, ou as transições pacíficas, mas é preferível ter líderes incompetentes, alguns até desonestos, do que ditadores eficientes.
Ao mesmo tempo, tenho de dar meus pêsames aos argentinos: parece que ainda não encontraram um caminho estável de crescimento com desenvolvimento social, ou seja, baixa inflação, sem manipulação cambial, com bom comportamento das contas públicas e abertura ao comércio e investimentos.
Desejo, sinceramente, que eles se recuperem no plano econômico (o que vem ocorrendo, mas gerando várias distorções que vão se manifestar no futuro) e sobretudo no plano político.
Em face dos nossos políticos e políticas, talvez não tenhamos nenhuma lição a dar aos argentinos, mas sempre podemos aprender com o que eles fizeram de errado, como manipular a inflação e recorrer ao protecionismo.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

II Guerra Mundial: cinco livros sobre o seu início - Wall Street Journal

O WSJ sempre publica os "five best books on..."
Sempre bom...


Five Best: The Beginnings Of World War II

The Life of Neville Chamberlain
By Keith Feiling (1946)
Since the late 1930s, Neville Chamberlain has had a bad press as the man whose misjudgment of Hitler and hesitation to re-arm hastened the outbreak of World War II. Yet Keith Feiling, the first to write a full biography of Chamberlain after the war, painted a more sympathetic and realistic portrait of a British prime minister who hated war and had a single-minded belief that he was the man who could save the peace. Ironically, Chamberlain's sudden decision in March 1939 to guarantee Polish sovereignty created conditions that made war more likely than ever. Feiling shows a man tortured by a situation from which he could not escape; Chamberlain resigned in May 1940 and died six months later. The last years of his life were ones of high drama for a most undramatic man.
The Origins of the Second World War
By A.J.P. Taylor (1961)
Probably the most controversial book ever written on the roots of World War II. A.J.P. Taylor (1909-90) deliberately set out to challenge the idea that Hitler was a monster bent on war at all costs. Taylor saw Hitler as yet another German imperialist like Bismarck. Like many of his generation, Taylor blamed the German army, with its roots in Prussian militarism, for the crises of both world wars; he did not understand radical nationalism. He never grasped the terrible imperatives of modern ideology and had no place in his argument for the fate of the Jews. For all these misjudgments, there is one significant and enduring merit to Taylor's book: He was the first postwar historian to acknowledge that it was Britain and France who declared war, and to ask why—stimulating a search for British and French motives that has resulted in a more complete understanding of that terrible time.
Getty Images
Neville Chamberlain.
Hitler Strikes Poland
By Alexander Rossino (2003)
Alexander Rossino's grim account of the German invasion of Poland and of the horrors perpetrated almost immediately by the German armed forces and security units shows how fully Hitler's war, even in its earliest days in 1939, differed from previous European wars. Brutal ethnic tension in the Polish-German borderlands created a febrile atmosphere in the months before the war. Poles reacted to German invasion by perpetrating atrocities of their own against Polish Germans, and the German invaders were no less savage. Rossino offers a detailed, blow-by-blow account of how resentful German nationalism was used to justify the slaughter of Polish intellectuals, the Polish national elite and Polish Jews, well before the death camps were established. Much of the work was done by Hitler's Einsatzgruppen, security squads assigned not to fight but to murder suspected enemies of the new German Reich. Within days of the invasion, the Germans were already engaged in what came to be known in 1945 as crimes against humanity.
Berlin Diary
By William Shirer (1941)
Among the most vivid English-language accounts of the final days of European peace and the beginning of war is journalist William Shirer's diary, first published in 1941. As a reporter based in Europe in the 1930s, Shirer was a close observer of conditions in the Third Reich and a strong critic of Nazism. A few days before the German invasion of Poland, he went to Danzig to meet Poles there and found them determined to fight at all costs. Shirer was back in Berlin when the invasion began. The outbreak of World War I had been marked by excited, war-fever euphoria, but now Germans knew what a European conflict might entail. Shirer walked in Berlin's autumn sun and found "on the faces of the people astonishment, depression." His diary is a reminder that it is politicians, not the people, who make war.
The Triumph of the Dark
By Zara Steiner (2010)
Every now and again, a book comes along that merits being called "definitive." Zara Steiner's "The Triumph of the Dark" is the most thorough, wide-ranging and carefully argued narrative available on the tumultuous decade that ended in world war. Every historian of the period will stand in Steiner's debt. Not everyone will agree with some of her arguments. Steiner is particularly tough on Neville Chamberlain, taking him to task for being so blinded by anticommunism that he failed to appreciate how a British-French-Soviet alliance in the 1930s might have stopped Hitler's military expansion. That was Churchill's view too, so she is in good company. Whether Stalin would have signed up, of course, remains open to question. But reading Steiner on the subject at least provides the comforts of contemplating an alternative storyline, one in which the dark does not triumph.
—Mr. Overy is the author of "1939: Countdown to War," now out in paperback.

Capitalistas promiscuos: uma parte do custo da corrupcao...

Vejam a materia abaixo, aparentemente anódina e supostamente favorável a um capitalista empreendedor -- parece redundância, mas no Brasil não é -- como é esse famoso bilionário que só faz crescer sua fortuna, em empreendimentos diversos.
Este post deve ser lido em conjunção com o anterior, sobre o custo da corrupção no Brasil.
Acredito, sincera e fundamentadamente, se ouso dizer, que esse tipo de "notícia" também faz parte do custo da corrupção no Brasil. Primeiro, pelo lado da "ajuda" pública, geralmente fruto de lobbies ativos e da corrupção natural dos políticos. Segundo, pelo dinheiro que depois vem irrigar o caixa dos partidos e o bolso dos mesmos políticos.
Tudo isso representa um custo direto e indireto para a economia e os brasileiros (que são os que pagam por produtos mais caros e não tem os serviços públicos correspondentes aos seus impostos). Diretamente porque os bens poderiam ser mais baratos e de melhor qualidade, se as coisas funcionassem em bases de mercados livres, o que não é o caso no Brasil. Indiretamente por que os brasileiros sustentam um dos Estados mais caros do mundo, um que extrai dois quintos da renda de cada um e devolve talvez miseráveis percentuais sob a forma de serviços públicos, o resto sendo canalizado para o próprio sistema estatal (políticos, membros do judiciário, burocratas, professores, em graus diversos de "coleta") e para "empreendedores" como o que é retratado abaixo.
A corrupção terá vida longa no Brasil. Infelizmente.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida


Eike quer se associar a fabricante de iPads
Chico de Gois
O Globo, 22/10/2011
O presidente do grupo EBX, Eike Batista, reuniu-se ontem com a presidente Dilma Rousseff e com os ministros do Desenvolvimento, Fernando Pimentel, e de Ciência e Tecnologia, Aloizio Mercadante, para dizer que tem interesse em participar do empreendimento da taiwanesa Foxconn, que pretende produzir tablets da Apple no Brasil. Porém, segundo Eike, faltam concluir estudos para saber se é viável ou não associar-se à empresa, um investimento que poderia chegar a US$4 bilhões.
Em abril, durante visita da presidente Dilma Rousseff à China, a Foxconn, maior fabricante de eletroeletrônicos do mundo, anunciou que pretende investir US$12 bilhões no Brasil nos próximos anos, em várias unidades de produção, criando dez mil empregos.
Mercadante disse que o governo, neste momento, está formando a parceria de capital brasileiro para que haja transferência de tecnologia. Para viabilizar a nova fábrica — cujo local de instalação ainda não está definido — é necessário ter também sócios tecnológicos. Mercadante afirmou que a Positivo e a SempToshiba estão interessadas na empreitada. A EBX seria o sócio estratégico.
— O Terry Gou (presidente da Foxconn) é um grande empresário, como eu também, e existiu uma empatia que é sempre muito importante. Estamos estudando. Acho que participar e trazer essa tecnologia para o Brasil é algo que o grupo faz sempre e queremos participar deste empreendimento também — disse Eike, informando que já esteve reunido com Gou.
Embora ainda não tenha claro quanto precisaria investir para se associar à Foxconn, Eike afirmou que as três fases do projeto poderiam custar US$4 bilhões.
— Mas estamos elaborando ainda. Esses números não temos em detalhe — observou.
Se decidir participar, a EBX seria a sócia nacional do empreendimento.
— Acho que esse negócio de tecnologia é bom que se faça transferência, como é o objetivo deste projeto, e que com capital brasileiro, no fundo, passa a ser patrimônio brasileiro. Eike disse que o negócio interessa porque o Brasil tem potencial enquanto mercado, justamente num momento em que as economias da Europa e dos Estados Unidos patinam.

Custo das corrupcao no Brasil: 2.3% do PIB (mais ou menos...) - revista Veja

Difícil medir a corrupção, não é? Afinal de contas, corruptos se apropriam dos recursos públicos (e não só dinheiro) por diversos meios, em todas as oportunidades disponíveis.
E não é só moeda sonante desviada para uma conta pessoal: geralmente é o uso indevido de recursos do patrimônio público, como transportes, diárias, bens diversos...
A revista Veja tenta estimar quanto se rouba no Brasil. 
Chegou ao valor de R$ 82 bilhões, e eu acho que é mais do que isso.
Com base no que observo todos os dias, enquanto funcionário público federal, estimo que deve ser muito mais do que isso, a começar por salários excessivamente elevados para uma produtividade vergonhosamente baixa.
Se fossemos estimar, por exemplo, o valor do trabalho (homem/hora) do funcionário público, comparativamente a tarefas equivalentes no setor privado, ou seja, se formos estimar o trabalho funcionalmente equivalente em um e outro setor, chegaríamos à conclusão de que o serviço público tem um custo DUAS VEZES mais elevado (talvez mais) do que se o mesmo serviço fosse prestado em bases de mercado.
Estou, sim, acusando o serviço público de ser perdulário com os recursos da população, inclusive os meus próprios, claro, que também pago impostos que considero excessivos para serviços públicos literalmente vagabundos de que dispomos como educação, saneamento, saúde e outros bens coletivos.
Portanto, o valor estimado por VEJA é apenas uma parte do problema, aquela monetizável, com base no orçamento. Eu estou estimando o CUSTO REAL, TOTAL da corrupção, que é também uma corrupção moral, uma indignidade ética, um comportamento desonesto da maior parte dos brasileiros.
Não estou, portanto, isentando cada um de nós pelo ambiente de lassitude moral que existe no Brasil.
Somos em grande parte responsáveis pelos ladrões que existem no serviço público. Tenho plena consciência disso, e acho que vai demorar um pouco para que isso seja corrigido.
Enfim, termino com o masoquismo complacente, e vamos para a matéria da Veja.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida


O custo da corrupção no Brasil: R$ 82 bilhões por ano
Revista Veja, 22/10/2011
Nos últimos dez anos, segundo estimativas da Federação das Indústrias do Estado de São Paulo (Fiesp), foram desviados dos cofres brasileiros R$ 720 bilhões. No mesmo período, a Controladoria-Geral da União fez auditorias em 15.000 contratos da União com estados, municípios e ONGs, tendo encontrado irregularidades em 80% deles. Nesses contratos, a CGU flagrou desvios de R$ 7 bilhões - ou seja, a cada R$ 100 roubados, apenas R$ l é descoberto. Desses R$ 7 bilhões, o governo conseguiu recuperar pouco mais de R$ 500 milhões, o que equivale a 7 centavos revistos para cada R$ 100 reais roubados. Uma pedra de gelo na ponta de um iceberg. Com o dinheiro que escoa a cada ano para a corrupção, que corresponde a 2,3% de todas as riquezas produzidas no país, seria possível erradicar a miséria, elevar a renda per capita em R$ 443 reais e reduzir a taxa de juros.
(…)
As principais causas da corrupção são velhas conhecidas: instituições frágeis, hipertrofia do estado, burocracia e impunidade. O governo federal emprega 90.000 pessoas em cargos de confiança. Nos Estados Unidos, há 9.051. Na Grã-Bretanha, cerca de 300. “Isso faz com que os servidores trabalhem para partidos, e não para o povo, prejudicando severamente a eficiência do estado”, diz Cláudio Weber Abramo, diretor da Transparência Brasil.

Há no Brasil 120 milhões de pessoas vivendo exclusivamente de vencimentos recebidos da União, estados ou municípios. A legislação tributária mais injusta e confusa do mundo é o fertilizante que faz brotar uma rede de corruptos em órgãos como a Receita Federal e o INSS. A impunidade reina nos crimes contra a administração pública. Uma análise de processos por corrupção feita pela CGU mostrou que a probabilidade de um funcionário corrupto ser condenado é de menos de 5%. A possibilidade de cumprir pena de prisão é quase zero. A máquina burocrática cresce mais do que o PIB, asfixiando a livre-iniciativa. A corrupção se disfarça de desperdício e se reproduz nos labirintos da burocracia e nas insondáveis trilhas da selva tributária brasileira.

Quer dirigir em Shanghai? Pague US$ 8.000 primeiro

Se você quiser ter um carro em Shanghai, e dirigir na cidade (o que parece uma obviedade, não é?), pode até comprar um por mais ou menos 10 mil dólares, mas vai ter de pagar um pouco, digamos um pouco bastante (US$ 8.438), para ter a sua licença, ou placa, whatever...
Realismo socialista? Não. Apenas redistribuição dos espaços disponíveis num sentido totalmente capitalista. Assim deveria ser, num mundo racional. Nem sempre é assim, porém, pois políticos adoram fazer demagogia, transformando a vida de todos numa situação de menor bem-estar relativo.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida 



Car plate prices near all-time high


By Jin Jing
Shanghai Daily. 23/10/2011
CAR plate prices in Shanghai increased in October with the lowest successful bid close to the all-time high set nearly four years ago.

Although the number of bidders dropped from a month earlier, the average price of a license plate climbed to 54,008 yuan (US$8,438), 1,386 yuan more than in September, according to auction organizer Shanghai Commodity International Co.

The lowest price rose 1,600 yuan to 53,800 yuan. 

Car plate prices have increased every month this year. The average price this month was the third highest on record -- only the 56,042 yuan in December 2007 and 54,317 yuan in November that year have been higher.

About 9,000 car plates were available for auction this month, down 500 from September. 

The number of bidders in October fell below 20,000 for the first time this year. About 19,415 people participated in the auction, down 2,853 from September. 

"Many potential buyers changed their minds after seeing the price hit a 45-month high last month," said Li Jing, a dealer at the city's trading market.

Li also said prices still went up because many bidders who failed to get a plate in previous auctions had one final chance before their bidding qualification expired.

The bidding qualification offers car owners three opportunities to bid within six months.

"Owners of mid-to-high end vehicles, which have sold well this year, are also not so price sensitive," Li added.

Shanghai is the only city nationwide that offers the car plate through an auction system in an attempt to limit vehicles on the roads. 

Demand for plates has been strong this year after the city government placed restrictions on out-of-town plates as part of traffic control efforts.

Postagem em destaque

Livro Marxismo e Socialismo finalmente disponível - Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Meu mais recente livro – que não tem nada a ver com o governo atual ou com sua diplomacia esquizofrênica, já vou logo avisando – ficou final...