Mais generosidade diplomatica, mais tarifas pela frente, mais despesas para você...

Caro cidadão-leitor-contribuinte (obrigatória, esta última categoria),
Você quer saber como somos generosos e solidários com os vizinhos?
Pois aqui você tem um exemplo: a conta das transferências feitas pelo Brasil ao vizinho Paraguai vai triplicar...
Tenha absoluta certeza de que isso vai se refletir na sua conta de eletricidade...
Continue tendo um bom dia, ainda assim...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Câmara aprova acordo que fortalece relação Brasil Paraguai
Informes PT, 8/03/2011

O plenário aprovou na quarta-feira (6) o parecer favorável do deputado Dr. Rosinha (PT-PR) ao Projeto de Decreto Legislativo (PDC 2600/10), que altera o valor do repasse do Brasil ao Paraguai pela utilização da energia excedente produzida em Itaipu. A mudança é feita no acordo assinado em 1973, entre os dois países, que criou a empresa Itaipu Binacional para construir e gerenciar a geradora, situada no rio Paraná, na fronteira. A matéria segue para apreciação do Senado.

Dr. Rosinha explicou que o objetivo do projeto é permitir o desenvolvimento econômico e social do Paraguai e destacou que “cabe ao Brasil, como maior economia do Mercosul, o papel fundamental de contribuir com o desenvolvimento da região”. Para o líder do governo na Câmara, deputado Cândido Vaccarezza (PT-SP), o aumento da remuneração ao Paraguai pela energia cedida deve estimular a construção de empreendimentos no país vizinho “A medida vai contribuir para fortalecer a economia daquele país, que está entre os principais parceiros econômicos do Brasil”.

Na opinião do líder da bancada do PT na Câmara, deputado Paulo Teixeira (SP), a aprovação da proposta tem “altíssima” importância política para o Estado brasileiro. “Vamos nos integrar positivamente com os países latino-americanos. Queremos uma integração capaz de fazer com que o Paraguai possa ter um processo de distribuição de renda, como existe no Brasil”, disse.

Mais uma estatal, mais dívida publica, mais juros e impostos pela frente...

Caro leitor,
Se você está lendo este post é porque você integra a privilegiada categoria dos membros da classe média, pagadora de impostos, contribuinte compulsória do governo e sua altamente eficiente máquina de extração de recursos do seu bolso, diretamente para o caixa do Tesouro, que pode assim continuar alimentando a sanha insaciável de certos políticos por mais grandes projetos nacionais financiados a partir dos impostos de cidadãos como você.
Não fique triste: tem quem pague mais do que você, e estes são os pobres, que deixam praticamente metade de sua renda sob a forma de impostos indiretos, já que não pagam imposto de renda. Você, que paga -- na média entre 15 e 27,5 por cento -- só compromete um terço da sua renda com o caixa único do Tesouro e os diversos caixas estaduais e municipais. Talvez até mais do que isso, pois provavelmente tem de comprar no mercado determinados serviços que estariam cobertos por impostos já recolhidos.
Pois bem, saiba como você vai pagar ainda mais, lendo a pequena nota abaixo.
Tenha um bom dia, ainda assim.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Câmara garante recursos para o trem-bala entre Rio e São Paulo
Informes PT, 8/03/2011

O plenário da Câmara aprovou nesta semana o parecer favorável do deputado Carlos Zarattini (PT-SP) à medida provisória (MP 511/10), que autoriza a garantia do financiamento do Trem de Alta Velocidade (TAV), no trecho entre os municípios do Rio de Janeiro (RJ) e Campinas (SP). Para o líder do governo na Câmara, deputado Cândido Vaccarezza (PT-SP), a aprovação da medida é um passo do Brasil para o futuro. “O trem de alta velocidade representa mais um passo para investimentos e infraestrutura para o País. Derrotamos aqueles que pensam num Brasil pequeno, num Brasil que não será potência. Com o trem-bala, o país terá desenvolvimento econômico e criação de empregos com distribuição de renda”, ressaltou.

Para o líder da bancada do PT na Câmara, deputado Paulo Teixeira (SP), “esse é um projeto virtuoso para a sociedade brasileira e que vai colocar o Brasil em outro patamar”. O líder lembrou que o Brasil tem atualmente um problema de estrangulamento na artéria principal da economia brasileira, na região entre São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro, Vale do Paraíba e Campinas, locais de grande concentração da produção econômica brasileira. “Criar o trem de alta velocidade significa construir uma alternativa de transporte, de logística, que desobstrui essa artéria e que beneficiará todo o Brasil”, disse Paulo Teixeira.

Zarattini incluiu em seu relatório a criação da Empresa de Transporte Ferroviário de Alta Velocidade S.A. (Etav). “Essa empresa vai realizar as desapropriações necessárias para a construção da linha. Além disso vai transferir a tecnologia do concessionário que tem a tecnologia fora do Brasil para as empresas brasileiras, porque queremos que as empresas brasileiras tenham condições de construir esse trem para as futuras linhas”, explicou o petista.

Tudo o que voce sempre quis saber e nunca teve a quem perguntar...

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Keynes, the Return of the Master - Robert Skidelsky

Estou lendo, na verdade relendo, este livro de Robert Skidelsky, conhecido biógrafo de Keynes (em 3 volumes, depois resumido em um, para os preguiçosos), autor de diversos outros livros -- entre os quais eu aprecio particularmente The Road from Serfdom, de 1994, uma história econômica do século 20, parafraseando o título, e a história de Hayek, "into serfdom", publicado em 1944 -- mas que trata, desta vez, dos ensinamentos do velho mestre para a crise que ainda está se desenvolvendo.
Abaixo, uma resenha do conhecido economista Mankiw, da Harvard University, publicada logo depois que o livro foi lançado.

BOOKSHELF
Back In Demand: A great thinker has his admirers and detractors. Do his ideas logically cohere?
By N. GREGORY MANKIW
The Wall Street Journal, September 21, 2009 - page A17

Keynes: The Return of the Master
By Robert Skidelsky
New York: PublicAffairs, 2009, 221 pages, $25.95

John Maynard Keynes. The name, by itself, is something of a Rorschach test for economists. More than half a century after the death of this famed Cambridge University professor, he remains among the most controversial figures in the field. The recent economic crisis has raised Keynes's profile yet again and further stoked the debate over his contributions.

Most macroeconomists—that is, those who study the ups and downs of the overall economy—fall into one of two broad camps: Keynes admirers or Keynes detractors. When these groups cross paths, the result is the ivory-tower equivalent of a spitball fight.

To admirers, Keynes was nothing short of the savior of the capitalist system. His "General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money" (1936) proposed a diagnosis and remedy for the calamity known as the Great Depression. According to Keynes, economic downturns are not a fundamental indictment of the market economy. Rather, recessions and depressions arise from insufficient aggregate demand. A smart government can remedy the problem with its monetary and fiscal policy—say, by printing up some money and spending it. Once the right policies are put in place, the thinking goes, the world is safe again for free markets.

To detractors, Keynes was an economist whose reach exceeded his grasp: He tried to replace classic economic principles with new ones of his own, but what he offered was vague and incomplete. Keynes's many followers have tried to give his theory analytic rigor, but with only limited success. Despite these intellectual deficiencies, the detractors say, Keynesians recklessly push their ideas in the political arena, where they often lead to high inflation and excessive budget deficits. The fiscal policy of the Obama administration is a case in point. When the White House pushed for a massive increase in infrastructure spending to create jobs, it was taking a page from the Keynes playbook.

There is no doubt where Robert Skidelsky stands. A professor at the University of Warwick, he is the author of a magisterial three-volume biography of Keynes. After his years of research, he is a true believer. In "Keynes: The Return of the Master," Mr. Skidelsky makes the case for Keynes—not only for his place in the history of economic thought but also for his relevance today. To understand the global economic crisis of the past year, he says, we need more unadulterated Keynes.

In the Keynesian view as channeled by Mr. Skidelsky, the credit crunch happened because policy makers "succumbed to something called the efficient financial market theory: the view that financial markets could not consistently misprice assets and therefore needed little regulation." We must now aim at "treating symptoms." Thus: "Global aggregate demand is collapsing; extra spending is needed to revive it." In the long term, he says, we need "an expanded public sector, and a more modest role for economics as tutor of governments."

In his preface, Mr. Skidelsky says that he is a historian, not an economist. The book bears out the claim, in both its strengths and weaknesses. Mr. Skidelsky is most engaging when he draws on his biographical work. Keynes, we are reminded, had a fascinating life. He was a widely read intellectual who wrote accessibly for the general public. He advised world leaders on the crucial issues of the day and socialized with the artists and writers of the Bloomsbury group. But most of "Keynes" is devoted to ideas, not history, and here Mr. Skidelsky is not playing his strong suit. To economists his discussion of macroeconomic theory will seem pedestrian and imprecise. To laymen it will seem abstract and hard to follow.

As an ardent fan, Mr. Skidelsky fails to give Keynes's intellectual opponents their due. In academic circles, the most influential macroeconomist of the last quarter of the 20th century was Robert Lucas, of the University of Chicago, who won the Nobel Prize in 1995. His great contribution to the discipline was to analyze how government policies influence the economy in part through their effect on people's expectations—a lesson that Keynes would likely have appreciated but that early followers of Keynes often ignored.

Yet Mr. Skidelsky chooses to make Mr. Lucas sound like some kind of idiot savant, more interested in playing with mathematical models than in trying to understand how the world actually works. Mr. Lucas, we are told, is following in the tradition of the "French mathematician Leon Walras [who] pictured the economy as a system of simultaneous equations." The very idea is made to sound slightly crazed.

This brings us to the biggest problem with "Keynes." Mr. Skidelsky admits to being poorly trained in the tools that economists use: "I find mathematics and statistics 'challenging,' as they say, and it is too late to improve. This has, I believe, saved me from important errors of thinking."

Has it, really? Mr. Skidelsky would like to think that his math-aversion allows him to focus on the big ideas rather than being distracted by mere analytic details. But mathematics is, fundamentally, the language of logic. Modern research into Keynes's theories—I have conducted such research myself—tries to put his ideas into mathematical form precisely to figure out whether they logically cohere. It turns out that the task is not easy.

Keynesian theory is based in part on the premise that wages and prices do not adjust to levels that ensure full employment. But if recessions and depressions are as costly as they seem to be, why don't firms have sufficient incentive to adjust wages and prices quickly, to restore equilibrium? This is a classic question of macroeconomics that, despite much hard work, is yet to be fully resolved.

Which brings us to a third group of macroeconomists: those who fall into neither the pro- nor the anti-Keynes camp. I count myself among the ambivalent. We credit both sides with making legitimate points, yet we watch with incredulity as the combatants take their enthusiasm or detestation too far. Keynes was a creative thinker and keen observer of economic events, but he left us with more hard questions than compelling answers.

Mr. Mankiw, a professor of economics at Harvard University, is the author of the textbooks "Macroeconomics" and "Principles of Economics."

Política Externa do Governo Dilma: os primeiros 100 dias (11/04/2011, Uniceub-Brasilia)

Anunciando:

O curso de Relações Internacionais do UniCEUB promoverá a palestra A política externa do governo Dilma: os primeiros 100 dias, a realizar-se no dia 11 de abril. Segundo a coordenadora, professora Renata Rosa, serão discutidas as ações do comando da presidenta Dilma e o que ela fará para que seu governo possa ser um diferencial das lideranças anteriores.

Estarão presentes Mark Langeving, professor da University of Maryland e diretor da Brazil Works (Washington), Paulo Roberto de Almeida, diplomata e professor do UniCEUB, Lole Iliada Lopes, secretária de Relações Internacionais do PT e diretora da Fundação Perseu Abramo, Floriano Filho, repórter da TV Brasil. A mediadora da palestra será a professora do UniCEUB Renata de Melo Rosa.

O evento é aberto ao público e ocorrerá no auditório do bloco 3, às 19h30. Não é necessário fazer inscrição prévia.

Passaportes submissos, mas vermelhos...

Existem pessoas que nascem submissas: suponho que os antigos servos de gleba já tinham entranhada, desde muito pequenos, essa cultura da submissão, que os prendia às terras de um senhor poderoso, ao qual juravam defender e até morrer por ele, entregando grande parte de sua produção ao dito senhor.
Existem outras pessoas, ao contrário, que aprendem a ser submissas -- seja por qual motivo for: interesse pessoal, ambição de poder, espírito tacanho, desejo de agradar, whatever... -- e até passam a gostar dessa situação de total servidão, encontrando até justificativas para sua servidão voluntária. Alguns até se excedem na tarefa, o que é compreensível, em se tratando de servos voluntários. Para esses, nenhum vexame é vexame; tudo se justifica e tudo se explica: basta se enrolar na bandeira da soberania e dizer que se está servindo o interesse nacional.
As simple as that...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Punhos de renda
Dora Kramer
O Estado de S.Paulo, 7 de abril de 2011 – pág. A6

(...)

Grand finale. Os oito anos de submissão do Itamaraty ao personalismo de Lula não renderam ao Brasil apenas derrotas políticas e comerciais no plano externo.

Internamente o resultado da gestão Celso Amorim produziu a trapalhada final, a dois dias do fim do mandato de Lula, da concessão de passaportes diplomáticos aos herdeiros da Silva agora obrigados a devolvê-los por ordem do Ministério Público.

Tivesse o agora ex-chanceler contido seu afã de adular o chefe, teria sido um vexame a menos.

Breve Historia do Mercosul (REA) - Paulo Roberto de Almeida

A Revista Espaço Acadêmico, da qual sou "colunista" e com a qual colaboro desde seu início, acaba de publicar sua edição nº 119, Vol 10, Abril de 2011 (neste link), na qual consta este meu artigo:

Uma história do Mercosul (1): do nascimento à crise
Paulo Roberto Almeida
Revista Espaço Acadêmico, nº 119, abril de 2011, p. 106-114

Abstract:
Primeira parte de uma breve história do Mercosul, desde a fase precedente à assinatura do Tratado de Assunção à crise de 1999, que precipitou o Mercosul numa fase de divergências econômicas crescentes entre os países membros, em especial os dois maiores, com especial destaque para as restrições argentinas ao livre comércio com o Brasil.

Revista Espaço Acadêmico - revista multidisciplinar - ISSN 1519-6186 (on-line) - Departamento de Ciências Sociais - Universidade Estadual de Maringá (UEM) - Av. Colombo, 5790 - Campus Universitário 87020-900 - Maringá/PR – Brasil
blog: http://espacoacademico.wordpress.com

Full Text: PDF

De onde veio o Mercosul? De um projeto político, mas com intenções claramente econômicas de integração bilateral: a Ata para a Integração Brasil- Argentina, de 1986, estabelecendo, segundo modalidades baseadas na complementação industrial, o Programa de Integração e Cooperação Econômica (PICE), de caráter gradual, flexível e equilibrado, e prevendo tratamentos preferenciais frente a terceiros mercados. No seu âmbito foram assinadas duas dúzias de protocolos setoriais para a integração progressiva de diversos ramos da indústria e da agricultura dos dois países, assim como foram assinados, também bilateralmente, acordos de cooperação em outras áreas (como a nuclear, por exemplo).
(...)
Para ler na íntegra, clique aqui.

(E aguardem a segunda parte, talvez até uma terceira...)