A URSS deve sua sobrevivência, ou seja, o regime comunista, unicamente à ajuda ocidental, sem a qual ela teria sucumbido e desaparecido nas dobras da história. Teria sido um mundo diferente, mas talvez um mundo dominado durante muito mais tempo pelo III Reich, que se teria tornado assim mestre absoluto da Eurásia, o continente duplo que domina o mundo. Mesmo os EUA teriam dificuldade em vencer alemães e japoneses sozinhos, ou levariam muito mais tempo, e a um custo humano inimaginável.
Falando em custos humanos, a única coisa, repito, a única coisa de que Stalin poderia dispor, à sua livre disposição, eram homens, que ele não hesitou em sacrificar terrivelmente. Basta ver, por exemplo, o diferencial de mortos DE GUERRA, entre a Alemanha e a URSS: 5,2 milhões, para a primeira, e 27 milhões para a segunda, de um total geral da guerra que chega a 62 milhões de mortos (dos quais "apenas" 273 mil para os EUA).
Em todo caso, esses acordos de ajuda, abaixo comentados, significaram a derrota do nazismo, em 3 anos, e a sobrevivência do comunismo soviético por mais 50 anos, ou duas gerações que tiveram de suportar um regime de escravidão humana quase tão desumana quanto o nazismo...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Soviet And Britain Sign War And Peace Pact; Molotoff And Roosevelt Plan For 2D Front; Army Fliers Blasted Two Fleets Off Midway
U.S., Soviet Agree
Russian, Here Secretly, Maps War Action in 1942 With President
Lease Pact Signed
Provides Reciprocal Aid and Plans for a 'Better World'
U.S., Russia Agree On Actions In War
By W.H. LAWRENCE
Special to The New York Times, June 12, 1942
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Washington, Friday, June 12--The United States and Russia have reached a full understanding on the "urgent tasks of creating a second front in Europe in 1942," and have signed a master lease-lend agreement providing reciprocal defense aid and designed to create "a new and better world" after victory is won, it was announced officially yesterday.
A White House announcement at midday was the first public revelation that Vyacheslaff M. Molotoff, Soviet Foreign Commissar, had flown secretly to the United States and in several conferences with President Roosevelt and other political and military leaders of the United States Government between May 29 and June 4 had achieved unity on these three main propositions:
1. The urgent tasks of creating a second front in Europe in 1942.
2. Measures for increasing and speeding up the supplies of planes, tanks and other kinds of war materials from the United States to the Soviet Union.
3. Fundamental problems of cooperation of the Soviet Union and the United States in safeguarding peace and security to the freedom-loving peoples after the war.
"Link in Solidarity Chain"
At midnight the State Department announced that Secretary of State Cordell Hull and Maxim Litvinoff, the Soviet Ambassador, had signed a master lease-lend pact, which was described as "an additional link in the chain of solidarity being forged by the United Nations in their twofold task of prosecuting the war against aggression to a successful conclusion and of creating a new and better world."
"The agreement reaffirms this country's determination to continue to supply in ever- increasing amounts aid to the Soviet Union in the war against the common enemy," the State Department announcement said. "The agreement also provides for such reciprocal aid as the Soviet Union may be in a position to supply. But no matter how great this aid may prove to be, it will be small in comparison with the magnificent contribution of the Soviet Union's armed forces to the defeat of the common enemy."
Washington's two agreements with the Soviet Union were disclosed shortly after similar pacts between the Russians and the British had been announced to the House of Commons by Anthony Eden, British Foreign Secretary, with whom Mr. Molotoff had negotiated secretly before visiting the United States. The Anglo-Soviet agreements included an identical reference to the establishment of a second front and a twenty-year mutual assistance pact against "Hitlerite Germany."
Japan Not Mentioned
Neither announcement in Washington mentioned discussions of Russian cooperation in the war of the United States and Great Britain against Japan, with whom Soviet Russia remains at peace, but it was pointed out that no announcement would have been likely under the circumstances even if discussions had taken place. But the master lease-lend agreement, making no mention of the fact that Russia was warring against the Germans and not the Japanese, provided that "the government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics will continue to contribute to the defense of the United States of America and the strengthening thereof and will provide such articles, services, facilities or information as it may be in a position to supply."
Neither Washington nor London indicated just how soon an American-British expeditionary force could be expected to make a landing on the Nazi-held Continent of Europe to recapture lost territory from the Germans and provide a "diversion front" to which German troops, now pressing against Russia, would have to be sent.
The White House also said that the President and Mr. Molotoff had agreed on measures "for increasing and speeding up the supplies of planes, tanks and other kinds of war materials from the United States to Soviet Russia." It was learned on good authority that Mr. Molotoff carried back to Moscow a new schedule of American lease-lend shipments, replacing the Moscow protocol, which expires June 30.
It was understood that the new aid schedule placed greater emphasis on finished military mat & eacute;riel, especially tanks and bombers, than the agreement negotiated in October by the Harriman-Beaverbrook mission, which provided primarily for supplies of raw materials.
Looking toward victory over the Axis, the President and Mr. Molotoff also found unity on "the fundamental problems of cooperation of the Soviet Union and the United States in safeguarding peace and security to the freedom-loving peoples after the war."
An important feature of the master lease-lend pact was its acceptance of Secretary Hull's battle for the principle of free world trade as an important means of preventing future wars.
Article VII of the Russian-American agreement, substantially like that signed earlier by Great Britain and China, was as follows:
"In the final determination of the benefits to be provided to the United States of America by the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in return for aid furnished under the Act of Congress of March 11, 1941, the terms and conditions thereof shall be such as not to burden commerce between the two countries, but to promote mutually advantageous economic relations between them and the betterment of world-wide economic relations.
"To that end they shall include provision for agreed action by the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, open to participation by all other countries of like mind, directed to the expansion, by appropriate international and domestic measures of production, employment and the exchange and consumption of goods, which are the material foundations of the liberty and welfare of all peoples; to the elimination of all forms of discriminatory treatment in international commerce and to the reduction of tariffs and other trade barriers; and, in general, to the attainment of all the economic objectives set forth in the Joint Declaration made on Aug. 14, 1941, by the President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, the basic principles of which were adhered to by the government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on Sept. 24, 1941.
"At an early convenient date conversations shall be begun between the two governments with a view to determining, in the light of governing economic conditions, the best means of attaining the above-stated objectives by their own agreed action and of seeking the agreed action of other like-minded governments."
Other Provisions of Pact
Other provisions of the lease-lend pact were:
1. The United States will continue to supply the Soviet Union with war articles, war services and war information authorized by the President.
2. The Soviet Government will reciprocate with as much aid "as it may be in a position to supply."
3. The Soviet Government will not transfer lease-lend aid to another country or permit its use by non-Soviet officials or employes without the permission of the President.
4. The Soviet Government will pay American patent holders when asked to do so by the President.
5. The Soviet Government will return to the United States lease-lend military equipment desired by this government after the war.
6. The Soviet Government will receive credit for the war aid it has given this government in determining after the war the benefits it is to provide the United States for lease-lend held.
7. The agreement supersedes all previous lease-lend agreements between the two countries.
Nye Cool to Second Front
Congressional reaction to the agreement between the United States Government and Russia generally was good, although the pre-war leaders in opposition to the President's foreign policy urged caution in opening a second front in Europe, and one of them, Senator Gerald P. Nye of North Dakota, chided "others of our allies" for not opening "a second front before this time." Senator Nye added that "we've got a front or two of our own that we are needing to devote ourselves to most energetically."
Senator Burton K. Wheeler of Montana, another opponent of the President, said he hoped that "we don't attempt an invasion until we're prepared," but he was in favor of doing "everything we can to get war tools and tanks to Russia now that she's our ally in this war."
Senator Tom Connally of Texas, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, who was among the few officials invited to meet with Mr. Molotoff while he was here, spoke approvingly of the agreement, declaring that the United States must give Russia "every possible aid and assistance in defeating the enemy." He said that Mr. Molotoff's visit here "was very helpful in creating unity between our countries in the prosecution of the war." He said the closest contact and understanding in regard to military operations, "including the ultimate establishment of a western front," was of vast importance to both countries.
Tydings for Project
Other comment included:
Senator Millard E. Tydings of Maryland: "If the military people deem it wise, it certainly looks sensible to me."
Senator William H. Smathers of New Jersey: "I think a second front ought to be opened immediately--the quicker the better. I don't see any sense in having our troops and the British sitting on the British Isles. I'm in favor of opening a second front as soon as the military experts think it advisable."
Representative Carl Vinson of Georgia, chairman of the House Naval Affairs Committee: "This is good news; it is to be earnestly hoped that the United Nations can at the earliest possible date open a second front in Europe. I have been of the opinion for some time that the combined resources of England and the United States should be hurled against the Axis by opening up a second front. It is imperative that this be done immediately, for I am of the opinion it will insure victory to the Allied nations."
Senator Lister Hill of Alabama: "The most momentous and critical place in the whole world battle line is the war on the Russian front. The Molotoff agreement is extremely gratifying."
Senator Carl A. Hatch of New Mexico: "I am in hearty agreement with supplying all the equipment we can to our Allies. I want a second front opened just as quickly as possible, consonant with military preparedness."
Wheeler Asks About Peace
Senator Wheeler: "I feel we should do everything we can to get war tools and tanks to Russia now that she's our ally in this war. I am glad to note that the President and Mr. Molotoff have come to an understanding in helping to maintain peace after the war. What the people would be interested to know is what steps, if any, have been taken to bring about peace. I hope the President and Mr. Molotoff come to an agreement similar to the one that Russia and England entered into--that Russia was not asking territorial aggrandizement and would not in the future interfere with the internal affairs of other nations, as Eden says. I hope that the United States will not attempt an unsound invasion of Europe. I hope we don't attempt an invasion until we're fully prepared. The people of the United States want no Dunkerques."
Senator Richard B. Russell of Georgia: "A second front is going to have to come to win the war. We should open it as soon as it is possible from a military point of view--without the possibility of a second Dunkerque."
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